Articles de revues : « Racism – European Union countries »

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Kasperska-Kurzawa, Kamila. « Społeczeństwo XXI wieku wobec zagrożenia islamskim terroryzmem ». Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, n^o 1 (22 juin 2018) : 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.1.7.

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SOCIETY OF THE 21ST CENTURY AGAINST THE THREAT OF ISLAMIC TERRORISMThe subject matter includes the issue of transformation in the consciousness of the societies of European Union countries, but also communities in other areas of the world, perception of the phenomenon of migration to the territories of native countries, mainly in the European Union. The period of rapid socio-political changes in Islamic states, as well as the outbreak of civil war in 2011 in Syria, was the largest stimulator of migration movements from the Middle East, especially those covered by military operations in Europe. Hundreds of thousands of migrants continued to reach EU countries. Germany widely opened the door of its state and accepted the largest number of migrants. Some countries, such as Poland or Hungary, refused to accept migrants from countries with an Islamic origin. Migration on such a mass scale caused many social problems. The perceived sense of security of the community has deteriorated considerably in the EU countries where the most migrants came. The decline in the sense of security included areas not only of safety for life and health, but also concerns about reducing the level of social status or increasing unemployment. However, the biggest threat to the community of the EU countries, and many other countries in the world was ahuge increase in terrorist attacks, where the attackers came from orthodox Islamist groups. It should be added that the majority of migrants were Muslims. Another phenomenon also affecting the reduction of the level of perceptible security of European societies was the reactivation of political groups that in their ideologies presented the slogans of populism, nationalism, racism, or even fascism. There has been a clear polarization of Western societies, where until now they were arefuge of democracy, tolerance and values for which they fought for years. Undoubtedly, the politics of Erdogan, the president of Turkey, and the president of Russia, Putin, also influencedthestate of security of societies, and tried to influence EU decisions with their actions. Russia, let the annexation of Crimea and activities in Ukraine be left in peace, and Turkey, to force the EU to acceleratethe admission of this country to the EU. Also calling up the so-called Islamic state posed a huge threat to the security of the communities of European Union countries with attacks inspired by this terrorist group.

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Buettner, Elizabeth. « Europeanising Migration in Multicultural Spain and Portugal During and After the Decolonisation Era ». Itinerario 44, n^o 1 (27 mars 2020) : 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000091.

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AbstractPost-1945 Spanish and Portuguese emigration and immigration histories encapsulate the Iberian region's long-standing interconnectedness with the wider world (particularly Latin America and Africa) and other parts of Europe alike. Portugal and Spain have both been part of multiple migration systems as important sending countries that ultimately experienced an international migration turnaround owing to their transition to democracy, decolonisation, and accession to a European Union in which internal freedom of movement counted among its core principles. With the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and Europe's migration crisis of the 2010s serving as its vantage point, this article considers these topics as they intersect with issues that include nationality and citizenship, race and racism, and religion and Islamophobia in multicultural Spain and Portugal.

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Perbawani, Firsty Chintya Laksmi. « European Union’s Securitization and Favoritism Phenomenon : Lesson Learned from the 2015 Europe’s Migrant Crisis ». WIMAYA 3, n^o 01 (28 juin 2022) : 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v3i01.68.

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This research article aims to portray the phenomenon of how Europe’s perspective and attitudes toward migration. Race, culture, and politics all play a prominent role in Europe’s reception of migrants. This article precisely focused on the role of the European Union (EU) during the 2015 migrant crisis. As Europe faced the struggle where 1.3 million refugees and migrants illegally entered Europe by the sea in 2015, compared to roughly 200,000 in 2014. The author argues that European countries have responded to the issue discordly, with some welcoming migrants and others rejecting them. This article founds the reasons, namely: (1) securitization within the EU, i.e., raising the issue of migration as a “matter of European security”; and (2) the phenomenon of favoritism, as evidenced by selective solidarity, racism, and anti-immigrant rhetoric. This article attests that both securitization and favoritism culture in Europe must be recalculated and used as lessons learned so that there is no bias in allowing forthcoming migrants and so that the EU continues to exist.

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Gul-Rechlewicz, Violetta. « Exclusion and Marginalisation as a Barrier to the Integration of Immigrants in European Culturally and Ethnically Diverse Societies ». Intercultural Relations 7, n^o 2(12) (21 décembre 2022) : 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rm.02.2022.12.08.

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The integration of immigrants and refugees (especially since the migration crisis) has become the axis of socio-political discourse around the world. As the acceptance of new arrivals by host societies has come to question, the countries of the European Union (especially the so-called old Union) have found themselves at a crossroads. On the one hand, they want to adhere to their traditions and values such as tolerance and openness to “strangers,” while on the other hand, more and more often – as shown by statistics – a disturbingly large percentage of Europeans do not accept the growing number of foreigners (especially of Muslim origin) within their countries. This article points to the disturbing, growing phenomena of racial discrimination, unequal treatment, and exclusion which prevent immigrants and refugees from finding their way in a new reality, largely hampering their integration into new societies. The above statement also constitutes the research hypothesis presented in this text.

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Boçon, Mariana Schafhauser. « The CJEU’s judgment in CHEZ and indirect discrimination by association : an analysis of progress in combating racial or ethnic discrimination in the European Union ». UNIO – EU Law Journal 3, n^o 2 (12 mars 2019) : 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.3.2.3.

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Since the entry into force of the Directive 2000/43/EC of 29 June 2000 (implementing the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin), Member States have been the subject of reports from the European Commission in 2006 and 2014, from which we can analyze the contributions of the Directive in promoting equality. The obstacles faced in the interpretation of concepts such as direct discrimination, indirect discrimination, and positive actions are worthy of note. In addition, what is also important to highlight is the main ethnic groups that suffer from discriminatory practices, as is the case of individuals belonging to the Roma ethnic group in several countries of the European Union. In this text, the author shows the extent to the CJEU’s judgment CHEZ (C-83/14) is an important milestone for the implementation of the Directive 2000/43/EC, by presenting a new interpretation, namely on the possibility of indirect discrimination by association, as this opens up a new understanding of discrimination situations that can significantly impact the current promotion of equal treatment for all persons in the European Union.

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Egorov, A., et A. Petrovskiy. « Social and Economic Problems of EC Countries in the Initial Pandemic Period ». World Economy and International Relations 65, n^o 3 (2021) : 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-52-59.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of key social and economic problems in the EU countries during the initial period of the pandemic. Forced isolation amid the spread of the coronavirus contributed to the growth of domestic and domestic violence, manifestations of racism and xenophobia in the EU. Social discrimination manifested itself in the restriction of access to goods and services for people with Asian appearance. A negative factor was the statements of certain right-wing politicians, as well as a number of media outlets. The member states of the European Union sought to carry out proactive communication with the population of their countries, convincing the latter to use exclusively official information about the situation with the COVID 19 virus and taking steps to ensure the widespread presence of the opinion of the governance in the media and on the Internet. Due to the extraordinary circumstances, EU member states have resumed controls at their internal borders in an effort to ensure the safety of their citizens. Despite assurances from the European Commission that the restrictions would not affect the interests of the EU population and third-country nationals, in March 2020, tangible obstacles arose in the way of realizing the fundamental right to free movement. The first steps were taken to support the sectors of the economy and the employment market in the initial phase of the pandemic. Particular attention was paid to the state of affairs in the most vulnerable service sector. The employment market experienced serious shocks, which was reflected in the growth of unemployment in the EU countries. The measures taken by the authorities of the member states, in general, met the interests of workers, but encountered difficulties in the course of implementation.

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McKay, Sonia. « Does One Size Fit All ? Trade Unions, Discrimination and Legal Regulation in the European Union ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 27, Issue 2 (1 juin 2011) : 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2011012.

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It is argued that accessing decent work and employment is among the most effective ways of integrating people and encouraging social cohesion, and it was within this framework of understanding that, just over ten years ago, two Directives were passed: Council Directive 2000/78/EC of 27 November 2000 establishing a general framework for equal treatment in accessing employment and while in work and Council Directive 2000/43/EC of 29 June 2000 implementing the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin.1 The Equality Directives do more than simply locate equality issues within the workplace. They also place a particular responsibility on Member States to promote social dialogue between the social partners, employers, and trade unions to work towards the promotion of equality. This article considers the extent to which the directives have been successful in this regard through an examination of initiatives taken by Europe's trade unions to foster equal treatment. Based on a study of 130 such trade union initiatives in thirty-four European countries, selected on the basis of their significance or degree of innovation in relation to their specific country contexts, the article examines whether and in what way the principles enshrined in the directives have impact on the practices of Europe's trade unions while also considering whether their histories, geographies, policies, and practices together with their contexts of operation make the promotion of equality in all of the areas covered by the directives a challenge too far. This also at least raises the question as to whether a single framework for legal regulation can operate as an effective tool for the promotion of equality, in particular, given the responsibility of trade unions to their members, who, in periods of economic crisis, may focus on job protection measures to the exclusion of other policies.

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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. « The Anti-Semitism of History : The Case of the Russian Neo-Pagans ». European Review 20, n^o 2 (30 mars 2012) : 264–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000482.

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Almost a generation has gone by since the end of the Cold War, a time that has brought many changes. It has become steadily clearer that not the affirmation of the centrality of the democratic West – as asserted by Francis Fukuyama in his famous essay – but the opposite has occurred. There has been continuous erosion of the power of the West. First, the economic and geopolitical balance has increasingly shifted to Southeast Asia, where quite a few states have authoritarian, even totalitarian, socioeconomic arrangements. China is, of course, the best-known example. Second, the demographic and cultural tides have changed. In the past, Europe sent waves of émigrés all over the world. Now the West has become the destination of millions from non-European countries. The pattern of cultural adaptation has also undergone dramatic changes. A considerable number of non-Europeans have no desire to assimilate, or at least they wish to preserve their heritage. All these processes – especially as they relate to the fact that the West is losing its economic competitiveness – cause a response that often leads to racism and neo-fascism. Those who study European neo-fascists almost instinctively compare them with pre-Second World War fascists and Nazis. This temptation is reinforced by the fact that these neo-fascists often use Nazi symbols and trappings. However, a close look at these European neo-fascists/neo-Nazis and their prewar counterparts indicates that their similarities are usually deceptive and they actually belong to quite different species. Present-day neo-fascists/neo-Nazis are not imperialists, as were the German Nazis who dreamed about a worldwide empire. Current European right-wingers are parochial isolationists. They want not an empire but the cleansing of their state from newcomers, especially those of non-European origin. Many are even suspicious of European unity; they see the European Union as the key that opens the gates of their countries, not just to Asians/Africans but to East Europeans, seen as almost an alien race. Second, their view of Jews is different from that of the Nazis. They may be anti-Semitic, but their dislike of Jews is hardly the central element of their worldview. Moreover, they are similar to many of the general public who differentiate between ‘their’ native Jews – against whom they have no grudges – and newcomers from, say, Eastern Europe, whom they consider parasitic aliens. Furthermore, they have problems with the church. Some may be neo-pagans; in this they are also quite different from the Nazis, who had a tense relationship with the church but did not openly oppose it. Russian rightists in many ways follow the model of the European far right. This is due not only to direct ideological borrowing but also to similar conditions. Russia's heartland, for example, is also a major destination for non-European migrants. Still, the Russian far right's views unquestionably have elements arising from the country's specific conditions. As a result, they have developed several peculiar ideological characteristics. They are often pagan and quite hostile to the Orthodox Church. They also see Jews as part of an unholy cabal of Asiatics set on Russia's destruction.

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Mudde, Cas. « Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 19, n^o 2 (mai 2005) : 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270965.

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Based in part on the results of a unique, comparative research project, the aim of this article is threefold: (1) to provide a comparative summary of racist extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE); (2) to compare the situation of racist extremism in CEE to that in Western Europe; and (3) to come to some further insights about racist extremism in the region. It concludes, in contrast to many of the alarming statements on the topic, that CEE is neither a hotbed of racist extremism nor a safe haven for racist extremists. In fact, if one compares the state of racist extremism in CEE to that in Western Europe, the differences seem less striking than is often assumed. Yet while the impact of racist extremism in CEE might not be as great as is often assumed, a lot remains to be done, particularly now that these countries are or will soon be members of the European Union.

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Świętek, Agnieszka, et Wiktor Osuch. « Wybrane problemy mniejszości narodowych a idea społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Unii Europejskiej ». Przedsiębiorczość - Edukacja 6 (1 janvier 2010) : 532–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20833296.6.43.

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This article presents a socioeconomic problems of national minorities in certain aspects of the processes of European integration. In European countries, as well as in Poland, the unemployment rate among ethnic minority groups is very high, compared to the general public. This problem affects particularly the Roma minority, because of cultural difference and the inability to find themselves in the current economic situation, which causes progressive social marginalization. High racist delinquency, as well as an increase in labor market discrimination against minorities, in various countries of the European Union, are not conducive to the processes of social and citizen integration of those groups. The reason, as well as the effect of such situation is the very low level of education of Roma, not only in Poland but also in other European countries.Authors reckon, that one of the conditions of informative society’s growth is necessity to support their enterprising posture. Following this thesis, the authors think, that supporting lower developed groups, which don’t keep up with actual tempo of economic growth is necessary to minimalize the socialeconomic marginalization of these groups and to limit social anxienties and clashes.Authors, on the example of Roma ethic minority group characterized the problems of these groups on work market, ways of fighting with them and showed the perspectives of progress of these groups in future by building enterprising postures. It seems that the measure of a progressive European social integration should be an appropriate relationship to national and ethnic minorities in EU member countries, free from social and occupational, and discrimination on labor market, which does not seem easy in a market economy based on knowledge.

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Rask, Shadia, Irma T. Elo, Seppo Koskinen, Eero Lilja, Päivikki Koponen et Anu E. Castaneda. « The association between discrimination and health : findings on Russian, Somali and Kurdish origin populations in Finland ». European Journal of Public Health 28, n^o 5 (6 juin 2018) : 898–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/cky100.

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Abstract Background The Second European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey recently demonstrated widespread discrimination across EU countries, with high discrimination rates observed in countries like Finland. Discrimination is known to negatively impact health, but fewer studies have examined how different types of perceived discrimination are related to health. Methods This study examines (i) the prevalence of different types of perceived discrimination among Russian, Somali and Kurdish origin populations in Finland, and (ii) the association between different types of perceived discrimination (no experiences; subtle discrimination only; overt or subtle and overt discrimination) and health (self-rated health; limiting long-term illness (LLTI) or disability; mental health symptoms). Data are from the Finnish Migrant Health and Wellbeing Study (n = 1795). Subtle discrimination implies reporting being treated with less courtesy and/or treated with less respect than others, and overt discrimination being called names or insulted and/or threatened or harassed. The prevalence of discrimination and the associations between discrimination and health were calculated with predicted margins and logistic regression. Results Experiences of subtle discrimination were more common than overt discrimination in all the studied groups. Subtle discrimination was reported by 29% of Somali origin persons and 35% Russian and Kurdish origin persons. The prevalence of overt discrimination ranged between 22% and 24%. Experiences of discrimination increased the odds for poor self-reported health, LLTI and mental health symptoms, particularly among those reporting subtle discrimination only. Conclusions To promote the health of diverse populations, actions against racism and discrimination are highly needed, including initiatives that promote shared belonging.

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Blouchoutzi, Anastasia, Dimitra Manou et Jason Papathanasiou. « A PROMETHEE MCDM Application in Social Inclusion : The Case of Foreign-Born Population in the EU ». Systems 9, n^o 2 (15 juin 2021) : 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/systems9020045.

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Since the migrant surge in 2015, social inclusion has become a crucial issue to be addressed effectively by the European Union, given that 39% of the population born outside of the EU member states faces the risk of poverty or social exclusion. Adding to that, the COVID-19 pandemic has severely affected migrant households worldwide, rendering migrant integration an urgent matter for national governments. Discrimination, racism, xenophobia, and radicalization are all societal threats emerging in periods of massive migrant flows and need appropriate policy measures to be employed in migrant host countries to tackle them. This paper suggests the integration of a multiple criteria decision analysis method, namely PROMETHEE, for policy making with regard to migrant social exclusion. In light of previous research findings and the recent release of the Migrant Integration Policy Index 2020, the authors argue that the method proposed could help policy makers to evaluate the effectiveness of the implemented policies, spot the discrepancies between policies and policy outcomes, and motivate knowledge sharing among the EU member states. The findings include a ten-year comparative list of the EU member states (2010–2019) driven by social inclusion indicators for the foreign-born (non-EU-born) population. The results are rather sensitive to changes in the data utilized but they provide an overall comparative picture of social inclusion policy effectiveness in the EU during the past decade.

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Roth, Silke. « Introduction : Contemporary Counter-Movements in the Age of Brexit and Trump ». Sociological Research Online 23, n^o 2 (17 avril 2018) : 496–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780418768828.

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Brexit and the election of President Trump in the United States are the result of the rise of far-right populist movements which can be observed in Europe, North America, and other regions of the world. Whereas populism itself is one response to neoliberalism, globalization, and austerity measures, the election of Trump, in particular, has caused a new wave of protest. To a far lesser extent, on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the European Union in March 2017, people in the UK and many European countries participated in a March for Europe. These demonstrations represent counter-movements to the growing presence of right-wing, anti-immigrant, racist, nationalist, sexist, homophobic, anti-semitic and anti-Muslim movements throughout Europe and the United States. This rapid response issue surveys right-wing populist and left-liberal counter-movements which represent different responses to neoliberalism, globalization, austerity, and to each other. Social movements reflect and contribute to social change and need to be understood from an intersectional perspective. Networked media play an important role for both populist movements from the right and progressive counter-movements.

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Chudinovskikh, M., et N. Tonkikh. « Telework in BRICS : Legal, Gender and Cultural Aspects ». BRICS Law Journal 7, n^o 4 (20 décembre 2020) : 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2412-2343-2020-7-4-45-66.

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With the rapid development of digital technologies and globalization, telework is becoming increasingly common. For the BRICS countries, the formation of a modern legal regulation model for telework is of great importance. In drafting legislation, it is essential to take into account economic and cultural factors, as well as the need to ensure gender equality. This article presents an analysis of current trends in telework development in the BRICS countries. Its findings reveal various reasons for a growing need to regulate telework. For Brazil, the issue of ecology plays an important role; for China and India, the possibility of integration into the world economy; in Russia, the focus is still on the procedural issues concerning the conclusion and termination of employment contracts; in South Africa, the issue of ensuring not only gender equality, but also racial equality is acute. The analysis gives the authors grounds to conclude that the BRICS countries are still lagging behind the United States and the European Union in the area of telework labor law, despite its widespread prevalence. The BRICS countries do not yet produce the necessary statistics on the prevalence of telework. Issues relating to BRICS's deepening integration require the development of common approaches to regulating the work of teleworkers. The harmonization of legislation between Russia and China is of particular importance due to the territorial factor.

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Lehman, Howard P. « The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity. By Darryl C. Thomas. Westport, CT : Praeger Publishers, 2001. 324p. $57.95. » American Political Science Review 96, n^o 3 (septembre 2002) : 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402290371.

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Since the end of the Cold War, development studies have fallen to the wayside as attention has shifted to the democratization process in Eastern Europe, the increased integration of the European Union, and the effects of economic globalization in the advanced industrialized countries. The developing world was seen as an afterthought or, in some cases, as arenas of misunderstandable ethnic or religious conflict, structural poverty, disease, and other hardships. However, in the context of September 11, more attention now is on the developing world, perhaps not so much on economic development, but more on containing various terrorist organizations. Yet development studies still exist, and this area of study maintains an historical connection to several decades worth of academic research. Scholars persistently ask such questions as why the South is poor and politically weak compared to countries in the North. Answers generally are located in the dependency literature of unequal economic relations leading to unequal power relations. Darryl C. Thomas, in The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity, asks this question but provides a somewhat different response. The economic and political inequality in the world is not necessarily due to economic ideology but to the color of skin (p. xi). The solidarity of the Third World that Thomas sees in the past is one based on race, and racial solidarity should be the means by which the poor and powerless of the Third World transform unequal power relations. Thomas refers to this relationship as global apartheid, defining it as a structure of the world system that combines political economy and racial antagonism (p. 26). He states that global apartheid refers to the continuation of white-minority dominance of political, social, legal, cultural, and economic decision-making apparatuses within the world system (p. 111) and that this form of racial capitalism has become a permanent feature in the world system.

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Valori, Giancarlo Elia. « The European Union, Antisemitism, Racism and Xenophobia ». Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 1, n^o 3 (janvier 2007) : 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2007.11446278.

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Abdulhamid, Nafisa. « The Securitization of Immigration in the European Union ». Potentia : Journal of International Affairs 9 (1 octobre 2018) : 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v9i0.4442.

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The European Union (EU) presents an intriguing case-study for examining the normative and empirical degree of the securitization of immigration in the post-9/11 context. The following paper uses the Copenhagen school of security studies to argue that in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, the securitization of immigration (through direct and indirect elite speech acts) has legitimized exclusionary policies and practices, thereby constituting a “new (cultural) racism.” This new cultural racism acts as a justification against immigration. My argument will be presented in three parts. The first outlines how elite direct and indirect speech acts creates an “immigration-as-a-cultural-threat discourse” that constitutes a “new racism.” The second analyzes how the securitization of immigration discourse has been implemented through legal and institutional practices, including in the Convention Implementing the Schengen Agreement (CISA), the Dublin Convention, and various border security practices. The final section examines the significance of 9/11 in connecting perceived Muslim immigrants to terrorism, thus constructing a discourse that identifies immigration with a direct threat to European identity and social cohesion.

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Bilohur, Vlada, et Roman Oleksenko. « THE EUROPEAN SPORT MODELS MANAGEMENT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES EUROPEAN UNION ». HUMANITIES STUDIES 90, n^o 13 (2022) : 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26661/hst-2022-13-90-07.

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Stec, Małgorzata. « Innovation in European Union Countries ». Gospodarka Narodowa 236, n^o 11-12 (31 décembre 2009) : 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101233.

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Wierenga, Wubbo. « Book Review : Racism and Equality in the European Union ». Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 16, n^o 3 (septembre 2009) : 361–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x0901600306.

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Rodríguez-Gulías, María Jesús, Vítor Manuel de Sousa Gabriel et David Rodeiro-Pazos. « Effects of governance on entrepreneurship : European Union vs non-European Union ». Competitiveness Review : An International Business Journal 28, n^o 1 (15 janvier 2018) : 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cr-06-2016-0035.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies between countries that are members of the European Union (EU) and those that are not. H1 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the immediate creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. H2 states that the various dimensions of governance help to explain the deferred creation of new businesses in European and non-European countries. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses two types of analyses: firstly, univariate analysis, which is a descriptive statistics of the dependent, independent and control variables, and the results of a t-test; and secondly, multivariate analysis, which estimates using the fixed-effects estimator under the specifications previously raised for the subsample of 28 EU countries and for the subsample of 103 non-EU countries during the period 2004-2014. Findings The results show that the variables of governance are not significantly higher in the EU, although the density of the enterprises is. Within the governance indicators, government effectiveness is significant in the EU. The results obtained for the EU confirmed H1and H2, with a significant positive effect of government effectiveness on entrepreneurship, while the other governance variables were not significant in the EU subsample. The results obtained for non-EU countries suggest no significant immediate effects (H1) and a slightly significant delayed effect of rule of law on the entrepreneurship (H2) concerned. Research limitations/implications Future research in this area could consider introducing another regional division or other types of methodology as variables affect models. Practical implications Governance can be defined as the ability of a government and its public institutions to provide services and design, and implement rules, which is a factor that affects the creation of new companies. However, the effect of governance could differ depending on the country and its economic environment. This paper analyses the effect of six governance indicators on the rate of creation of new companies considering two different geographic regions as countries are presumably heterogeneous. Therefore, these results indicate that the effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship differs according to the region. Social implications The effect of governance variables on entrepreneurship according to the region is also known. Originality/value This study applied panel data analysis to two samples of countries during the period 2004-2014, one formed by 28 countries of the EU and the other by 103 non-EU countries. No other paper considers this number of countries for this period. To assess the impact of governance on the creation of new companies, this paper considered the existence of immediate and deferred effects of governance on entrepreneurship.

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Erel, Umut. « Racism and anti-racism in Europe : a critical analysis of concepts and frameworks ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 13, n^o 3 (août 2007) : 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890701300304.

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The targets and expressions of racism vary across Europe. This article discusses the relevance of different descriptions and analyses of racism. It considers the various terms used in different countries such as ‘ethnic minority’, ‘foreigner’ or ‘black’ to identify people considered as ‘others’ because of their ‘race’ or ethnicity and the significance of differences in terminology. The article shows the importance of a cross-national European perspective on racism. There are important convergences across European countries in the discourses and practices of racism, particularly the distinction between ‘useful’ and ‘abusive’ migrants. A cross-European perspective can be an important inspiration for anti-racist struggles.

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Müller, Carolin. « Anti-Racism in Europe : An Intersectional Approach to the Discourse on Empowerment through the EU Anti-Racism Action Plan 2020–2025 ». Social Sciences 10, n^o 4 (14 avril 2021) : 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10040137.

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Anti-racism in Europe operates in political, policy, and civic spaces, in which organizations try to counter racial discrimination and violence. This paper applies a textual analysis to the European discourse of the transnationally connected anti-racism movement that shaped the European Union (henceforth EU) anti-racism action plan 2020–2025. The plan seeks to address structural racism in the EU through an intersectional lens. Alana Lentin, however, cautions that the structuring principles of anti-racism approaches can obscure “irrefutable reciprocity between racism and the modern nation-state”. Against the backdrop of a critique intersectionality mainstreaming in global anti-racist movements, this paper draws on Kimberly Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality to critically examine the practices outlined in the EU anti-racism action plan to understand (1) the extent to which the EU anti-racism action addresses the historical baggage of European imperialism, (2) the influence of transnational anti-racism organizations such as the European Network Against Racism (henceforth ENAR) in reinforcing universalisms about notions of humanity in anti-racism activism through language and (3) the limitations that the EU anti-racism action plan poses for the empowerment of racially marginalized groups of people.

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Joumard, Isabelle. « Tax systems in European Union countries ». OECD Economic Studies 2002, n^o 1 (7 mai 2003) : 91–151. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/eco_studies-v2002-art4-en.

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Hsieh, Jin-chi, Ching-cheng Lu, Ying Li, Yung-ho Chiu et Ya-sue Xu. « Environmental Assessment of European Union Countries ». Energies 12, n^o 2 (18 janvier 2019) : 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en12020295.

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This study utilizes the dynamic data envelopment analysis (DEA) model by considering time to measure the energy environmental efficiency of 28 countries in the European Union (EU) during the period 2006–2013. There are three kinds of variables: input, output, and carry-over. The inputs are labor, capital, and energy consumption (EC). The undesirable outputs are greenhouse gas emissions (GHE) and sulfur oxide (SOx) emissions, and the desirable output variable is gross domestic product (GDP). The carry-over variable is gross capital formation (GCF). The empirical results show that first the dynamic DEA model can measure environment efficiency and provide optimum improvement for inefficient countries, as more than half of the EU countries should improve their environmental efficiency. Second, the average overall scores of the EU countries point out that the better period of performance is from 2009 to 2012. Third, the output variables of GHE, SOx, and GDP exhibit a significant impact on environmental efficiency. Finally, the average value of others is significantly better than high renewable energy utilization (HRE) with the Wilcoxon test. Thus, the EU’s strategy for environmental energy improvement should be to pay attention to the benefits of renewable energy (RE) utilization, reducing greenhouse gas emissions (GHE), and enhancing the development of RE utilization to help achieve the goal of lower GHE.

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Gajos, Edyta, Sylwia Małażewska et Konrad Prandecki. « EMISSION EFFICIENCY OF EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XX, n^o 6 (10 décembre 2018) : 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7732.

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The aim of the study was to compare the total greenhouse gas emissions in the European Union countries and their emission efficiency. Emission efficiency was calculated as the ratio of emission volume and value to gross value added generated by the economy of a given country (size of the economy). The necessary statistical data was obtained from Eurostat. It was found that in 2015 most of greenhouse gases were emitted by: Germany, United Kingdom, Poland, France and Italy. At the same time, France and the United Kingdom were characterized by one of the best emission efficiency in the European Union, Germany and Italy obtained average results, while Poland was in the group of countries with the lowest emission efficiency. Therefore, it can be concluded, that the volume of emissions is significantly affected by the size of the economy. Some large emitters have economies based on relatively “clean” technologies and thus their potential to further reduction is not very high. The reverse is true for some low-emission countries, such as Estonia and Bulgaria. This indicates the need for a more comprehensive look at the problem of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

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Bell, Mark. « Combating Racial Discrimination Through the European Employment Strategy ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 6 (2004) : 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802759458.

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During the last decade, the European Union has taken a variety of initiatives that together form a policy on combating racial discrimination. Understandably, legal academics have so far devoted greatest attention to the legislative initiatives, most notably, the EU Race Directive. The Directive is striking, both because of its broad material scope (covering areas such as employment, education, housing and healthcare), but also as a result of the new directions that it introduced into EU antidiscrimination law. Whilst it is certainly the centrepiece of EU anti-racism policy, it is part of a broader policy framework. This includes other, less auspicious legal instruments, as well as various public expenditure programmes. The EU Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia provides an institutional dimension to the anti-racism policy.

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Bell, Mark. « Combating Racial Discrimination Through the European Employment Strategy ». Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 6 (2004) : 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003578.

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During the last decade, the European Union has taken a variety of initiatives that together form a policy on combating racial discrimination. Understandably, legal academics have so far devoted greatest attention to the legislative initiatives, most notably, the EU Race Directive. The Directive is striking, both because of its broad material scope (covering areas such as employment, education, housing and healthcare), but also as a result of the new directions that it introduced into EU antidiscrimination law. Whilst it is certainly the centrepiece of EU anti-racism policy, it is part of a broader policy framework. This includes other, less auspicious legal instruments, as well as various public expenditure programmes. The EU Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia provides an institutional dimension to the anti-racism policy.

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Jefferys, Steve. « Why do unions find fighting workplace racism difficult ? » Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 13, n^o 3 (août 2007) : 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890701300305.

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Trade unions are committed to anti-racism. However, with the growth of job insecurity in the increasingly inegalitarian but global economies that are sucking in new generations of international migrants, racism and xenophobia have re-emerged as major threats to European social cohesion. This article examines the problems unions have in fighting racism within the workplace. It documents different ways in which these problems present themselves, and suggests that they offer trade unions two structural-ideological challenges: the need to defend broader, societal trade union objectives, alongside bread and butter ones; and the need to strengthen the legitimacy of trade union activists acting within ‘representative democratic’ rather than ‘delegate democratic’ traditions.

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Kraciuk, Jakub. « FOOD SECURITY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XIX, n^o 3 (22 août 2017) : 150–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.3238.

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The aim of the study was to show the state of food security in European Union countries and defines the basic factors determining the level of this security. There is a large disproportion in the state of food security between individual European Union countries, especially between old and new EU countries. It was determined that in the analyzed years average prices of products and their quality deteriorated in the countries of the European Union. The unfavorable changes that have taken place were not too great. On the other hand, the average indicator for the analyzed countries regarding access to food has clearly improved.

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Grabowska, Barbara. « Education of teachers in European Union countries ». Osvitolohiya, n^o 3 (2014) : 40–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2226-3012.2014.3.4045.

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Gajewski, Paweł. « Public Finance Sustainability in European Union Countries ». Gospodarka Narodowa 251, n^o 10 (31 octobre 2011) : 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/gn/101072.

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Elbashir, Rania. « LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». MEST Journal 10, n^o 2 (15 juillet 2022) : 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.

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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.

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Kavelaars, Peter. « The foreign countries of the European Union ». EC Tax Review 16, Issue 6 (1 décembre 2007) : 268–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ecta2007044.

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Szymańska, Agata. « Tax revenues in the European Union countries ». Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician 62, n^o 5 (26 mai 2017) : 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0921.

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The aim of this paper is to analyse tax revenues and examine similarities of selected tax revenues (mainly VAT, CIT, PIT and excise duty) in the European Union countries. The analysis of the EU members concerns the period between 2003 (i.e. the year preceding the biggest enlargement of the EU) and 2012 (due to data completeness). Tax rates and the structure of tax revenues in the EU countries were compared and then the cluster analysis was applied to assess the similarity of tax revenues. The analysis suggests that the process of tax harmonization, which took place in the period considered, did not exert a significant impact on the similarity of the structure of tax revenues in the EU countries. The structure seems to be still determined by e.g. social, economic or historical factors, which influenced the tax systems creation in particular EU countries.

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Brozo, William G., E. Sutton Flynt, Gerry Shiel, Ulla-Britt Persson, Christine Garbe et Lydia Dachkova. « Content Reading in Four European Union Countries ». Reading Teacher 63, n^o 2 (octobre 2009) : 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1598/rt.63.2.10.

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MUFTAKHOVA, A. N. « TERRITORIAL MOBILITY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 14, n^o 1 (2019) : 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2019-14-1-145-160.

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Saman Shojae Chaeikar, Mazdak Zamani, Christian Sunday Chukwuekezie et Mojtaba Alizadeh. « Electronic Voting Systems for European Union Countries ». Journal of Next Generation Information Technology 4, n^o 5 (31 juillet 2013) : 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4156/jnit.vol4.issue5.3.

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Legros, F., et M. Danis. « Surveillance of malaria in European Union countries ». Eurosurveillance 3, n^o 5 (1 mai 1998) : 45–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2807/esm.03.05.00103-en.

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The European Union countries are outside the endemic area for malaria, but many cases of malaria contracted elsewhere are imported into Europe each year. Several countries have reported high and increasing numbers of imported cases in recent years (France

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Afonso, Oscar, Ana Lurdes Albuquerque et Alexandre Almeida. « Wage inequality determinants in European Union countries ». Applied Economics Letters 20, n^o 12 (août 2013) : 1170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2013.797551.

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Lewis, Alfred, et Owusu Kwarteng. « The European Union : implications for developing countries ». European Business Review 95, n^o 5 (octobre 1995) : 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09555349510096090.

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Branco Pedro, João, Frits Meijer et Henk Visscher. « Building control systems of European Union countries ». International Journal of Law in the Built Environment 2, n^o 1 (20 avril 2010) : 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17561451011036513.

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Economou, Athina, et Iacovos N. Psarianos. « Revisiting Okun’s Law in European Union countries ». Journal of Economic Studies 43, n^o 2 (9 mai 2016) : 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jes-05-2013-0063.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine Okun’s Law in European countries by distinguishing between the transitory and the permanent effects of output changes upon unemployment and by examining the effect of labor market protection policies upon Okun’s coefficients. Design/methodology/approach – Quarterly data for 13 European Union countries, from the second quarter of 1993 until the first quarter of 2014, are used. Panel data techniques and Mundlak decomposition models are estimated. Findings – Okun’s Law is robust to alternative specifications. The effect of output changes to unemployment rates is weaker for countries with increased labor market protection expenditures and it is more persistent for countries with low labor market protection. Originality/value – The paper provides evidence that the permanent effect of output changes upon unemployment rates is quantitatively larger than the transitory impact. In addition, it provides evidence that increased labor market protection mitigates the adverse effects of a decrease in output growth rate upon unemployment.

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Agiakloglou, Christos, et Emmanouil Deligiannakis. « Sovereign risk evaluation for European Union countries ». Journal of International Money and Finance 103 (mai 2020) : 102117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jimonfin.2019.102117.

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Giambona, Francesca, Erasmo Vassallo et Elli Vassiliadis. « Educational systems efficiency in European Union countries ». Studies in Educational Evaluation 37, n^o 2-3 (juin 2011) : 108–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.stueduc.2011.05.001.

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Cahlík, Tomáš. « Central and east european countries after entering the european union ». Prague Economic Papers 11, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2002) : 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.pep.185.

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Samardžija, Višnja. « European union and central european countries reducing barriers or not ? » International Advances in Economic Research 1, n^o 1 (février 1995) : 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02295861.

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Fidrmuc, Jarko. « Restructuring European union trade with central and eastern European countries ». Atlantic Economic Journal 28, n^o 1 (mars 2000) : 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02300533.

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Sulaiman, Saqer. « Arab Youth Migration to the European Union ». Pro Publico Bono - Magyar Közigazgatás 8, n^o 4 (2020) : 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32575/ppb.2020.4.8.

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Migration from Arab countries to European countries started many decades ago. It has been driven by a variety of push–pull factors. The two main factors are economic deterioration and political instability. Many young people migrated to escape unemployment, poverty and poorworking conditions. Others fled the effects of war and conflicts. This paper reviews Arab youth migration to European countries, its drivers, and the way it impacts the origin countries, host countries and the immigrants. Despite some negative implications of migration on the origin countries such as education cost and deprivation of the country from the potential capacity of skilled people, the benefits of these countries are rather clear and include remittances, knowledge and experience transfer. However, mitigation of Arab youth migration challenges is not an easy task; it needs new governmental approaches to reduce unemployment rates, as well as the active involvement of youth in economic and political life.

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Balyuk, I. A., et M. A. Balyuk. « External Debt Problem in the European Union ». World of new economy 15, n^o 2 (26 juin 2021) : 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2220-6469-2021-15-2-47-61.

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The paper's relevance is substantiated by the fact that today a rapid growth of external debt of the most developed countries of the world (including European Union (EU) countries) is one of the most acute problems of the modern world economy and global finance. The paper aims to assess the degree of the external debt burden of various EU countries and evaluate the prospects of solving external debt problems in the EU. The article focuses on dynamics, composition, and specifics shaping the EU countries' external debt based on comparative, economic, statistical, and graphical analysis. Special attention we paid to the analysis of specifics of the EU countries' sovereign external debt composition connected with the acute problem of the rapid growth of public debt in general. The paper examines the ratio of public external and internal debt in various EU countries. It determines the EU particular countries where public external debt is shaping based on either cross-border or domestic model. The research results reveal a high degree of dependence of the EU economy on international debt finance. Gross external debt and sovereign external debt of the EU countries are still growing, and its distribution among various member states is very uneven. The structural imbalance of the EU countries' net external debt has also been revealed: the number of net borrowers is double that of net lenders. According to the basic external debt sustainability indicators, some EU countries are in a pretty tricky situation and entirely depend on the possibility of external debt refinancing.

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