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Bobylev, P., et A. Semeikin. « Green protectionism in Europe ». Энергетическая политика, no 10 (2020) : 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46920/2409-5516_2020_10152_24.
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Feenstra, Robert C. « How Costly is Protectionism ? » Journal of Economic Perspectives 6, no 3 (1 août 1992) : 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.6.3.159.
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How costly is protectionism? This paper begins from a U.S. perspective, examining the costs to both the U.S. and other countries from U.S. protectionism. It emphasizes that substantial costs are imposed on foreign countries by U.S. protectionism. These costs result from the highly selective nature of protection in particular industries and against particular exporting countries. No discussion of the costs of protection would be complete without mentioning the increasing levels of investment by foreign firms within the U.S. economy. The paper next moves to a more global policy perspective. The emerging free trade areas in Europe, North America, and Asia raise the prospect of gains from trade within each region but also the possibility of global costs from protectionist actions across the regions.
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van der Waal, Jeroen, et Willem de Koster. « Populism and Support for Protectionism : The Relevance of Opposition to Trade Openness for Leftist and Rightist Populist Voting in The Netherlands ». Political Studies 66, no 3 (10 novembre 2017) : 560–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723505.
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Leftist and rightist populist parties in Western Europe both oppose trade openness. Is support for economic protectionism also relevant for their electorates? We assess this in the Netherlands, where both types of populist parties have seats in parliament. Analyses of representative survey data ( n = 1,296) demonstrate that support for protectionism drives voting for such parties, as do the well-established determinants of political distrust (both populist constituencies), economic egalitarianism (leftist populist constituency) and ethnocentrism (rightist populist constituency). Surprisingly, support for protectionism does not mediate the relationship between economic egalitarianism and voting for left-wing populists, or the link between political distrust and voting for either left-wing or right-wing populist parties. In contrast, support for protectionism partly mediates the association between ethnocentrism and voting for right-wing populists. We discuss the largely independent role of protectionism in populist voting in relation to the cultural cleavage in politics and electoral competition, and also provide suggestions for future research.
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Frenkel, Jacob A. « Central banking, protectionism and globalization ». Acta Oeconomica 69, s1 (janvier 2019) : 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2019.69.s1.8.
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The recent global financial crisis has resulted in a new creative set of economic policies. The justifi- cation for the unconventional policy response was based on the implicit assumption that the departure from the norms of macroeconomic policies would be temporary. This detour has lasted longer than expected. Now that the process of normalization has started in the United States and is likely to be followed (albeit in some delay) in Europe, it would be important for policy makers to emphasize that the unconventional set of economic policies were just a detour from the longstanding convention rather than representing a new paradigm. The experience of the crisis and the post-crises years should be recorded in history as refl ecting a period during which new and important policy chapters were drafted. These chapters should be added to the corpus of knowledge of macroeconomic theory and policy. The new chapters contain important lessons that should definitely not be forgotten once the crisis is over. They should be added to, but not replace, the old textbooks.
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VON GRAEVENITZ, FRITZ GEORG. « Exogenous Transnationalism : Java and ‘Europe’ in an Organised World Sugar Market (1927–37) ». Contemporary European History 20, no 3 (8 juillet 2011) : 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000312.
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AbstractHistorians of the inter-war period usually view economic nationalism (in the form of protectionism) and internationalism (in the form of free trade policy) as conflicting concepts. This article argues that the transnational networks of sugar interest groups provided a new form of internationalism compatible with the policy of agricultural protectionism. By tracing the origins of the concept of international market intervention, the article also suggests a new perspective on the economic aspects of the League of Nations’ work and offers an insight into early attempts at agricultural Europeanisation.
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Hough, Jerry F. « Attack on protectionism in the Soviet Union ? A comment ». International Organization 40, no 2 (1986) : 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027211.
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Unlike the other countries in what we tend to call “the Soviet bloc,” the Soviet Union benefited financially from the oil crises of the 1970s, for it was a major petroleum and natural gas exporter. The oil crises also benefited the Soviet Union indirectly as a number of radical Third World oil producers acquired money to buy more Soviet arms. Moreover, the windfall increase in petroleum prices was supplemented by a similar windfall increase in the price of the other major Soviet export product, gold. The subsidies that the Soviet Union provided to Eastern Europe did not entail any sacrifice of resources that had been previously committed but required only that it forgo even greater gains. The politics underlying the Soviet decisions were the politics underlying the rapid expansion of export earnings.
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Petrov, Ivan I. « Not the Far-Right Only : Which Parties Occupy the Niche of Cultural Protectionism in the EU Countries ? » RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no 4 (15 décembre 2021) : 692–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-692-705.
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In the 2010s many moderate parties in Europe began to use the agenda of the far-rights, competing with them on the same field. This article is devoted to the problem of inter-party competition in European countries amidst the rise of far-right parties. We also intended to check if the far-right profile is the same for all EU countries. To achieve the goal of the study, we used two databases on party positioning - MARPOR (Comparative Manifesto Project) and CHES (Chapel Hill Expert Survey). The study revealed that the consolidated family of the far-rights exists only in the countries of North-Western Europe, while in the countries of East-Central Europe the agenda of the far-rights is less consolidated and regionally heterogeneous. The mainstream competitors of the far-rights included mostly conservatives in North-Western Europe, and various parties, including the Social Democrats, in East-Central Europe. The study confirmed the hypothesis about the serious influence of the far-rights on mainstream politics. At the same time, it questioned the traditional approach which attributes the far-right profile only to far-right parties and ignores both regional differences and the factor of spatial competition.
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Evenett, Simon J. « “Murky protectionism” in Europe : How should binding rules be evaluated in tough times ? » Intereconomics 44, no 2 (mars 2009) : 70–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-009-0279-x.
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Dudek, Carolyn Marie. « The Shaping of EU-Mercosur Relations : From Altruism to Pragmatism and Liberalism to Illiberalism ». Pittsburgh Papers on the European Union 1, no 1 (15 août 2012) : 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppeu.2012.3.
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Deeply-embedded norms of liberalism and protectionism alongside EU policies focusing on promoting development and regional integration have shaped EU-Mercosur relations. These stand in stark contrast to the policies of the US, the historic hegemon in the region. This paper utilizes historical institutionalism to understand how the liberal tenets of EU competition policy and the protectionism of Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) have affected EU-Mercosur relations. Particular foci include Spain’s role in spearheading efforts to promote EU-Latin American relations and the way EU competition policies directed against monopolies in Europe spurred increased investment in Latin America, especially the Southern Cone. The latter prompted the EU to forge closer ties with Mercosur, encouraged cooperation and development programs and spurred regional integration and liberal trade regimes in Latin America.
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ESKENS, LAURA. « ‘The Troublesome Word of Crisis’ : Discourse on the Agricultural Crisis of the 1930s in the Belgian Parliament ». Rural History 29, no 2 (10 septembre 2018) : 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793318000122.
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AbstractThe concept of a ‘crisis’ was omnipresent in the period of economic depression in the 1930s. What is more, the agricultural crisis was part of a never previously experienced despair in Europe and the whole of the Western world. Historians have extensively researched the crisis in agriculture, however, without reflecting on the consequences of the use of the concept and the discourse related to it. In this article – inspired by refreshing historical research on parliamentary practices – I investigate the language and figures of speech used in the Belgian Parliament to frame the agricultural question in a particular way. The case of Belgium is unique because farmers’ associations were well represented in parliament, in spite of the declining importance of agriculture in the active population and national economy. Since 1840 onwards, Belgian governments had embraced free trade and pursued an economic policy with little or no trade obstructions, dictated by the interests of the export industry. The depression of the 1930s urged a re-evaluation of the relationship between the state and the economy, which extended to agriculture. The Belgian free trade tradition – already exceptionally abandoned during and immediately after the Great War to cope with food scarcity – seemed to crumble during the interwar period as farmers’ associations asked for protectionist measures from 1929 onwards. This article contributes to our understanding of this paradigm shift from free trade towards agricultural protectionism. Furthermore, it gives an insight into the complexity of the interest groups campaigning for agricultural protectionism and using specific metaphors and discourse to influence politics.
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Lewis, Joanna I. « Industrial policy, politics and competition : Assessing the post-crisis wind power industry ». Business and Politics 16, no 4 (décembre 2014) : 511–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bap-2014-0012.
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Wind power remains one of the fastest growing energy sources in the world, even as countries have struggled to come back from the global economic crisis of 2008. Yet the sector's rise has been the product of a crucial shift in how governments approach renewable energy. To build political support for wind power, governments have added industrial policy instruments to traditional renewable energy deployment mechanisms. This paper argues that we are witnessing a rise in protectionism in the wind power sector growing out of specific political and economic challenges at the national level that have arisen in the period following the 2008 crisis. In addition, this paper demonstrates that protectionism, justified by a rationale of promoting local economic development, takes many forms, and countries have come up with ever more varied and sophisticated methods of using industrial policy to establish and protect nascent, strategic industries. Finally, it challenges conventional wisdom that protectionism is reserved for the emerging economies as either a strategy to improve economic competitiveness or as a short cut to technological innovation. It demonstrates that while these strategies do indeed persist in emerging economies, North America and Western Europe continue to protect their own wind industries, even as they initiate disputes with countries for implementing similar measures.
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Miletić, Aleksandar R. « Deglobalization in the periphery. Tariff Protectionism in Southeast and East-Central Europe 1914-1928 ». Tokovi istorije 22, no 3/2014 (décembre 2014) : 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2014.3.mil.69-87.
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Hepple, Sir Bob A. « Diritto del lavoro e crisi economica : lezioni della storia europea ». GIORNALE DI DIRITTO DEL LAVORO E DI RELAZIONI INDUSTRIALI, no 123 (décembre 2009) : 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/gdl2009-123002.
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- In this lecture, given at the University of Bari on the occasion of the ceremony for the conferral of ad honoris causa degree in law, Bob Hepple suggests lessons that we can draw from the history of labour law in Europe. The most serious economic crisis in the last 70 years is at the center of his analysis. In the author's view, the deep recession, following the banking crisis, presents us with a number of major problems, threatening for the survival of labour law and of social protection developed in Europe since 1945. The author touches upon four of these problems: the growth of mass unemployment; the accelerated expansion of informal, deregulated forms of work outside the scope of labour law and social security; increasing inequality in the labour market; the dangers of nationalism and protectionism.
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Trampusch, Christine. « Social partners’ policy reactions to migration in occupational labour markets : The case of the Swiss construction industry ». European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no 2 (5 avril 2019) : 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119840574.
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There has been extensive research into policy reactions to migration with regard to wages and labour conditions, but not vocational training. I show that employers’ associations and unions in the Swiss construction industry have reacted to increasing mobility by protecting existing occupational labour markets through policies regulating the entry to these. The multi-layered structure of employers’ associations, trade unions and collective agreements along occupational and territorial lines explains the high level of collective occupational protectionism in this industry. The Swiss case thereby presents a particularly interesting and controversial example of regulation of free movement of workers in Europe.
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Feldstein, Martin. « The Political Economy of the European Economic and Monetary Union : Political Sources of an Economic Liability ». Journal of Economic Perspectives 11, no 4 (1 novembre 1997) : 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.11.4.23.
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EMU would be an economic liability. A single currency would cause, at most, small trade and investment gains but would raise average cyclical unemployment and possibly raise inflation, perpetuate structural unemployment, and increase the risk of protectionism. EMU is nevertheless being pursued in order to create a political union. Fundamental disagreements among member states about economic policies, foreign and military policies, and the sharing of political power are likely to create future intra-European conflicts. A United Europe would be a formidable participant in the twenty-first century's global balance of power, with uncertain consequences for world stability and peace.
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Fung, K. C., Xiaolan Fu et Jinghai Zheng. « Introduction to the special issue on ‘global trading system and protectionism : China, the United States and Europe’ ». Journal of Chinese Economic and Business Studies 17, no 4 (2 octobre 2019) : 319–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14765284.2020.1742477.
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Chireac, Silvia-Maria, et Anna Devis Arbona. « Improving and protecting human rights : A reflection of the quality of education for migrant and marginalized Roma children in Europe ». Regions and Cohesion 6, no 3 (1 décembre 2016) : 52–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2016.060303.
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[Full article is in English]English: Estimated at 12 million, the Roma population constitutes one of the largest and most disadvantaged ethnic minority groups in Europe and the most socially marginalized and stigmatized group in the European Union (Council of Europe, 2009, 2010). In recent years, following the two waves of EU expansion in 2004 and 2007, the problem of Roma integration into educational systems generated great attention among EU member states. The European Commission’s policy of promoting multilingualism and cultural diversity to foster European citizenship has led to promising results. However, the current economic crisis and lack of effective political integration within EU member states have promoted policies of protectionism. This article provides an analysis of the current situation of Roma children from Eastern Europe, highlighting the opportunities for improving instruction and protecting human rights for this highly vulnerable school-age population. We propose specific measures based on a bilingual and cross-culturally inclusive educational model.Spanish: Estimada en doce millones, la población romaní es uno de los grupos étnicos minoritarios más numeroso, desfavorecido, marginalizado y socialmente estigmatizado de la Unión Europea (Consejo de Europa, 2009, 2010). Después de las dos olas de ampliación de la UE en 2004 y 2007, el problema de la integración de los romaníes en los sistemas de educación generó gran atención entre los estados miembros. La política de la CE para promover el multilingüismo y la diversidad cultural a fin de fortalecer la ciudadanía europea ha llevado a resultados prometedores. Sin embargo, ante la crisis económica actual y la falta de una política efectiva de integración en la UE, predominan políticas de proteccionismo. Este artículo analiza la situación actual de los niños romaní en Europa del Este, subrayando las oportunidades para mejorar la instrucción y protección de los derechos humanos de esta sumamente vulnerable población en edad escolar. Proponemos medidas específi cas basadas en un modelo escolar bilingüe y transculturalmente inclusivo.French Estimée en 12 millions, la population rom constitue un des plus grands groupes ethniques défavorisés minoritaires en Europe et le groupe le plus marginalisé socialement et stigmatisé de l’Union Européenne (Council of Europe, 2009, 2010). Au cours des années récentes, suite à deux vagues d’expansion de l’EU en 2004 et 2007, le problème de l’intégration des Roms dans les systèmes éducatifs a provoqué une att ention soutenue dans les États membres de l’UE. La politique de la Commission Européenne en matière de promotion du multilinguisme et de la diversité culturelle destinée á favoriser la citoyenneté européenne a abouti à des résultats promett eurs. Cependant, la crise économique actuelle et l’absence d’une intégration politique réelle entre les États membres de l’UE ont favorisé des politiques protectionnistes. Cet article présente une analyse de la situation actuelle des enfants roms d’Europe de l’Est et met en lumière les opportunités d’améliorer l’instruction et de protéger les droits humains pour cett e population scolaire très vulnérable. Nous proposons des mesures spécifi ques fondées sur un modèle éducatif bilingue et ouvert à l’interculturel.
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Jacobi, Otto. « Transnational trade union cooperation at global and European level - opportunities and obstacles ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 6, no 1 (février 2000) : 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600104.
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As globalisation of the economy proceeds apace, it is essential for trade unions to co-operate on a transnational basis if global capitalism is to be civilised. This contribution argues that problems with global trade union co-operation stem from the fact that people's social interests differ greatly according to the different stages of economic development reached in the First World, the newly industrialised countries, the transition economies and the countries of the Third World. It suggests that global co-operation amongst trade unions can only be achieved by doing away with protectionism and dumping. In the interest of the economic development of other groups of countries, the highly developed states have to abolish sectoral subsidies and protectionist measures. In return, the trade unions in the First World can expect the basic social rights laid down in ILO conventions to be made universally binding. Only then will it be possible to break out of the damaging spiral of global dumping and ensure that living conditions for all concerned are able to keep pace with economic progress. In those countries of Europe which are members of the EU, the conditions for transnational trade union co-operation are entirely different. A unified economic and monetary area has already been created, and what is needed now is for a transnational social area to be developed as well. There is scope here for the trade unions to build on the social standards that have already been set on a EU-wide basis. Despite the enormous challenges resulting from the far-reaching social changes taking place, trade unions in Europe have a real opportunity to establish a social model that can serve as a benchmark for unions in other parts of the world.
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Ichlas El Qudsi, Mohammad, Indra Kusumawardhana et Volodymyr Kyrychenko. « The Garuda Strikes Back : Indonesian Economic Diplomacy to Tackle European Union Protectionism on Crude Palm Oil ». Journal of International Studies on Energy Affairs 1, no 2 (20 décembre 2020) : 110–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.51413/jisea.vol1.iss2.2020.110-135.
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Abstract This paper analyzes Indonesia's economic diplomacy in overcoming trade barriers to Indonesian palm oil commodities carried out by the European Union. Until now, the Indonesian Crude Palm Oil (CPO) industry has experienced tremendous pressure from the European Union (EU) as one of the main export destinations for Indonesian CPO. In order to secure Indonesia's national interests, instead of taking a cooperative approach, the Indonesian government has responded to the EU's discriminatory attitude towards palm oil commodities with a series of assertive economic diplomacy approaches. This assertive economic diplomacy approach is understood by this paper as a form of the “Power-Play End” strategy articulated by Indonesia to secure its national interests in mainland Europe. The main question in this paper is how can Indonesia use this strategy in overcoming trade barriers imposed by the EU on palm oil commodities? Using the concept of Economic Diplomacy which emphasizes three elements, namely the use of political influence and relations, the use of economic assets, the consolidation of the political climate and the international environment - this paper will examine Indonesia's economic diplomacy in related issues. Key Words: Palm Oil, Economic Diplomacy, Trade Barriers, Indonesia, European Union
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HARRYVAN, Anjo G. « Japan, Philips and the Making of Europe’s Single Market, 1984-1994 ». Journal of European Integration History 25, no 1 (2019) : 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-9.
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Japanese competition has been a prime factor in overcoming European economic fragmentation. In the course of the 1980s Japanese technology - especially in consumer electronics - as well as Japanese business practices were key incentives for the establishment of Europe’s Common Market. The confluence of two distinct but mutually supportive non-state actors, the Philips/RTE lobby and the Action Committee for Europe (ACE) played a decisive role in setting the agenda for what is now known as the ‘EU Common Market’. The former campaigned for a pan-European single market, the latter for institutional changes needed to bring about its realization. The two lobbies were in close contact with each other. For Philips, the Japanese challenge was much more than a storm in a teacup. ‘Japan incorporated’ threatened its very existence, or so it was perceived. Seen in this light, fighting Japanese protectionism and campaigning for overcoming Europe’s economic fragmentation, were two sides of the same coin. It is a testimony to the quality of the company’s lobbying efforts on how successfully it managed to frame its private interests on both issues as Europe-wide continental interests.
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Dadzie, K. K. S. « Trade and Development Report, 1993 ». Foreign Trade Review 28, no 2-3 (juillet 1993) : 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515930201.
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The Trade and Development Report of 1992 had predicted that without a strong boost to global demand the world economy v.�ould continue to stagnate. So it has. Belying almost all other official forecasts, the North has failed to recover. As a result, commodity prices are falling yet again, intensifying poverty in the South, and the unemployed are multiplying, intensifying poverty in the North. Joblessness is now not only the prime issue in domestic politics: by providing humus for protectionist sentiments and xenophobia, it is also forcing itself onto the international agenda. The tide of market-oriented reform has continued to flow strongly in developing countries and the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe. In Asia, the fast-growing economies, which had managed to steer clear of the turbulence of debt and policy shocks, have continued ahead at full steam. Thanks to reform, Latin America has been showered with finance. In Africa, the winds of change have turned into a gale, but the economies are still in the doldrums. In the transition economies of Europe, the worst is over in some hut not in others. International financial flows have been bringing many benefits but also problems. Exchange rates have been under severe strain, and international trade negotiations have been teetering bern�een openness and protectionism. The new era after the Cold War should not be allowed to become one of economic conflict. Governments acknowledge the need for cooperation, but the real challenge remains. It is to translate the aspiration for harmony into practice-and do so in a way that will advance development and push back poverty The right approach is to marry boldness with realism. Without boldness structures will not change, but unless policies are tempered with realism there will be costly excesses. Boldness is also required to clear the debt overhang, which continues to bear down on 1nany developing countries. And unless there is boldness, too, infighting global deflation, the problems of the world economy will further multiply, and instability will overwhelm confidence.
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Taborda, Ashley. « Airline Alliances : Justifying the Bureaus Intervention ». Air and Space Law 41, Issue 6 (1 novembre 2016) : 475–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2016036.
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In Airline Alliances: Justifying the Bureau’s Intervention, the Canadian Competition Bureau’s 2011 challenge of the proposed joint venture between Air Canada and United Continental Holdings is analysed from a Competition Law perspective, through the lens of the nuanced environment in which airlines operate in Canada. Despite the multitude of arguments supporting the pro-competitive effects of airline alliances, particularly with regards to airlines operating in the United States, Europe and Australia, this paper concludes that airline alliances are not necessarily pro-competitive within the Canadian context. Although airline alliances are theoretically well-aligned with the purposes of the Canadian Competition Act, the markets in which such alliances are permitted to operate must contain mechanisms to constrain the excessive use of market power. With current Canadian policies fostering protectionism, the Competition Bureau is arguably justified in taking a more aggressive approach with regards to airline alliances than its global peers.
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Shtuler, Iryna, Ivan Cherlenyak, Alla Domyshche-Medyanik et Sergii Voitovych. « Conditions of formation and stimulation of the activators of innovative development of Ukraine ». Problems and Perspectives in Management 15, no 4 (22 décembre 2017) : 150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.15(4).2017.13.
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Western analysts are still pessimistic about the prospects of technological (innovative) business in Eastern Europe. Not only unsatisfactory domestic economic processes, but also the current global economic structural and industrial transformations are the factors of the decline and backlog in Ukraine. However, unfortunately there is no doctrine in Ukraine to overcome them. The paper deals with the problems of regulation and stimulation of the innovation component of economic growth of enterprises, industries and regions through integrated use of all possible activators. Transformational and overtaking economies are imposed to follow inertial growth strategy based on the ideology of neo-liberalism and market fundamentalism. A flexible and effective protectionist policy and state strategy to stimulate the growth of sectors are especially important. The new government policy of economic growth of Ukraine should take into account that innovatization and intellectualization of macroeconomic processes are the defining vectors in a global terms. This new policy should integrate the concepts of innovatization and renewal innovation of industrial foundation of the country. “Falling out” of the process of intellectualization of economic life would mean the loss of even theo¬retical perspectives to catch up the leading countries of economic progress. The role of the state, its “hard” and “diffuse” institutions should be rethought in the process of the development of a modern market infrastructure and institutions of developed market relations in Ukraine. So the ways of state impact on socio-economic processes should be improved. Comprehensive incentive mechanisms such as activators of innovative processes are necessary to develop in the global competition and “global” fight against protectionism instead of clear policy prescriptions.
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Parella, Jordi Franch. « The Decline of Liberalism in Europe and how to Revive it ». Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 22, no 1 (25 mars 2019) : 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cer-2019-0006.
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The liberal world order has produced immense benefits for Europe and people across the planet. Beginning in the 18th and 19th centuries, liberalism reinforces the natural rights of man to life, liberty and property, and has transformed the world in ways that have improved the material and social circumstances of humankind. But the liberal order that has been in place in Europe since 1945, after two world wars, is showing signs of deterioration. Today, this liberal order is being challenged by a variety of forces. The essence of the European experience is the development of a civilization that considered itself to be a unity and yet was politically decentralized. Former free towns in Italy and the Low Countries became bastions of a self‑governing middle class in the Middle Ages. However, with time, states tend to overgrow taking more and more resources, which results in the increase in taxes and public spending, excessive regulation, deficits and public debt. There is a fight between the advocates of two different ideals of the European Union, the non‑liberal and the liberal vision. There is a consensus in that the market economy is the system that best produces the most, removing millions of people from poverty. But it is the unequal distribution of the wealth created that is often criticized. We examine the distribution of income, before and after taxes and transfers, concluding that market liberalization does not necessarily lead to increased social inequality. On the other hand, two of the most important threats challenging the liberal order in Europe are populist parties and protectionism. Finally, this paper suggests a way towards a future Europe, deepening the single market and economic integration, but transforming the obsolete and dysfunctional nation‑states into other forms of decentralized political units.
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Rössner, Philipp Robinson. « Historia magistra vitae – ad acta oder ad nauseam ? » Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung : Volume 45, Issue 4 45, no 4 (1 octobre 2018) : 651–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/zhf.45.4.651.
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Summary Historia magistra vitae – ad acta or ad nauseam? Early Modern Research and Economic History in the Age of Neoliberalism und Trump (1973 – 2018) Recent decades have seen the rise of neoliberal interpretations in the economic history of capitalism, development and economic growth. Free trade and free markets are said to have been the epitome of good economic development, whilst protectionism and mercantilism are seen as the antinomy of economic modernity. The economic history of early modern Europe, including processes of global economic divergence have often been written accordingly. The present paper, whilst not laying any judgemental claims to the right or wrongs of neoliberalism, wishes to trace the influence of neoliberal philosophy on writing early modern economic histories and the history of capitalism. It studies some of its most obvious implications, including Eurocentrism, economic determinism and the new historical materialism inherent in cliometrics and the New Economic History as it emerged in the 1960 s and 1970 s in the West.
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Daunton, Martin. « BRITAIN AND GLOBALISATION SINCE 1850 : III. CREATING THE WORLD OF BRETTON WOODS, 1939–1958 ». Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 18 (10 novembre 2008) : 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440108000649.
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ABSTRACTDuring the Second World War, attention turned to reconstructing the world economy by moving away from competitive devaluations, protectionism and economic nationalism that had marred the 1930s. The Americans had considerable economic and political power, and they wished to restore multilateral trade, fixed exchanges and convertibility of currencies. The British government was in a difficult position, for it faced a serious balance of payments deficit and large accumulations of sterling in the Commonwealth and other countries. Multilateralism and convertibility posed serious difficulties. This address considers whether the American government had economic and financial hegemony after the war, or whether it was constrained; and asks how the British government was able to manoeuvre between America, Europe and the sterling area. The result was a new trade-off between international monetary policy, free trade, capital controls and domestic economic policy that was somewhat different from the ambitions of the American government and from British commitments made during and at the end of the war.
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Umarach, Maretha Syawallin. « THE PHENOMENON OF GREEN TRADE PROTECTIONISM : ANALYSIS OF THE EU PALM OIL IMPORT BAN IN THE ASEAN REGION ». Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis Airlangga 31, no 2 (20 novembre 2021) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jeba.v31i22021.103-116.
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Introduction: The policy issued by the European Union is the Renewable Energy Directive (RED) that turn creates barriers to palm oil exports from other countries to the European Union. The policy to ban palm oil under the pretext of protecting the environment is considered to be a new obstacle to trade. One of the rejection responses came from the ASEAN region. However, even though it has received a lot of protests and rejections, until 2020 the European Union has not changed its policy regarding the ban on the use of palm oil for biodiesel in the European region.Methods: This article focuses on the reasons for the European Union implementing protectionism policies towards the Palm Oil sector in the ASEAN region. The explanation regarding this focus is explained using the Neo Mercantilism approach.Results: The policy to ban palm oil imports can be analyzed to respond to the EU's ambition and concern that the climate emergency will jeopardize the trade process in the future. The European Union research group considers that oil palm plants have a high contribution to the problem of deforestation and forest and peatland diversion in the world, especially ASEAN. Howeever, it can also be seen that there are ambitions to protect the domestic production of biofuels from the EU sunflower and radishes from global competition. The above concerns and motivations then prompted the European Union to formulate protectionism for regional economic stability.Conclusion and suggestion: ASEAN, especially Indonesia and Malaysia, have become quite vocal actors in responding to this policy. Indonesia and Malaysia are the biggest contributors of palm oil exports to Europe. As well as causing an oversupply of global palm oil supplies, this policy is considered to discriminate against and violate free-trade norms.
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Ghetti, Riccardo. « Unification, Harmonisation and Competition in European Company Forms ». European Business Law Review 29, Issue 5 (1 septembre 2018) : 813–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2018031.
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The main tools for the convergence of company law are full legal unification, mere harmonisation, and regulatory competition. The article uses this framework to study both the existing and the proposed European company forms (ECFs): the European Company, the European Cooperative Company, the European Private Company and the Single Member Company. All ECFs aim at legal unification, but none of them are endowed with comprehensively unified legal regimes; their regulation is patchy and stratified and suffers from heavy referencing to national law in crucial areas such as corporate governance and corporate groups. It is therefore no surprise that ECFs have failed to win the favour of European entrepreneurs, and the data on the diffusion of ECFs are not encouraging: a large proportion of the few registered ECFs are in fact only shell companies, and most of the operating ECFs are found only in selected parts of central Europe. This failure is the result of high setup, legal and reputational costs, not offset by sufficiently important benefits. The roots of the fiasco go deeper, however, as regulatory protectionism impedes the adoption of attractive supranational company forms. While acknowledging that forcing further cooperative convergence could be not only costly but also ineffective, it must be noted that to some extent non-cooperative convergence is already occurring, at least with reference to national company forms suitable for small companies. Here, in contrast with the cooperative/supranational level, the non-cooperative mechanism of regulatory competition needs not inevitably turn into regulatory protectionism but can instead be a positive source of emulation, causing the diffusion of effective national company forms and leading ultimately to spontaneous legal convergence without supranational intervention. EU company law makers should consider that in the field of ECFs no law might be better than bad law, thus avoiding the path of cooperative adaptation and trusting the uniforming force of regulatory competition instead.
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Walls, John. « The Campaign against ‘Live Exports’ in the UK : Animal Protectionism, the Stigmatisation of Place and the Language of Moral Outrage ». Sociological Research Online 7, no 1 (mars 2002) : 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.706.
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In this paper I will emphasise the centrality that the animal protectionist theme plays in generating a specific language of moral outrage, including its ability to mobilise a range of diverse social actors toward collective action. Focusing upon a recent animal welfare campaign, the campaign to end the export of live farm animals to continental Europe, I will argue that the language of moral outrage reflected adherence to the AP theme, and was a reaction to a strong sense of ‘spoiled identity’ within the local communities, which assisted in the development of a temporary protest consciousness in the two towns under study. Furthermore, the moral outrage expressed by protesters was given additional intensity by the heavy handed public order policing strategies implemented by the two regional police forces, this further strengthened the protesters resolve to continue the protests. The campaign will be shown to be an outcome of a combination of specific local factors and broader social, cultural and historical values of concern over our treatment of non-human animals. I will theorise the protests as an attempt to purify a stigmatised social space of a perceived contaminating practice, or moral ‘evil’.
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Lymar, Marharyta. « Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, no 8 (2019) : 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.
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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
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Đogo, Marko, et Vesna Prorok. « Preferable Directions in Reform of the International Trading System from the Standpoint of Development Needs of the Small Countries in Eastern Europe ». Economic Themes 56, no 2 (1 juin 2018) : 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ethemes-2018-0009.
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Abstract The economic openness and reindustrialization. Can these two occurrences exist at the same time? The empirical experience of the East European countries tells us that they cannot. Trade liberalization in the transition countries implemented during the 1990s led to the process of deindustrialization which continued also during the 2000s. The goal of this paper is to present the possible directions for reform of the international trade system which would enable reindustrialization of the small countries in East Europe with simultaneous preservation of the achieved level of trade liberalization. Admittedly, we are separated from the win-win situation by the conviction that this is only possible if the compensation principle is applied on the global trade, according to which the winners in the global trade (developed countries with trade surplus), should compensate to the losers (small insufficiently developed countries) a part of their losses with mandatory support to programs of reindustrialization based on exports, for which the funds are chronically lacking. An alternative is reindustrialization based on import substitution i.e. strengthening of the protectionism, where all benefits of the free trade could vanish so in the end everybody would be in loss.
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Fu, Shaun. « Tax Challenges of a Digitalizing Europe – A Comparative Analysis of the Multilateral Two-Pillar Solution with the European Commission’s Proposals ». Zeitschrift für europarechtliche Studien 25, no 3 (2022) : 651–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-439x-2022-3-651.
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The challenge of adapting the customary international corporate tax system to the digitalising economy persists as a transnational issue affecting multiple States globally. In resolving such a transnational issue in corporate taxation, it might have seemed an opportune moment for the European Union (EU) to apply its approach towards supranational governance or the Monnet method. Yet, despite the European Commission advancing three solutions, two Interim and one Comprehensive, to confront the corporate tax challenges of the digitalising economy, the Monet Method revealed its limits, with the proposals failing to attain unanimity among EU Member States. Simultaneously, such proposals have drawn severe academic and political criticism for their protectionism. Instead, with the parallel conclusion of a multilateral Two-Pillar Solution, the Commission has since withdrawn its unilateral proposals and pledged its support towards implementing the Two-Pillar Solution. The focus of this article shall thus be to ultimately draw a comparative analysis of the Two-Pillar Solution with the Commission’s proposals while exploring how the former has since made some improvements upon the latter in tackling the corporate tax challenges of the digitalising economy. Further opinions on the Two-Pillar Solution’s design flaws and appropriate alternative solutions will also be briefly provided within this article.
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Błaszczyk, Cezary. « Liberalizm Thomasa Paine’a ». Przegląd Prawa i Administracji 105 (27 janvier 2017) : 11–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1134.105.1.
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THE LIBERALISM OF THOMAS PAINEThomas Paine was undoubtedly one of the most important figures of his times. The untiring liberal and democrat may be considered as the restless spirit of the Enlightenment, arguing for a revolution and freedom both in Europe and America. His main works are „The Rights of Man”, „First Principles of Government”, „The Agrarian Justice” and the most famous and influential — „Common Sense”. Even though he did not form a comprehensive political doctrine he appealed both to the British and French liberal traditions, he is to be considered as a great liberal ideologist. Paine believed in sovereign and independent men, who under the principle of self-government can establish the best government possible. The state was the necessity, since mankind was prone to sin; however, it was to be constructed according to the civil contract as the least burdensome and in compliance with the rights of men both natural and civil, as a true republic. Moreover, it was only rational, argued Paine, to abandon unequal division of estates and trade protectionism, to allow for universal welfare and peace.
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Hojnik, Janja. « Free movement of goods in a labyrinth : Can Buy Irish survive the crises ? » Common Market Law Review 49, Issue 1 (1 février 2012) : 291–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2012009.
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The article explores the legal status of consumer ethnocentrism in the EU and how the three simultaneous crises of the present time (economic, food and climate change) challenge the EU Court's judgment in Buy Irish, which presents the foundation for uprooting negative consumer stereotypes towards products from other Member States and protectionism. Various national campaigns of EU Member States that try to raise consumer ethnocentrism are discussed in light of the established case law of the EU Court, thereby highlighting new circumstances, in which the principle of free movement of goods, particularly of food, is currently situated. In this respect, in a recent Green Paper on promotion of the tastes of Europe (COM (2011) 436) the Commission adopted an apparently new approach towards local and regional food markets, by expressly recognizing the importance of short distribution channels for national traditions, food security (and self-sufficiency) and combating climate change. This "new approach" could have considerable consequences for the legitimacy of national initiatives to promote domestic purchase, thereby compromising a thirty year old judgment - Buy Irish and free movement of goods in general.
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Holslag, Jonathan. « Unravelling Harmony : How Distorted Trade Imperils the Sino-European Partnership ». Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (1 avril 2012) : 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012014.
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One of the main drivers of Sino-European cooperation has been the prospect of a mutually beneficial division of labour. In the best classic liberalist tradition, it was the Chinese government that nurtured a sense of economic harmony. This paper shows that a mutually beneficial partnership has not emerged. Departing from a detailed six-digit commodity export dataset, it demonstrates that the division of labour has blurred. Furthermore, Europe's growing deficits on the current account balance were not offset by inflows on the financial account. All these are symptomatic for the twin distortions that have developed in China and Europe, twin distortions that now require difficult twin adjustments. However, while both sides preach the need for rebalancing, they tend to persist in unsustainable policies, which will still most likely lead to panic and protectionism. In that regard, the Sino-European relations reveal compellingly that politically induced imbalances cause havoc in international trade relations, even if there were no initial intentions to harm other countries' economic interests, and that the optimist narratives of harmony of economic interests cannot be trusted, as long as they are not matched by free markets.
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Witcher, Robert. « New Book Chronicle ». Antiquity 91, no 359 (20 septembre 2017) : 1401–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2017.175.
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Is the era of globalisation on the wane or on the cusp of a new phase of extraordinary expansion? US president Trump's abandonment of trade agreements and the rise of protectionism coincide with China's ‘Belt and Road Initiative’, an unprecedented investment in infrastructure across Asia, Europe and North Africa to improve the connectivity of China with its markets by both land and sea. The future is therefore anyone's guess, but what about the past? There has been much discussion by archaeologists about ancient globalisations (most recently, Hodos 2017), but archaeological studies have often typically been set within the looser framework of ‘connectivity’—the interconnectedness of people and places and the movement of material culture and ideas. The books reviewed here are concerned with various aspects of connectivity, focusing on the Eastern Mediterranean and its European hinterland. All of the volumes are edited collections, each adopting a different unifying theme—the influence of Braudel, a single country as microcosm, the transfer of technology, changevstradition, and the effects of boundaries and frontiers. Do any wider insights into connectivity in the past emerge? And where might archaeological studies of connectivity go next?
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Myambo, Melissa Tandiwe, et Pier Paolo Frassinelli. « Introduction : Thirty Years of Borders Since Berlin ». New Global Studies 13, no 3 (18 novembre 2019) : 277–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2019-0038.
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AbstractNovember 9, 2019 marked the 30th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, the physical and geopolitical barrier that divided Berlin and the East from the West. This event symbolically inaugurated the period of post-Cold War globalization. The birth of the World Wide Web that same year spurred on globalization and led many observers to believe that (national) borders had become passé. The zeitgeist seemed to promise a borderless world in which capitalism and democracy would flourish. However, instead, the last three decades have paradoxically borne witness to the proliferation, rescaling, and reinforcement of territorial and other types of borders – linguistic, religious, ethnic, class, racial, urban, cultural, digital, temporal etc. The contemporary preoccupation with borders and walls is the result of the “deglobalization” that is also, ironically, a global phenomenon – Brexit, Trump’s border wall, Israel’s concrete wall in the West Bank, xenophobia from South Africa to India to “Fortress Europe,” and the growing power of right wing authoritarian leaders in several nations. The resurgence of (ethno)nationalism, racism, white supremacy, isolationism, populism, protectionism, Islamophobia, anti-Semitism and religious fundamentalism are all dialectical consequences of this global backlash. This is the subject of this special issue.
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CANTONO, SIMONA, et ROBERTO MARCHIONATTI. « DUMPING AS PRICE DISCRIMINATION : JANNACCONE’S CLASSIC THEORY BEFORE VINER ». Journal of the History of Economic Thought 34, no 2 (juin 2012) : 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837212000168.
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Dumping actions and anti-dumping policies were regularly on the political agenda for several years in the pre-World War I period in Europe and the United States. In Italy, politics, economic circles, and scholars were engaged in debate on whether to protect sensitive industries threatened by sales below cost in their home markets, practiced by foreign competitors. Einaudi and his school of economics tackled the issue with several publications. In this paper we focus on Jannaccone’s essays, which he contributed to both a symposium in Riforma sociale in March 1914 and an issue in Rivista delle società commerciali in June 1914. Although we recognize that Viner (1923) theoretically systematized dumping in the wider framework of international trade, we nevertheless claim that the theoretical origin of dumping, in a context of imperfect competition, was Jannaccone’s essay. We show that Jannaccone proposed an early theory of dumping as an instance of the more general theory of price discrimination. He defined and classified dumping; he developed a static analysis of its profitability; he investigated the effects of dumping in both domestic and foreign markets; and he analyzed the effect of protectionism and its policy implications.
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LYSIAK, LIUBOV, SVITLANA KACHULA, OLENA ZARUTSKA, OKSANA HRABCHUK et YANA PETROVA. « DIVERSIFICATION OF SOURCES OF FINANCING HIGHER EDUCATION : THE EXPERIENCE OF REFORM IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». AD ALTA : Journal of Interdisciplinary Research 12, no 1 (31 janvier 2022) : 143–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33543/120125143147.
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The exacerbation of the shortage of financial resources in the current global challenges has necessitated increased efficiency in the financing of higher education institutions. Along with the increase in funding, diversification of sources and transformation of funding mechanisms for higher education systems have become topical issues. The study attempted to identify the internal structure of public funding for higher education in Europe concerning funding mechanisms. According to the results of clustering of European countries based on coverage of the population with higher education and public spending on higher education by one undergraduate, eight clusters were identified, four of which are unique and contain one country (Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, Luxembourg). Four other clusters cover countries with: incomplete public funding for higher education; state protectionism in the financing of higher education; specific forms of state funding for higher education; strategic state priority in financing higher education. The general patterns of financing higher education in European countries, the experience of expanding funding sources, efficient use of financial resources and granting autonomy to universities, which can be taken into account in the process of higher education reforms in countries with transformational economies.
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Delwaide, Jacobus. « The Return of the State ? » European Review 19, no 1 (février 2011) : 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798710000311.
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Massive government-financed rescue operations for banking and insurance industries in the United States and in Europe, seeking to contain the financial crisis that culminated in 2008, amounted to ‘the biggest, broadest and fastest government response in history.’1This ‘great stabilisation,’ asThe Economistcalled it, resulting in ‘quasi’ or ‘shadow nationalization,’2cast doubt on the notion, fashionable at the height of the neoliberal wave, that the state was essentially on its way out, as many of its tasks and responsibilities were oozing steadily and irreversibly toward the market. The state and, by the same token, the political seemed back – with a vengeance, triggering solemn announcements of ‘the return of the state’ and ‘the end of the ideology of public powerlessness.’3Observers concurred. ‘Free-market capitalism, globalization, and deregulation’ had been ‘rising across the globe for 30 years,’ yet that era now had ended: ‘Global economic and financial integration are reversing. The role of the state, together with financial and trade protectionism, is ascending.’4Triggering a perceived ‘paradigm shift towards a more European, a more social state,’ even in the United States and in China, the crisis was seen to herald a move ‘back towards a mixed economy.’5The question, meanwhile, remained: had the state indeed withdrawn as much during the neoliberal era as is often assumed?
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Mastropasqua, Cristina, et Valeria Rolli. « Industrial Countries ? Protectionism with Respect to Eastern Europe : The Impact of the Association Agreements Concluded with the EC on the Exports of Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary ». World Economy 17, no 2 (mars 1994) : 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1994.tb00816.x.
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Petersmann, Ernst-Ulrich. « Economic Disintegration ? Political, Economic, and Legal Drivers and the Need for ‘Greening Embedded Trade Liberalism’ ». Journal of International Economic Law 23, no 2 (30 mai 2020) : 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgaa005.
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Abstract This contribution uses the examples of Great Britain’s withdrawal from the EU (Brexit) and US withdrawal from multilateral trade and environmental agreements for exploring political, economic, environmental, social, and legal reasons driving the backlash against economic integration agreements. In both examples, populist battle-cries for ‘taking back control’ and for lowering regulatory standards were followed by governmental attempts at evading parliamentary control over executive foreign policy powers to violate, or withdraw from, multilateral agreements. Anglo-Saxon neo-liberalism, President Trump’s mercantilist power politics, authoritarian state-capitalism (e.g. in China), and European ordo-liberalism reflect systemic divergences that may justify broad interpretations of WTO ‘exceptions’ (e.g. for WTO trade remedies and climate change mitigation). Europe’s multilevel, democratic constitutionalism protecting ‘social market economies’ was comparatively more effective in limiting protectionism and carbon emissions inside Europe’s common market. The EU’s ‘new green deal’ for a carbon-neutral ‘green economy’ was made possible by stronger, social, and democratic support based on ‘constitutional interpretations’ of Europe’s ordo-liberalism assisting adversely affected workers, producers, traders, investors, and other citizens to adjust economic and environmental activities to climate change mitigation. EU leadership for WTO-consistent climate change rules requires ‘greening embedded liberalism’ by interpreting the WTO ‘sustainable development’ objectives in conformity with the 2015 Paris Agreement, the UN ‘sustainable development goals’, and human rights (e.g. as legal basis for climate change litigation in Europe).
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Negreponi-Delivanis, Maria. « The Populist Political Parties and their Overthrow in the Prevalent Order ». Valahian Journal of Economic Studies 9, no 2 (1 novembre 2018) : 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjes-2018-0016.
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Abstract The world is entering a new international economic order, with clearly different characteristics to the previous one. Apart from the fundamental rotation (every 40-50 years) between the regimes of free trade and protectionism, the decisive difference is the rapid rise of populist parties that are gradually displacing traditional political parties and traditional governments in Europe and the world. This development is the angry response of the victims of globalization, which has created many losers and few winners. Despite some differences among these new political parties, depending on whether they belong to the right or left, they all share certain basic choices, such as closed borders, the return of nationalism, the need for state intervention in the economy, a more equitable distribution of wealth, the demonstration of hostility to elitism and the status quo, the limitation of unregulated stock market economy, the greater emphasis on domestic production and consumption than exports. This status change is important not only from the point of view of mutating from liberal to illiberal democracy, but also from the point of view of the radical economic changes expected at the international and national levels. The main question, which at present cannot be answered, is whether life on the planet Earth will be better or worse as a result of these fundamental changes that penetrate our everyday life.
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van Eeden, Pepijn. « Discover, Instrumentalize, Monopolize : Fidesz’s Three-Step Blueprint for a Populist Take-over of Referendums ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 33, no 3 (21 mars 2019) : 705–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418800548.
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This article assesses the referendums in Hungary in 2004, 2008, and 2016 diachronically. The review is framed by two competing liberal parliamentary approaches to direct democracy: A useful democratic corrective to the distortions of particracy, or a risky option leading to tyranny of the majority? Rather than choosing sides, this article shows how the conundrum conceals another, more interesting question: Which are the constraints under which the liberal parliamentary viewpoint shifts from the one to the other? Theorizing on post-democracy and populism provides a provisional answer: A consensualized, “post-political” parliament is key, as this, in combination with widening social-economic disparities, incentivizes illiberal populist parties to harness referendums, which prompts liberal parliamentarianists to change their minds. The referendums in 2004, 2008, and 2016 in Hungary substantiate this suspicion. Taken together, they offer a step-by-step blueprint for how, in a thoroughly postpolitical situation, a referendum evolves into a perfect catalyst for populists on their road to power, enabling them with (a) agenda-setting; (b) an explosive emphasis on popular legitimacy; (c) arousing voluntarism, while luring opponents into campaigning for boycott and political apathy; (d) combining social equalitarianism with identarian protectionism, and most importantly; (e) bypassing parliament itself. This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina.
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Nevskaya, Anastasia A., et Yuri D. Kvashnin. « EU’S OPEN STRATEGIC AUTONOMY CONCEPT : CONNECTING THE UNCONNECTABLE ». Russian Economic Journal, no 6 (14 décembre 2022) : 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/0130-9757-2022-6-64-77.
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The article examines the formation and development of the concept of open strategic autonomy promoted in the EU, scholarly discussions about its prospects as well as practical steps to increase the resilience of a united Europe to new economic and geopolitical challenges. The concept under study, which initially had a predominantly military-political dimension, subsequently acquired new meanings and imperatives related to the implementation of trade, investment, energy, environmental, innovation and other areas of economic policy. The article proves that these EU steps have become both one of the reasons for the current processes of deglobalization, regionalization and fragmentation of the international economic system, and a showcase of contradictions that accompany these processes.
Although the European authorities have already adopted a number of important initiatives that fit into the concept under consideration, such as the creation of industrial alliances in strategically important industries, screening of foreign direct investment, the introduction of a cross-border carbon tax, etc., its implementation is fraught with a number of challenges, including a slide towards protectionism and an increase in the cost of subsidizing domestic production capacities. In addition, in the medium term, the achievement of strategic autonomy will be hindered by confrontation with Russia, which objectively leads to an increase in the dependence of EU countries on the United States, including in such a sensitive area as energy imports.
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Burgoon, Brian. « The Distinct Politics of the European Union’s ‘Fair Trade’ Linkage to Labour Standards ». European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 5 (1 décembre 2009) : 643–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009046.
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European Union (EU) social actors, governments and EU level representatives have been divided over fair trade linkage, where trade access is made conditional upon protection of labour standards. This division is partly an artefact of sharp disagreement and confusion over the nature of such linkage: supporters usually defend fair trade linkage as humanizing rather than shutting-down globalization, while opponents construe such linkage as a back door to protectionism or worry that other countries will construe linkage as such. This article analyses whether and in what ways EU fair trade protection has a politics distinct from those of general EU trade protection. The focus is on public opinion data in fifteen EU Member States that allows comparing citizen support for EU fair trade protection with that for EU trade protection generally. Judging from both aggregate national comparisons and individual level information in these data, EU fair trade linkage tends to receive generally more support than general trade protection, likely due to the former’s explicit appeal to broad standards of fairness. And the political basis of this support appears to lie not only in economic insecurities associated with skill and income but also in left-oriented ideological commitments to social rights of workers and to government interventions to protect such rights. These differences have important implications for the fortunes of fair trade linkage and for the broader politics of how Europe navigates globalization.
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Eich-Born, Marion, et Robert Hassink. « On the Battle between Shipbuilding Regions in Germany and South Korea ». Environment and Planning A : Economy and Space 37, no 4 (avril 2005) : 635–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37122.
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Over time we can observe a dramatic global shift in shipbuilding activities, from Great Britain to Continental Europe to Japan to South Korea; most recently China is gaining ground. Every transition is accompanied by institutional and political reactions, leading to protectionism and trade conflicts. The most recent of these battles is being fought out between the European Commission, in particular Germany as a major player in this market, and South Korea, which is accused of illegally supporting its shipyards. As state support has traditionally played an important role, both in establishing and in protecting shipbuilding as a strategic industry within a national economy, the concept of political lock-in appears to provide a promising method for explaining both the rise, through its enabling element, and delayed fall, through its constraining element, of these specific regional economies. Against the background of this theoretical concept, an empirical study comparing two competing shipbuilding regions—Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in eastern Germany and Gyeongnam in South Korea—was conducted; the results are twofold. First, restructuring the shipbuilding industry in these two regions seems less affected by local and regional factors than it is by national and international organisations. National and international organisations are, under globalisation conditions, increasingly responsible for regulating the conditions of competition, but are failing to do so. Second, because of the multiscale involvement of political and economic actors and, hence, the increasing complexity of the restructuring process, the concept of political lock-in needs to be integrated into a much broader explanatory framework—which the authors develop.
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Turksen, Umut, et Ha T. Nguyen. « The Free Trade Agreement and Investment Dispute Settlement Between the European Union and Vietnam : A Critical Assessment ». Vietnamese Journal of Legal Sciences 3, no 2 (1 décembre 2020) : 43–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjls-2021-0003.
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Abstract The European Union (EU) is an open market economy, and against the rise of protectionism globally, the ‘Global Europe: Competing in the world’ communication of European Commission in 2006 reflected the EU perspective that Free Trade Agreements as alternatives can go further and faster in promoting openness and integration, by tackling issues which are not readily available for multilateral negotiations and by preparing the stepping stones for the next level of multilateral liberalization. After the prolonged negotiations and the EU’s legislative processes, the European Parliament gave its consent to both agreements of European Union – Vietnam Free Trade Agreement and Investment Protection Agreement on 12 February 2020. Those bilateral instruments promote enhanced transparency and regulatory best practices that are consistent with existing international norms or standards, also an important stepping stone and a show-case for the EU’s longer-term goal of a region-to-region (EU - Southeast Asia) trade deal. Those agreements have established a new two-level judicial structure with the strong judicial character (Investment Tribunal System – ITS) which Vietnam has accepted via legally binding commitments. It is important for Vietnam to follow the good governance standards and the rule of law principles. If the ITS works well, it will provide additional safeguards and guarantees to investors whereby FDI flows to Vietnam are likely to increase. Finally, the ITS regime provides a powerful incentive or a catalyst to review and modernize the domestic legal system of Vietnam not only to improve the investment eco-system in Vietnam but to pave the way for optimization of its economic potential and competitive power in the region (i.e. in the ASEAN).
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Calvo, Carlos. « Política europea de seguridad y defensa y sus efectos en la industria de defensa ». Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional 7, no 2 (1 décembre 2021) : 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.14.2.
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Defence has traditionally not been a priority within Community policies. However, in recent years it had become aware of the need to promote it, with special attention to the development of the industrial base. The most significant milestone for change comes in December 2013 when the Council discusses the future of security and defence. Until then, the Council took precedence over national optics and the Commission acted in the face of industry as a regulator to promote the implementation of single market rules in the defence market. The Libyan crisis of 2011 highlighted the need for strategic autonomy. This abstract concept implies the capability to act. It highlights the need for greater autonomy in industrial matters to support military capabilities without external dependencies. The crisis also occurs at a time of widespread decline in defence budgets that makes it difficult for nations to tackle large programs individually. The need for a competitive industrial base to support autonomous operations is of value. It is in this context that the EU Global Strategy in 2016 is enacted, resulting in the implementation in defence of the CFSP initiative aimed at streamlining demand, and the European Defence Plan, which includes the creation of a specific fund, the EDF, aimed at incentivising industrial cooperation to act on the supply side. The initiatives launched over the past four years to promote security and defence cooperation, with particular attention to the industrial component, are underway and will be difficult to go back even if European countries are in the dilemma between protectionism and cooperation. The COVID 19 crisis has diverted that attention. The future presents a scenario of greater strategic instability, which is faced with different national perspectives, greater competition between great powers in which Europe does not present a single voice, and a European society that seems far from its defence. Under these conditions, Europe faces the need to decide between having military and industrial capabilities appropriate to its political objectives or maintaining formulas for cooperation with third parties following current models. If the strategic objective is to have sufficient autonomy to address actions independently, the development of an industrial defence policy will be a basic element and will be conditioned by member states' visions, budgetary effort, and level of coordination of operational demand and industrial supply.
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Islam, Shada. « Fortress Europe ». Index on Censorship 23, no 3 (mars 1994) : 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229408535689.
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