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1
Johnson, Ann K. « Urban ghetto riots, 1965-1968 a comparison of Soviet and American press coverage / ». Boulder : New York : East European Monographs ; Distributed by Columbia University Press, 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/34499684.html.
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Thompson, Mark A. « Space Race : African American Newspapers Respond to Sputnik and Apollo 11 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5115/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Using African American newspapers, this study examines the consensual opinion of articles and editorials regarding two events associated with the space race. One event is the Soviet launch of Sputnik on October 4, 1957. The second is the Apollo 11 moon landing on July 20, 1969. Space Race investigates how two scientific accomplishments achieved during the Cold War and the civil rights movement stimulated debate within the newspapers, and that ultimately centered around two questions: why the Soviets were successful in launching a satellite before the US, and what benefits could come from landing on the moon. Anti-intellectualism, inferior public schools, and a lack of commitment on the part of the US government are arguments offered for analysis by black writers in the two years studied. This topic involves the social conditions of African Americans living within the United States during an era when major civil rights objectives were achieved. Also included are considerations of how living in a "space age" contributed to thoughts about civil rights, as African Americans were now living during a period in which science fiction was becoming reality. In addition, this thesis examines how two scientific accomplishments achieved during this time affected ideas about education, science, and living conditions in the U.S. that were debated by black writers and editors, and subsequently circulated for readers to ponder and debate. This paper argues that black newspapers viewed Sputnik as constituting evidence for an inferior US public school system, contrasted with the Soviet system. Due to segregation between the races and anti-intellectual antecedents in America, black newspapers believed that African Americans were an "untapped resource" that could aid in the Cold War if their brains were utilized. The Apollo moon landing was greeted with enthusiasm because of the universal wonder at landing on the moon itself and the prowess demonstrated by the collective commitment and organization necessary to achieve such an objective by decades end. However, consistently accompanying this adulation is disappointment that domestic problems were not given the same type of funding or national commitment.
3
Fitzgerald, Zoe. « 'A Tale of Two Haitis : Representations of an Island Republic in the American Press ». Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8865.
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This thesis examines the representations of Haiti in the black and white American press throughout the United States Occupation, 1915-1934, and in the wake of the 2010 earthquake. It analyses how Haiti's revolutionary and colonial history has been variously celebrated and ignored, and as well as the context in which such representations took place.
4
Galadari, Sara Abdullatif. « Framing Race and Blame in the Media : a Case Study on the Chapel Hill Shooting ». PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4251.
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This research examines how racism is hidden and denied by the press, and how blame is attributed to individuals in crime news stories. This research heavily relies of van Dijk's (2015) six discursive strategies to reveal how racism is hidden and denied in the press: positive self-presentation, denial and counter-attack, moral blackmail, subtle denials, mitigation, and defense and offense. Specifically, the Chapel Hill shooting is used as an example of a crime news story for my case study. This study will use framing as the primary method, and critical discourse analysis will be used to guide my interpretations of the frames. Frames are defined by Entman (1993) as texts that select "some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient" in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described. I will examine words and phrases used when referring to the perpetrator and the victims in the crime story, and examine manifest frames. I begin by explicating terms that my research is founded upon: ideology, critical discourse analysis, race and racism, blame, and framing. Newspaper articles are collected and analyzed for van Dijk's six discursive strategies. The difference between national and regional news coverage is also examined. My findings suggest there are two gaps in van Dijk's six discursive strategies. I propose the addition of two discursive strategies that the press use to deny racism: negative self-presentation and contradiction.
5
Harris, Jessie. « Unfamiliar Streets : The Chattanooga Sit-ins, the Local Press, and the Concern for Civilities ». VCU Scholars Compass, 2011. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2395.
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Gene Roberts and Hank Klibanoff in their breakthrough work, The Race Beat, contended that mainstream newspapers—white newspapers—largely ignored the black community until the 1950s and 1960s when editors gradually began opening their pages to reports of racial discrimination and the emerging protest against segregation. This coverage significantly shaped the civil rights movement, Roberts and Klibanoff argued. “Unfamiliar Streets” offers nuance to their narrative. Examining the local coverage of the 1960 Chattanooga sit-in movement as a case study, Jessie Harris contends that reporters and editors, although they should be credited for extensively covering the sit-ins, ultimately cared more for civilities than civil rights. Their coverage detailed the protests, fights, and mobs downtown, but only rarely provided perspectives of student demonstrators and rarely called attention to the injustices of segregation.
6
Baroco, Molly M. « Imagining Haiti : Representations of Haiti in the American Press during the U.S. Occupation, 1915-1934 ». Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/43.
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Throughout the United States occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, the U.S. government and its supporters were forced to defend the legitimacy of American action. In order to justify it to the American public, officials and journalists created a dichotomy of capacity between an inferior Haiti and a superior U.S., and they presented the occupation as a charitable civilizing mission. This vision of Haiti and Haitians was elaborated in a racialized discourse wherein Haitians were assigned various negative traits that rendered them incapable of self-government. In examining how the New York Times, the National Geographic Magazine, and the Crisis represented Haiti, I demonstrate how race was the primary signifier, and how these representations were used to either perpetuate or challenge the American racial social hierarchy.
7
Murray, Christopher. « Covering Barry Bonds and Lance Armstrong a content analysis of framing and race in U.S. newspapers / ». abstract and full text PDF (free order & ; download UNR users only), 2007. http://0-gateway.proquest.com.innopac.library.unr.edu/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1442852.
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Walck, Pamela E. « Reporting America's "Colour Problem" : How the U.S. and British Press Reported and Framed Racial Conflicts during World War II ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1438173577.
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9
Baard, Marissa. « Die standpunt van Die Burger teenoor die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids- en Versoeningskommissie, 1990-2003 ». Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/333.
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Steenveld, Lynette Noreen. « Race against democracy : a case study of the Mail & ; Guardian during the early years of the Mbeki presidency, 1999-2002 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015572.
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This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.
11
Toft, Roelsgaard Natascha. « “Let Our Voices Speak Loud and Clear” : Daisy Bates’s Leadership in Civil Rights and Black Press History ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1546938379618986.
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Martindale, Linda Shirley. « Racism, criticism or, inept reporting ? : racism in the media, the relationship between the state and the press, and the standard of journalism in South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53025.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The furor around racism in the media was brought to the surface in 1999 when the Black Lawyers Association and the Association of Black Accountants of South Africa appealed to the South African Human Rights Commission to investigate the South African media. This request was based on the presumption that the South African media was rife with racism and urgently required attention. The subsequent enquiry was the source of much controversy and accusation. Almost three years since the enquiries inception, the issue of racism in the South African media has not disappeared despite decreasing media coverage in recent months. When the South African Human Rights Commission launched the enquiry into racism, prominent media leaders including key editors and newspaper representatives were summoned to appear before the controversial Commission. Some media leaders felt the Commission was a direct attack on the freedom of the Press. Others felt the enquiry was long overdue or slammed it as an all-time flop. Furthermore, pure and simple criticism of the government is still perceived as racism when it is the Press fulfilling its role as the 'watchdog of democracy' . Various Press theories, for example Developmental or Libertarian, impact on the perceived role of the Press in a democratic nation. The standard of journalism in a country can also impact on the way in which the press is perceived. For example, there are times when inept reporting is misunderstood as racist reporting. This assignment is a broad overview of the enquiry into racism in the media and the concerns around this issue as well as the response to it. It takes a closer look at the role of the media and the relationship between the media and the state. In particular, it focuses on how criticism of the government can be misread as racism, as well as investigating how the standard of journalism impacts on the way in which the media serve the public. The South African National Editors Forum launched a skills audit in 2002 and the results were surprisingly negative. The general standard of journalism in South Africa was assessed as "low". This assignment looks at the findings of the audit in the light of the above questions surrounding the standard of journalism as it pertains to reporting on race and accuracy, understanding and objectivity. The last section of the assignment takes a brief look at several examples of how to report on race in South Africa and what to be aware of when considering sensitivity to race issues. The questions as to whether it is racism, healthy criticism misconstrued as racism, or simply inept reporting, are explored. Although an expansive topic by nature, this paper provides an overview of the key issues pertaining to media ethics as it pertains to racism in the South African media.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die skandaaloor rasisme in die media was te vore gebring in 1999 toe die Black Lawyers' Association en die Association of Black Accountants die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie gevra het om die Suid Afrikaanse media te ondersoek. Die versoek was gebaseer op die gedagte dat die Suid Afrikaanse media rasisties is en dringend aandag nodig het. Die ondersoek was baie kontroverseel en het na baie beskuldiging gelei. Omtrent drie jaar nadat die ondersoek begin het, is die kwessie van rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse media nog lewendig alhoewel daar minder daaroor geskryf is in die land se publikasies. Toe die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie die ondersoek op rasisme begin het, is belangrike media leiers - redakteurs en koerant verteenwoordiges - voor die Kommissie geroep. Sommige van die media leiers het gevoel dat die kommissie 'n direkte aanval op Vryheid van die Pers was; ander het gevoel dat die Ondersoek belangrik was en nog ander dit as 'n mislukking bestempel het. Eenvoudige kritiek van die regering deur die Pers is ook as rasisme gesien alhoewel hulle die rol van 'bewaarder van demokrasie' vervul. Daar is verskeie Pers teories, byvoorbeeld "Developmental" of "Libertarian" wat die persepsie van die rol van die pers beindruk het. Die standaard van joernalistiek in 'n land bepaal deur hoe die Pers gesien is. Byvoorbeeld, somtyds is slegte verslaggewering as rasisties bestempel. Hierdie opdrag is 'n wye oorsig van die ondersoek op rasisme in die media, die bekommernis oor die kwessie en die reaksie daaroor. Dit kyk nader na die rol van die media en die verhouding tussen die media en die staat. Dit fokus op hoe kritiek van die regering as rasisme misgelees kan word en gee ondersoek aan hoe die standard van journalistiek na beskuldiging van rasisme kan lei. Die "South African National Editors' Forum" het 'n Vaardighede oudit in 2002 opgedoen en die uitslae was negatief. Die standaard van joernalisme in Suid Afrika was as "laag" assesseer. Hierdie opdrag kyk na die oudit se vindings in die lig van die bogenoemde vrae oor die standard van joernalistiek: verslaggewing oor rase en akuraatheid, en objectiviteit. Die laaste deel van die opdrag kyk na verskeie voorbeelde van hoe om oor rase verslag te gee en waaroor te dink as jy sensitief teenoor rase kwessies wil wees. Die volgende vrae is na gekyk: Is dit rasisme; gesonde kritiek wat as rasisme bestempel word, of eenvoudig, slegte verslaggewing? Hierdie opdrag gee 'n wye oorsig oor die belangrike kwessies van media etiek in verhouding met rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse media.
13
Suttlar, Sandra. « Race relations and the Bible ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.
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14
Brown, Darryl K. « Racism and Race Relations in the University ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539624383.
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15
Gonaver, Wendy. « Race Relations : A Family Story, 1765-1867 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626283.
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Riley, Kristen M. « Discourse on Race and Racism : A Phenomenological Analysis of Responses to Black.White ». Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/RileyKM2008.pdf.
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17
Hammond, Ralph E. « The development of a workshop on racial reconciliation ». Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.
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18
McDonald, J. J. « Race relations in Austin, Texas, c. 1917-1929 ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238829.
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19
Fenning, Quinnie O. « To help Black and Korean Christians to experience Christian fellowship ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.
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20
Goodwin, Gerald F. « Race in the Crucible of War : African American Soldiers and Race Relations in the "Nam" ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1399548260.
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Mercer, Kobena Paul. « Powellism : race, politics and discourse ». Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268169.
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22
au, J. Boyd@murdoch edu, et James Graham Boyd. « Faith, race and strategy : Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945 ». Murdoch University, 2008. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20081015.132836.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1873 and 1945 Japan and Mongolia had a complex and important relationship that has been largely overlooked in post-war studies of Japans imperial era. In fact, Japanese-Mongolian relations in the modern period provide a rich field of enquiry into the nature of Japanese imperialism as well as further evidence of the complexity of Japans relationships with other Asian countries in the decades before 1945. This thesis examines the relationship from the Japanese perspective, drawing on a diverse range of contemporary materials, both official and unofficial, including military documents, government reports, travel guides and academic works, many of which have been neglected in earlier studies. In previous analyses, the strategic dimension has been seen as overwhelming and Mongolia has often been regarded as merely a minor addendum to Japans relationship with Manchuria. In fact, however, Japans connection with Mongolia itself was a crucial part of its interaction with the Chinese continent from the 1870s to 1945. Though undeniably coveted for strategic reasons, Mongolia also offered unparalleled opportunities for the elaboration of all the major aspects of the discourses that made up Japans evolving claim to solidarity with and leadership of Asia. It also functioned as a showcase for Japans supposedly benevolent intentions towards Asia. In some ways, moreover, the relationship with Mongolia was presented as distinctive, particularly because of the common faith in Buddhism and a supposedly shared ancestry in ethnic terms. In turn, the military, political, ideological and cultural opportunities apparently provided by Mongolia account for the wide range of groups and individuals in Japan that developed Mongolian connections and for the often close relations between these groups and individuals on the one hand, and the most powerful institutions of the Japanese state on the other.
23
Mokhele, M. P. « Race relations in two post-apartheid Sesotho farm novels ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50434.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the presentation of race relations in two Sesotho novels written after 1994. The purpose of the study is to establish whether or not post-apartheid Sesotho novels present race relations as they were presented during the apartheid era. The novels of focus are, N.S. Zulu's Nonyana ya Tshepo (The bird of hope) (1997) and T.W.D. Mohapi's Lehfaba fa fephako (The pain of hunger) (1999). The manner in which the authors who wrote during the two distinct eras presented the issue of race and presented race relations will be the focal point. At the end of this study it should be clear whether or not authors after 1994, that is, after the apartheid era continue to present race relations in an idealistic manner. During the apartheid era authors such Lesoro (1968) and Mophethe (1966) were very cautious when presenting race relations in their novels. The common factor in these novels is the portrayal of the white Afrikaner characters by the authors. White characters were portrayed as very merciful, good Samaritans and their relationship with their black counterparts were often harmonious and crisis free. Attributes of race such as racial discrimination, racial hatred, racial conflict and racial intolerance were seldom spoken about in those novels. This is reminiscent of the notorious apartheid laws, which prohibit freedom of press. White characters in some novels published during the apartheid era were not characters derived from real life. In N.S. Zulu's novel, Nonyana ya Tshepo we examine the portrayal of the characters from the two distinct races, black Africans and white Afrikaners. The author portrays the two groups of characters to be what Scholes (1981 :11) calls characters representative of a social class, race and a profession. Black characters are portrayed as the exploited, which are always inferior, submissive and subjected to racial discrimination by their white counterparts. White Afrikaners are portrayed as the exploiters, who are superior, oppressors and the ones who further the policy of apartheid. This state of affairs prompted the black Africans to develop hatred towards the Whites. Instead of idolizing their masters, Blacks do the opposite. Our main character, Tshepo who is said to be fathered by the white Afrikaner, is marginalized by his fellow Blacks and declared an outcast. In T.W.D. Mohapi's novel, Lehlaba la lephako, the main character, Seabata who lusts for power and wealth is seen struggling for both at the expense of his fellow black Africans. Seabata is used by his white boss, Sepanapodi, to maintain the legacy of apartheid. The narrator portrays Seabata in such a way that he could carry out his boss' mission. Seabata is power hungry and always likes to please his boss to attain that, even if that means creating enmity with his own black people. Seabata's socio-economic status makes him vulnerable to manipulation by Sepanapodi. Seabata was advised by his father that he should always strive to please his master in order to gain glory and wealth. He followed the advice slavishly and that left him devastated. He found himself at loggerheads with his colleagues, with the pastor, Nkgelwane, with a local teacher, Mohanelwa and with his wife, Mmabatho. Conflict between Seabata and the community is caused by the pain of hunger.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doelstelling van hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel of die twee Sesotho novelles wat na 1994 geskrywe is, die verhouding tussen verskillende rasse behandel. Die doel van die studie is om uit te vind of die Sesotho novelles wat gedurende die tydperk van apartheid die aanbieding van rasse-verhouding dek, soos wat dit aangewys was gedurende die tydperk van apartheid. Die ondersoek sal gedoen word met die vergelykking van twee novelles wat na 1994 geskrywe is, d.w.s. N.S. Zulu se Nonyana ya Tshepo en T.W.D. Mohapi se Leh/aba /a /ephako . Die manier waarop die twee skrywers wat gedurende die twee afsonderlike tydperk, die kwessie van rasse behandel, en hoe hulle dit aangebied het, sal die fokuspunt wees. Aan die einde van hierdie studie moet dit duideliker word aan die lesers tot watter mate die skrywers wat na 1994 geskryf het, d.w.s na die apartheid tydperk, nog die rasse-verhouding op 'n idealistiese manier aangebied het. Die skrywers wat gedurende die apartheid tydperk geskrywe het, soos Lesoro (1968) en Mophethe (1966) was baie versigtig toe hulle die rasse-verhouding in hulle novelles aangebied het. Die gewone faktor van hierdie novelles is die uitbeelding van die wit Afrikaners se karakters deur die skrywers. Wit karakters is altyd as baie barmhagtig, en as goeie Samaritane beskrywe, en hul verhouding teenoor hulle swart teenhangers is dikwels eensgesind en vry van krisis uitgebeeld. Die hoedanigheid van rasseonderskeiding wat rassehaat, rasse in stryd met mekaar, en rasse onverdraagsaamheid, is in daardie tyd seide van geskryf in die novelle. Dit herinner die leser aan die ongunstige apartheidswette wat nie vryheid van die pers toegelaat het nie. Wit karakters, in sommige novelle wat gedurende die tydperk van apartheid gepubliseer is, is nie karakters wat van die ware lewe afgelei is nie. In N.S. Zulu se novelle, Nonyana ya Tshepo word 'n uitbeelding gemaak van karakters van die twee afsonderlike rasse, die swart Afrikaners en die wit Afrikaners. Die skrywer beeld die twee groepe van karaktes as die wat Scholes (1981 :11) noem die wat verteenwoordigend van 'n sosiale klas, rasse en beroep is. Swart karakters is beskrywe as diegene wat geeksploiteer word, wat altyd as minderwaardige, onderworpe en mindere rasse beskou word. Hulle word gediskrimineer deur hulle wit landgenote. Wit Afrikaners is beskou as die eksploiteerders, wat die voortreflike onderdrukkers is en wat wat die beleid van apartheid laat voortgaan. Hierdie toestand het die swart Afrikaners gelei om haat te ontwikkel teenoor die Wittes. In plaas van om hulle meesters eer te bewys, het die swart Afrikaners die teenoorgestelde gedrag. Die hoofkarakter, Tshepo, wat geglo is dat hy kind van die wit Afrikaner is, is deur sy mense verban en as verworpeling verklaar. In T.W.D. Mohapi se novelle, Lehlaba la lephako het die hoofkarakter, Seabata, begeertes van mag en rykdom. Hy word opgelei as 'n stryder op koste van sy medemense, swart Afrikaners. Seabata is deur sy wit meester, Sepanapodi misbruik om die nalatenskap van apartheid te handhaaf. Die verteller beeld Seabata af op so 'n manier dat dit duidelik is dat Seabata sy baas se opdrag sou voortdra. Hy, Seabata het 'n wens om mag te he en bo alles om sy baas tevrede te stel op koste van ander swart Afrikaners, al maak dit hom 'n vyand van sy mense. Seabata se sosiale status het hom laat kwesbaar ge stel teenoor Sepanapodi se manipulasie. Sy vader het hom advies gegee dat hy altyd sy meester moes bevredig ter wille van glorie en rykdom. Hy het toe die advies van sy vader slaafs nagevolg, daarom het dit hom in 'n neerdrukkende gevoel laat eef. Aan die einde is hy in 'n konflik met andere soos sy kollegas, die plaaslike predikant, Nkgelwane, die onderwyser, Mohanelwa en sy vrou. Die stryd wat Seabata met al die mense in die gemeenskap het, is die oorsaak van hongersnood.
24
Boyd, James Graham. « Faith, race and strategy : Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945 ». Thesis, Boyd, James Graham (2008) Faith, race and strategy : Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/723/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1873 and 1945 Japan and Mongolia had a complex and important relationship that has been largely overlooked in post-war studies of Japan’s imperial era. In fact, Japanese-Mongolian relations in the modern period provide a rich field of enquiry into the nature of Japanese imperialism as well as further evidence of the complexity of Japan’s relationships with other Asian countries in the decades before 1945. This thesis examines the relationship from the Japanese perspective, drawing on a diverse range of contemporary materials, both official and unofficial, including military documents, government reports, travel guides and academic works, many of which have been neglected in earlier studies. In previous analyses, the strategic dimension has been seen as overwhelming and Mongolia has often been regarded as merely a minor addendum to Japan’s relationship with Manchuria. In fact, however, Japan’s connection with Mongolia itself was a crucial part of its interaction with the Chinese continent from the 1870s to 1945. Though undeniably coveted for strategic reasons, Mongolia also offered unparalleled opportunities for the elaboration of all the major aspects of the discourses that made up Japan’s evolving claim to solidarity with and leadership of Asia. It also functioned as a showcase for Japan’s supposedly benevolent intentions towards Asia. In some ways, moreover, the relationship with Mongolia was presented as distinctive, particularly because of the common faith in Buddhism and a supposedly shared ancestry in ethnic terms. In turn, the military, political, ideological and cultural opportunities apparently provided by Mongolia account for the wide range of groups and individuals in Japan that developed Mongolian connections and for the often close relations between these groups and individuals on the one hand, and the most powerful institutions of the Japanese state on the other.
25
Boyd, James Graham. « Faith, race and strategy : Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945 / ». Boyd, James Graham (2008) Faith, race and strategy : Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/723/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1873 and 1945 Japan and Mongolia had a complex and important relationship that has been largely overlooked in post-war studies of Japan’s imperial era. In fact, Japanese-Mongolian relations in the modern period provide a rich field of enquiry into the nature of Japanese imperialism as well as further evidence of the complexity of Japan’s relationships with other Asian countries in the decades before 1945. This thesis examines the relationship from the Japanese perspective, drawing on a diverse range of contemporary materials, both official and unofficial, including military documents, government reports, travel guides and academic works, many of which have been neglected in earlier studies. In previous analyses, the strategic dimension has been seen as overwhelming and Mongolia has often been regarded as merely a minor addendum to Japan’s relationship with Manchuria. In fact, however, Japan’s connection with Mongolia itself was a crucial part of its interaction with the Chinese continent from the 1870s to 1945. Though undeniably coveted for strategic reasons, Mongolia also offered unparalleled opportunities for the elaboration of all the major aspects of the discourses that made up Japan’s evolving claim to solidarity with and leadership of Asia. It also functioned as a showcase for Japan’s supposedly benevolent intentions towards Asia. In some ways, moreover, the relationship with Mongolia was presented as distinctive, particularly because of the common faith in Buddhism and a supposedly shared ancestry in ethnic terms. In turn, the military, political, ideological and cultural opportunities apparently provided by Mongolia account for the wide range of groups and individuals in Japan that developed Mongolian connections and for the often close relations between these groups and individuals on the one hand, and the most powerful institutions of the Japanese state on the other.
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Stobaugh, James P. « Racial anger ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com.
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Scott, Bradley. « A comparative study of teacher perceptions of race and race relations in two selected school districts / ». Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008438.
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Laveist, Wilbert Francisco. « The Press and Political Campaigns : News paper Endorsements and "Horse Race" Coverage ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292230.
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Oso, Muraino Olayiwola. « Labour news : Press and industrial relations in Nigeria ». Thesis, University of Leicester, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34606.
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Bothner, Matthew S. « Charismatic religion and race relations : the Azusa Street Pentecostal Revival ». Thesis, Boston University, 1994. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27601.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
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Jain, Prakesh C. Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. « Colonialism, class and race relations ; the case of overseas Indians ». Ottawa, 1985.
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Coe, Aaron Daniel. « Chinese Merchants and Race Relations in Astoria, Oregon, 1882 - 1924 ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/422.
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A large wave of Chinese immigrants came to the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century. Employment, mainly in the salmon-canning industry, drew thousands of them to coastal Astoria, Oregon. Taking the period between the first Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 and the Immigration Act of 1924, this thesis focuses on the Chinese merchants in Astoria and their importance for our understanding of race relations in the town during these years. Specifically, the merchants help to make sense of how the Chinese related to the local white population, as different sources suggest different trends of amiability and hostility. Newspapers testify that local Chinese gained acceptance during the period, going generally from vilified outcasts to respected members of the community. Immigration case files, however, show that officials displayed little resistance to Chinese in the early exclusion years, but worked harder to deny Chinese applications toward the end of this period. So, from one body of records it seems that white Astorians grew more tolerant of Chinese during these years, while the other document set shows a rise in conflict with the immigrants. This apparent contradiction can be reconciled by considering the demographic changes in the Chinese immigrant community during this period, along with class biases and the role of merchants in immigration and social interactions.
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Muschalik, Kathrin [Verfasser], Michael [Gutachter] Wala et Josef [Gutachter] Raab. « Race and race relations in Los Angeles during the 1990s / Kathrin Muschalik ; Gutachter : Michael Wala, Josef Raab ». Bochum : Ruhr-Universität Bochum, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1125106530/34.
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Clements, Philip. « What does 'good' equal opportunities training look like ? A model of fair treatment training in the police service derived from the experience of police officers and civil staff engaged in training design and delivery ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2000. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4926.
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'Equal Opportunities' (EO) in this research is taken as an umbrella term to encompass all forms of training in fair treatment issues including Community and Race Relations. The literature reveals that training police officers in EO issues falls short of what is needed and yet little research has been done into how trainers and learners engage with the content of EO training. A measure of the importance attached to this area of research lies in the fact that in April 1999 this project attracted Home Office Police Research Award Scheme funding. Police training in EO was examined from the point of view of the trainers who engage in it by exploring their experience. The consistent theme and the core question "what does good EO training look like?" had the object of constructing a model of good EO training where "good" has been defined out of the trainers' own expenence. Thirty interviews were conducted using well established phenomenographic principles to explore the experience of those engaged in the design or delivery of EO training for police officers. For the subsequent qualitative analysis of the data an approach similar to grounded theory was used. The results demonstrate that good EO training has four elements expressed in terms of its objects, the act of engaging in EO training, the process, and issues surrounding the skills and attributes required of trainers engaging in its delivery. Each of the elements had a number of component themes that were also used in the construction of the model. A key finding, consistent with other studies, was that learners and trainers alike may selectively emphasise or focus on a particular part of the model, and, in doing so, will inhibit the effectiveness of both the learning and the training.
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Kaushal, Achhar Ram. « Citizen rights and the black experience in Britain : a view from two multi-racial towns ». Thesis, Lancaster University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288138.
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Woodrow, Ross Daniel. « Darwinism and images of race in the Australian popular press (c.1860-1900) ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1994. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26912.
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This thesis began as an examination of the influence of Darwinism on images of racial types in the Australian illustrated popular press. Taking a broad scope, encompassing depictions of the Irish, Chinese, Aborigine and South Sea Islander, I soon discovered that a single focus on social Darwinist influence was perhaps more restrictive than revealing. Consequently, although I maintain Darwinian evolutionary theory is at the hub of influences on the iconography of racial types, I have allowed my analysis to range outside the Darwinian influence to encircle a more complex ideological construction of these racial images. Nevertheless, I have kept the core of the study as a demonstration of the significant impact of Darwinian evolutionary theory on the iconography of racial groups. I argue that the influence of the publication of Darwin’s Origin of Species on racial representations was mainly on the modification of existing iconographic stereotypes, but I also claim that the evolutionary impact did produce new images or types. The principal focus is the Australian popular illustrated and comic press. However, to investigate the derivation of particular iconographic types, selected English and American sources are also examined.
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Pittman, Cassi. « Race, Social Context, and Consumption : How Race Structures the Consumption Preferences and Practices of Middle and Working-Class Blacks ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10648.
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The contemporary experience of race in America demands that blacks become astute observers of their surroundings, required to read subtle social, interactional and environmental cues to determine how to appropriately engage others in order to gain respect and social acceptance. Consumption objects, whether physical or material goods or services and experiences, are symbolic tools that blacks mobilize in order to define and assert themselves wherever they may be. Market research reveals that divergent patterns of consumption exist along racial lines. Blacks outspend whites in three central categories: apparel, personal care, and electronics and technology. Sociological research on consumption, however, has inadequately addressed how race influences blacks' consumption. Claims that blacks are conspicuous consumers are pervasive in both popular and academic works, and research indicates that blacks' consumption is, at least partially explained by status considerations, yet no comprehensive, empirically grounded theory exists to account for the contextually determined, symbolic and strategic use of goods by middle and working-class blacks. In my dissertation entitled “Race, Social Context, and Consumption: How Race Structures the Consumption Preferences and Practices of Middle and Working-class Blacks,” I offer an account of blacks' consumption that addresses this gap in the literature. I analyze qualitative interview data collected from 55 blacks residing in the New York City area, focusing on blacks' consumption preferences and practices in three social arenas: where they live, where they work, and where they play. Through examining middle and working-class blacks' consumption I show the ways that race remains salient in blacks' everyday lives; affecting their routine practices and marketplace interactions. Blacks differ as consumers as a consequence of a history of racial alienation, segregation, and discrimination in public settings, which has resulted in their use of goods to mitigate racial stigma, but distinct patterns of consumption emerge as blacks mobilize consumption objects to express and affirm their racial identities. This dissertation demonstrates that whether consumption goods are used to contest racial stigma or to express feelings of racial affinity, in both instances blacks' consumption preferences and practices reflect their reactions to the settings in which their consumption is enacted.
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Bellay, Susan. « Pluralism and race/ethnic relations in Canadian social science, 1880-1939 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ57503.pdf.
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Bulthuis, Kyle Timothy. « Four steeples over the city streets Trinity Episcopal, St. Philip's Episcopal, John Street Methodist, and African Methodist Episcopal Zion churches in New York City, 1760-1840 / ». 24-page ProQuest preview, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=1417804641&SrchMode=1&sid=3&Fmt=14&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1220029856&clientId=10355.
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Lloyd, Emily Paige. « Race Deficits in Pain Authenticity Detection ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1531912112953475.
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Wallace, Trevor. « God Changed his Mind About Black People : Race and Priesthood Authority in Mormonism ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-307932.
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This study attempts to analyze Mormon justifications for the religion’s policy of denying priesthood authority to black men from both before and after the policy’s removal in 1978. Through a close reading of primary sources released by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, this study attempts to understand how this paradigm shift is understood in the context of Mormon faith traditions. It is revealed that many official statements from the Church contradict one another to such a degree that a simple or coherent explanation is practically impossible.
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Hadjor, Kofi Buenor. « Race and the American nation : the role of racial politics in the shaping of modern America ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2000. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.673802.
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Irvin, Clinton R. « Perceptions of race influenced by individual interactions the ambassador effect / ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1127232347.
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Chen, Shining Sheue Yun. « State-press relations in Taiwan : the shifting boundaries of control ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2187.
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In order for democracy to perform as it should, the press must provide citizens with a diverse range of information. The democratic process is enhanced, if the press is independent of both the state and the market. A study of the issues in state-press relations and how these relations may prevent the press from performing its democratic function, lies at the centre of this work. In an authoritarian society in transition such as Taiwan, where the press is subjected to state control, these issues are of central importance. This study aims to examine the democratic relationship between the press and politics in Taiwan and its relevance to the democratic process. It focuses on three areas: (1) what is the nature of state control over the press, (2) how have the boundaries of control shifted as the state is faced with a more vigorous civil society influenced by the development of the democratic movement as well as the growing role of market forces, and (3) to what extent the press has played a role in the development of Taiwanese democracy. A multi-method research design is set out in an attempt to understand the changing political and economic role of the press. Intensive library research and a detailed content analysis of administrative records were conducted in order to examine the mechanisms of press control exercised by the party-state over both the mainstream and alternative media. Moreover, an ethnographic approach is used to enable a study of state-press relations which focuses on the reporting of politics. We conclude that the confrontation between the partystate and civil society has altered the close links between the Nationalist Party, the Kuo Min Tang (KMT) and the press. The transformation of state-press relations marks a change from direct control by the party-state to a form of market censorship, with the party-state manipulation of the press shifting from regulation and censorship to news management. In the years before the rule of martial law, the party-state exercised power over the press by means of its licensing of newspapers, giving financial support to the press industry, and seducing proprietors through the provision of political and economic favours. By the late 1980s, the strategies of public relations had become important for a party-state which was undermined by an increasingly aware populace and was faced with a less manageable press. Finally, we suggest that unless newspaper barons are willing to distance themselves from the party-state and divert power to journalists; and the journalists are willing to rely on professional judgement and to energetically pursue facts, the press will exercise little impact on making the party-state more accountable to the public during Taiwan's transition to a democratic society.
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Hill, Kimberly DeJoie Brundage W. Fitzhugh. « Careers across color lines : American women missionaries and race relations, 1870-1920 / ». Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1976.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.
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Douglas, Greig. « The columnist as trickster : satire and subversion in literary journalism ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008397.
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This project examines facets of racial identity as they emerge in a contemporary South African context, and considers how instances of local satire both subtly resist and support white normativity. It consists of two separate sections: firstly, a self-reflective essay that, employing current theories from the academic field of whiteness studies, assesses South African satire’s relation to and negotiation of race and identity politics; and secondly, The Weekly Crab, my own creative response to the genre of satire. Using contemporary theories of racial construction, the first section will delineate whiteness as a dominant but invisible identification, and as a social construction underpinned by an inherited and continually reproduced privilege. Satire, in turn, will be described as a mode of rhetorical and conceptual attack that is capable of cultivating an understanding of how whiteness functions as a cultural construct, as well as foster a sensitivity to how its cultural dynamics shape and inform racial politics in the South African context. The first section will identify the website Hayibo.com as a source of local satire whose satirising of current events is often complicit in the perpetuation of white normativity. I will point to moments in its work where white expectations, fears and social mores are left unexamined, and, indeed, become an unspoken part of their critiquing lens rather than the focus of it. An accompanying critical breakdown of my own satire in The Weekly Crab will show my work to be a countertext to Hayibo. As I will make clear, I am not saying that I successfully fill a gap in the landscape of South African satire. Instead, in comparing my work to the satire that Hayibo produces, and by providing, in the second section, a creative response to that particular approach to satire, I am trying to circumscribe a blind spot in South African literary journalism : that is, the paucity of satire that aggressively subverts the normativity of whiteness.
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Adam, Kanya. « The politics of redress : affirmative action in South Africa's private sector ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e550cea6-51fd-4d40-a273-03f8772c9d37.
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This study examines the politics of redress in South Africa's private sector and the implication of race based affirmative action for a society in the throes of national reconciliation. Renewed racial classifications to eliminate the legacy of past racism seem to contradict the official state ideology of colour-blind nonracialism. Resentment among some whites on whose skills and loyalty a growing economy also relies, makes affirmative action a most divisive issue. Unlike most other countries in which minorities are targeted, in South Africa a previously disenfranchised majority is the beneficiary of preferential labour policies. Quite distinct from North American quotas for minorities, South African unions aim at transforming the workplace of the undertrained majority, which contrasts with business visions characterised by black advancement in management and ethnic diversity on company boards. However, even this initial window-dressing exercise for political expediency encounters resistance among a colonial establishment that still equates promotion of the previously disadvantaged with lowering standards. The changing discourse about affirmative action is probed through written surveys among two hundred business executives, focus groups, more in-depth personal interviews, and participant observation at selected companies in South Africa between 1992-97. An increased readiness to broaden the recruitment pool emerged among white male executives and would seem to have been triggered by the changed political power relations. This "anticipatory compliance" to potential legislation is justified with different motivations but is still driven by economic considerations rather than moral concerns about past neglect. Keeping up with the "black image" of competitors in securing government contracts or penetrating a township market with higher purchasing power spurs even traditionally conservative firms to vie for black managers. They are poached and head-hunted with generous inducements, at the expense of training the broader spectrum of black workers at a lower level. The unique current South African debate about redress is compared with its historical precedents of Afrikaner job reservation and "civilized labour policies", as well as the international experience with preferential hiring in the US, Canada, India and Malaysia. The recent backlash against affirmative action in the US, together with the assertion of counter-productive effects on beneficiaries, is evaluated against the South African case. The literature is divided as to what extent recipients of affirmative action experience self-doubt and low self-esteem. The label "affirmative action beneficiary" is said to stigmatize minorities not considered as having achieved status on merit. However, the vast majority of recipients of affirmative action probed in this research did not consider themselves passive recipients of company largesse, but instead perceived themselves as having rightly earned their place in the accelerated business training program. Far from victimising themselves by claiming compensatory preferential treatment, the respondents in this sample of black management students proudly insist on their past individual achievements as entitlement to their career. This finding contradicts the conventional wisdom among critics, that appointees on merit differ from affirmative action appointees in their approach to work. While a new rapidly growing black elite who least needs affirmative action, nonetheless benefits most from racial preference policies in senior management, the majority of impoverished and unemployed are not affected by these policies at all. To avoid the danger of racialised competition, a policy of non-racial, class-based affirmative action is suggested as the most feasible way to facilitate reconciliation.
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Bourne, Charles William. « The Field Foundation and race : an intellectual and administrative history, 1940-1970 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272551.
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Stone, Robert P. Stone Sara J. « Race, faith and fear : general press and black press coverage of Arabs, Muslims and the stigma of terrorism in the United States / ». Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/3906.
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Lloyd, Emily Paige. « Black and White Lies : Race-Based Biases in Deception Detection ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1438879072.
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