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1
Kużelewska, Elżbieta. « Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa ? » Przegląd Europejski, no 2-2017 (29 novembre 2017) : 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.17.6.
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This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.
2
Čizmić, Mirsad, et Aida Čizmić. « Comparative Solutions of Referendum Democracy Concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina ». Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no 1(18) (4 mars 2022) : 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.1.395.
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The authors consider the referendum as the most pronounced form of direct democracy, which is direct decision-making where citizens express themselves by direct and secret ballot on a particular issue. It is not a substitute for representative democracy, but its corrective factor. In this paper, the authors give a systematic overview of good practice of referendums as an instrument of direct democracy, primarily in Switzerland, Italy, Croatia, Denmark, Serbia, Slovenia, Germany, USA, UK, etc., but also the place of referendum democracy in the legal order of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors will try to show that a referendum in some of these countries can be a great democratic step forward, but that it can often be not only an instrument for direct will but a negation of direct democracy in several cases. In support of this claim, the authors will point out the legal and political aspects of conducting the referendum.
3
Ușvat, Laviniu Florin. « Local Referendum – mechanism of the participative democracy ». European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 11, no 2 (10 juin 2017) : 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v11i2.p205-217.
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In this study we have theoretically and practically approached the institution of the local referendum. Therewith, the European life of Romania has compelled us to view aspects of the institution within the legislation and practice of other European states, such as France and Italy. We have found as appropriate this analysis due to the fact that the local referendum, whose involvement in the local or regional communities’ life is more and more visible. In our country the local referendum benefits from a thorough regulation, even if the legislative frame in which the institution is framed is perfectible. In practice, in the last years a multiplication of the local referendums may be observed, in its forms prescribed by law, which proves that the young Romanian democracy has learned to use this mechanism of the participative democracy. The performed compared law analysis has allowed us to also make a comparison, outlined in the conclusions of the study, between what happens to the referendum in other European states, and how the Romanian people understood, through its legislator, to legislate the local referendum and especially how to apply it.
4
Bergman, Matthew E., et Gianluca Passarelli. « Protest against the politicians : Vote switching in the Italian 2016-2020 constitutional referenda ». Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 84, no 2 (13 septembre 2021) : 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-10720.
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Referenda provide the opportunity for voters to express political economic protest and provide additional ways to support parties they vote for in elections. Alternatively, referenda also provide voters a chance to express their policy references in a way that does not affect which party will lead the government. The rejection of the 2016 Italian Constitutional referendum by 60% of voters and the approval the 2020 Italian Constitutional Referendum by 70% of voters could be a result of changing political economic conditions, influences related to partisanship and party leadership, or a change in approval of the reforms contained within the referendum. The article examines these possibilities in turn and then in a multivariate analysis. First, the overall change in economic discontent, satisfaction with the governing coalition and leaders, and belief in the content of the reforms between 2016 and 2020 will be examined. We also examine the how voters of each of the parties in the 2018 general election shifted on these variables. Then individual level analysis of consistent voters and switchers will assess the relative strength of partisanship, economic, political, and referendum-specific factors in convincing voters to switch their vote. We find that referendum-specific factors had the strongest predictive power followed by those related to government approval. Voters approved of the contents that would reduce the number of politicians in Italy and used the referendum to express support or displeasure with the incumbent’s policy programme. Our results contribute to the studies on second-order elections where voters are allowed for greater expressive preferences.
5
Ruggiu, Ilenia. « The Scottish Referendum : The View from Italy and Sardinia ». Scottish Affairs 23, no 3 (août 2014) : 407–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2014.0039.
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Although there is little close understanding of Scotland's referendum in Italy, the fact of the referendum, and its result, are of great symbolic importance in current developments as to centre-region relations. Just as ‘devolution’ resonated in Italian politics in the 1990s, not least in the rise of the Lega Nord, so ‘independence’ has fuelled campaigns in a number of regions towards greater autonomy or outright secession. This article reviews the contemporary moves in various regions towards redefining (or breaking) their relationship with ‘Italy’, focussing particularly on the Sardinian case.
6
Fabbrini, Sergio. « Has Italy rejected the referendum path to change ? The failed referenda of May 2000 ». Journal of Modern Italian Studies 6, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710010025907.
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Arnao, Giancarlo. « Referendum Deletes Criminal Sanctions for Drug Users in Italy ». Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 25, no 3 (juillet 1993) : 259–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02791072.1993.10472279.
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Arnao, Giancarlo. « Italian Referendum Deletes Criminal Sanctions for Drug Users ». Journal of Drug Issues 24, no 3 (juillet 1994) : 483–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269402400308.
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A referendum about drug policy was held in Italy on 18 April 1993. In order to understand the terms of the drug policy, we will summarize the history of the Italian drug law (162/90) through the last five years.
9
Truglia, Francesco Giovanni, et Alessandro Zeli. « Spatial analysis of economic and social determinants of vote : the case of the European Parliament and constitutional referendum votes in Italy ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no 2 (13 septembre 2019) : 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.29.
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AbstractThe 2014 European Parliament election and the 2016 Constitutional Referendum in Italy occurred in the middle of two general elections. These votes, taking place respectively at the beginning and the end of the government led by Matteo Renzi of the Democratic Party (PD), represented a public test of the PD leadership. The election results were diverse in many respects, but they replicate social, economic, political, and cultural differences. In particular, between the two electoral exercises the differential electoral behaviour of South compared with the rest of the country is deepened. Moreover, the results can be interpreted as the outcome of differences in age, educational levels, social, and economic unrest; all these variables are synthesized by the territorial distribution of the vote and this helps in interpreting the evolution of political sentiment in Italy. A spatial statistics methodology is utilized to analyse votes by means of their territorial distributions. The outcomes indicate that referendum result was influenced by the economic vote. Apart from the substance of the constitutional reform, the referendum result can be traced back to economic factors: the absence of perceived economic improvements and the persistence of high unemployment.
10
Uleri, Pier Vincenzo. « On referendum voting in Italy : YES, NO or non-vote ? How Italian parties learned to control referendums ». European Journal of Political Research 41, no 6 (octobre 2002) : 863–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.t01-1-00036.
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Gianluca Bianchi, Davide. « ‘I missed a penalty’ : the constitutional referendum and Matteo Renzi’s mistakes ». Modern Italy 22, no 3 (24 juillet 2017) : 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.35.
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This paper provides an empirical analysis of the result of the referendum on constitutional reform held in Italy on 4 December 2016. The votes against (59.1%) won by a significant margin, with an unexpectedly high turnout at the polls and more than 33 million citizens voting. Using as a point of departure the polls carried out prior to and following the referendum, in which Italians said they were essentially in favour of the reform proposed by the prime minister, the essay focuses on the mistakes made by Matteo Renzi that discouraged Italians from voting Yes. These touch on all aspects of the referendum: 1) the parliamentary process, 2) its combination with electoral law, 3) institutional communication, and 4) his political analysis and strategic approach. The final section evaluates the effects of the referendum result on the Italian political system, emphasising the setback to reformism and the strengthening of the anti-system parties that support leaving the Euro (in particular the Movimento 5 Stelle).
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Zorzoli, Giovanni Battista. « The power sector in italy : an (almost) forced path ». ECONOMICS AND POLICY OF ENERGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, no 1 (avril 2012) : 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/efe2012-001005.
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The article underlines that, after the results in the Referendum of June 2011 on nuclear energy policy, the future pathway of the power sector is strictly conditioned to the current production structure. The author analyzes how relevant economic, geopolitical, environmental and social factors could influence this situation in the next years and suggests some scenarios
13
Pasquino, Gianfranco, et Marco Valbruzzi. « Italy says no : the 2016 constitutional referendum and its consequences ». Journal of Modern Italian Studies 22, no 2 (15 mars 2017) : 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2017.1286096.
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Corbetta, Piergiorgio. « The 2010 Regional Elections in Italy : Another Referendum on Berlusconi ». South European Society and Politics 17, no 2 (juin 2012) : 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2010.521638.
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Bergman, Matthew E., Gianluca Passarelli et Fabio Serricchio. « Decades of Party Distrust. Persistence through Reform in Italy ». Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 83, no 2 (23 janvier 2021) : 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9590.
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One common feature of the Italian political space over the past half century has been the presence of distrust in political parties and the presence of anti-system parties on both the left and the right. Discontent with existing elites and the political system has taken many forms, including referendums altering the electoral system. Both the character of the main parties and the rules by which they are elected have been reformed 4 times since the 1980s. However, as the elections of 2013 and 2018 and the referendum of 2016 demonstrate, Italians still have a high amount of resentment towards party elites and the operation of the system. Using data from Italian National Election Studies, this paper traces the development of this party resentment with a focus on three questions: 1) How has resentment towards party representiveness changed with the electoral and party reforms 2) Who was likely to hold this resentment 3) What was the party affiliation of those most resentful, or did they abstain? Results stress that socio-demographic differences had little effect on understanding the source of party resentment; distrust in parties correlates well with distrust in parliament and political administration. General social distrust did not translate into a distrust for parties. We conclude that discontent can be separated into a political dimension associated with current governance and one of a more systemic nature.
16
Di Gennaro, Giuseppe. « Antidrug Legislation in Italy : Historical Background and Present Status ». Journal of Drug Issues 24, no 4 (octobre 1994) : 673–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269402400408.
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Antidrug legislation in Italy is examined since its origin. The historical and political issues which have influenced past decisions are examined and evaluated in their practical consequences. The 1975 legislation, which brought in force the concept of “modica quantità,” was a very advanced form of legislation, which did not survive mainly for political reasons. The 1990 modification of this law, however, has been rejected by a national referendum; as of this time, clear regulations have not been enacted.
17
van Kessel, Stijn, Nicola Chelotti, Helen Drake, Juan Roch et Patricia Rodi. « Eager to leave ? Populist radical right parties’ responses to the UK’s Brexit vote ». British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no 1 (3 janvier 2020) : 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886213.
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Populist radical right parties are naturally Eurosceptic. Many responded positively to the British referendum vote to leave the European Union; various observers even spoke of a potential populist radical right-instigated ‘domino effect’. We ask whether this Brexit-enthusiasm prevailed in the proximate aftermath of the UK referendum, by means of a comparative analysis of populist radical right parties’ national election campaigns in the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy. The analysis considers whether the UK referendum result served as an external stimulus for populist radical right parties to harden their Euroscepticism and politicise the issue of European integration. The results show that this has, generally speaking, not been the case, and that Brexit has also not stimulated or amplified calls for leaving the European Union. Relating our findings to literature on the politicisation of European integration and strategic party behaviour, we argue that populist radical right parties had few incentives to act differently given the uninviting political opportunity structure.
18
Martínez-Solanilla, Marcos. « Communicating nationalism in a changing Europe : The media coverage of Catalan’s attempt at independence ». Studies in Communication Sciences 19, no 1 (3 décembre 2019) : 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24434/j.scoms.2019.01.004.
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Since 2008, Europe is immersed in a situation of political and social upheaval marked by, among other processes – such as the Brexit, the Scottish referendum on independence or the growth of new populist parties – , the strengthening of nationalism in Catalonia. In this context, the role of the media is crucial, since they are the main transmitters of what occurs abroad and, depending on how they present the information, a spread of pro-independence trends in regions with a historically strong nationalist sentiment throughout the continent can be more or less likely. In order to know the differences regarding the coverage of nationalism, this study applies a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to the text present in the main article on the Catalan referendum of October 1st, 2017 published online by the most-read newspapers in Portugal, Switzerland, UK, Italy, Scotland and Northeast Italy. The analysis concludes that the media not only report differently depending on the characteristics of the territory where they operate, but also that some of them use the information as a tool to indoctrinate society.
19
Kobyliński, Andrzej. « Czy embrion jest osobą ? Spór o sztuczne zapłodnienie we Włoszech ». Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 5, no 1 (31 décembre 2007) : 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2007.5.1.11.
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The public dispute about the methods of artificial reproduction has been led in Italy for many years, the most significant principle of the legislation from the year 2004 is the recognition of the human embryo as the human being from the very moment of the conception, the law in Italy forbids, among others, producing human embryos for scientific purposes, freezing and destroying human beings, using the methods of heterological artificial reproduction, the opponents of such legal regulations evoked the nationwide referendum in 2005 which - because of too poor turnout - did not manage to repeal the operative legislation.
20
Verge, Tània, Marc Guinjoan et Toni Rodon. « Risk Aversion, Gender, and Constitutional Change ». Politics & ; Gender 11, no 03 (septembre 2015) : 499–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000264.
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Independence movements are today present in several stateless territorially concentrated nations, irrespective of their level of self-government. Among advanced industrial democracies, the stronger secessionist movements are found in Belgium, Canada, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom (Keating 1996; Sorens 2005). In the absence of a secession clause in their respective constitutions, a broad array of political parties and civil society groups have mobilized to demand a self-determination referendum as a means to let the citizenry of their territories express their will (Muñoz and Guinjoan 2013). Canada held a referendum on the secession of Quebec in 1980 and 1995. The United Kingdom called a popular vote on Scotland's independence in September 2014. In the Spanish case, Catalonia convoked a consultation in November 2014, although the central government did not recognize its legality.
21
Bieler, Andreas. « "Sic Vos Non Vobis" (For You, But Not Yours) : The Struggle for Public Water in Italy ». Monthly Review 67, no 5 (4 octobre 2015) : 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-05-2015-09_4.
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Against the background of global and Eurozone financial crises, as well as the austerity sweeping across Europe, the pressure for governments to privatize public services is immense. Efforts to combat this are ever more necessary. This article examines one such effort, the Italian Water Movements Forum (also called just "the Forum"), a broad alliance of trade unions, social movements, development NGOs and environmental groups, and its successful 2011 mobilization supporting a referendum against water privatization. The article seeks to answer two questions. First, how was the Forum able to bring together such a wide range of different groups into a successful campaign? Second, why, despite the overwhelming success in the referendum, was there only a partial implementation of the results?<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-5" title="Vol. 67, No. 5: October 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Fijał, Małgorzata Maria. « Włoska tożsamość narodowa na przykładzie Padanii ». Przegląd Europejski, Tom 1 (30 mars 2020) : 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/1641-2478pe.1.20.6.
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The aim of this article is to present the problem of Italian national identity on the example of Padania. Particular attention was paid to the context of the Venetian and Lombard referendum for greater autonomy which took place on 22 October 2017. The analysis is aimed at verifying the research hypothesis assuming a weakening of the sense of the Italian national identity in favor of regional identity. To explain the research problems was applied a historical-comparative method which would allow to attempt to answer if Northern Italy, often identified with Padania could aspire to be a new independent state. There is analyzed the evolution of separatist tendencies in Italy.
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Kobyliński, Andrzej. « Prymat prawa nad etyką ? Nowy etap włoskiego sporu o metodę in vitro ». Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 13, no 2 (30 juin 2015) : 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2015.13.2.03.
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In April 2014 The Constitutional Court in Italy was called to judge parts of the Law 40/2004 and canceled the prohibition of the methods of heterological artificial reproduction. !is decision opened a new stage of the public dispute about artificial reproduction that has been held in Italy for the last 20 years. The most significant principle of the legislation from the year 2004 was the recognition of the human embryo as a human being from the very moment of conception. The law in Italy forbade, among others, producing human embryos for scientific purposes, freezing and destroying human beings. The opponents of such legal regulations evoked the nationwide referendum in 2005 which did not manage to repeal the operative legislation. In 2015 the Italian Parliament will adopt a special law regulating the use of the methods of heterological artificial reproduction.
24
Castelli, Luca. « Downsizing the Parliament in Italy : A Missed Constitutional Amendment and Façade Innovation ». Gdańskie Studia Prawnicze, no 4(56)/2022 (15 décembre 2022) : 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/gsp.2022.4.04.
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In September 2020 a referendum on the reduction of the number of lawmakers was held in Italy and almost 70 percent of voters definitively approved it. Accordingly, effective next term of the chambers in 2023, the total number of MPs will be lowered from 945 to 600, more than one-third. In particular, the Chamber of Deputies will be slashed from 630 to 400 and the Senate from 315 to 200. Such a constitutional amendment is a façade innovation as it did not address the very question of Italian bicameralism, namely the perfect identity between its chambers.
25
Martinico, Giuseppe. « Between Mimetism and Parasitism : Italian Populism in a Comparative Perspective ». European Public Law 26, Issue 4 (1 décembre 2020) : 921–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2020071.
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This article explores the relationship between constitutionalism and populism with particular attention paid to the Italian case. This piece is divided into two parts. In Part I it will be argued that the relationship between populism and constitutionalism should not be seen in terms of mutual exclusion and perfect opposition. Indeed, it is possible to say that populism frequently relies on concepts and categories belonging to the language of constitutionalism (majority, democracy, people), trying to reshape them and offering in this way a sort of constitutional counter-narrative. In this sense, the populist approach to constitutional categories can be described in light of two concepts: mimetism and parasitism. In Part II, I shall focus on the referendum, which is an instrument frequently used by populists and currently object of a problematic constitutional reform proposal advanced by the MoVimento 5 Stelle. As we will see this reform risks affecting the constitutional balance between powers in Italy. Populism, mimetism, parasitism, post – WWII constitutionalism, referendum
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Bull, Martin J., et James L. Newell. « Still the Anomalous Democracy ? Politics and Institutions in Italy ». Government and Opposition 44, no 1 (2009) : 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2008.01275.x.
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AbstractUntil the early 1990s, the Italian political system was regarded as anomalous among advanced democracies because of its failure to achieve alternation in government. Since then, that problem has been overcome, but Italy has been popularly viewed as continuing to be different to other democracies because it is ‘in transition’ between regimes. However, this position itself is becoming increasingly difficult to sustain because of the length of time of this so-called transition. Rather than focus on what is rather an abstract debate, it may be more fruitful to analyse what, in substance, is distinctive about Italian politics in this period: the manner in which a debate over fundamental institutional (including electoral) reform has become entangled in day-to-day politics. This can best be exemplified through an analysis of two key electoral consultations held in 2006: the national elections and the referendum on radically revising the Italian Constitution.
27
Newell, James L. « Standing on the edge of a precipice ? Italy in the weeks before the referendum ». Contemporary Italian Politics 8, no 3 (septembre 2016) : 221–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2016.1250363.
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Contri, Fernanda. « Social Policies against Drug Abuse in Italy : An Overview and Evaluation ». Journal of Drug Issues 24, no 4 (octobre 1994) : 573–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269402400402.
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Continuously changing social drug policies pose problems in presenting an homogeneous picture of the current situation in Italy. The Consolidation Act was passed three years ago, and in 1993 a national referendum substantially modified the 1989 law. Goals have been reached regarding coordination of repressive action at an international level, and a National Fund for the Fight against Drugs was established. Efforts have been made to coordinate a unitary, although not standardized, policy among different authorities involved in anti-drug activities. A prevention “culture” has been implemented, recognizing the basic role of the family in primary education, increasing activities from the first years of school, as well as improving programs for educators at the university level. Great efforts are also being made to achieve better coordination in the field among the various social services. Monitoring studies are in development.
29
Silvestrini, Gianni. « 100% renewable electricity by mid century in italy ? » ECONOMICS AND POLICY OF ENERGY AND THE ENVIRONMENT, no 1 (avril 2012) : 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/efe2012-001004.
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Climate change will be in the future one of the most influential driving force for energy policies. In the electric sector will therefore be important to find solution to reduce carbon emission. With the shrinking share of nuclear power, Carbon Capture Sequestration will play an important role, although the largest contribution will come from renewable energies. Ambitious roadmaps and new targets have already been set - Germany plans to cover 80% of its electric demand with renewables by 2050 - based on studies indicating the possibility to achieve 100% of the electric demand through renewable energy by 2050. The capital required is significant, although over a long period (over 40 years) the economic impact of this transition will be limited. With an increasing renewable share and the need to convert a large electricity market, Italy should incorporate a longer-term perspective and vision and a broader geographical scope. After the nuclear referendum, it is important to discuss scenarios at national level coherent with international indications and climate change constraints and launch a revolutionary approach; but at present is lacking the clear vision of the future required to do so.
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Bonfreschi, Lucia. « The Green is the New Red ? A Libertarian Challenge : The Radicals and the Friends of the Earth Italy, 1976–1983 ». European History Quarterly 52, no 3 (21 juin 2022) : 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221103158.
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This paper focuses on Italian libertarian and anti-authoritarian environmentalism, embodied at the political level by the Radical Party and by a small organization linked to it, the Amici della Terra, the Italian section of Friends of the Earth. It aims at highlighting their role within the environmentalist galaxy of associations, movements and committees and at studying their political strategy, the peculiarities of their cultural and political contribution to the Green movement, but also their clashes with the other components. The paper analyses the Radical Party and Amici della Terra's support for anti-nuclear mobilizations in the late 1970s, especially against the construction of a nuclear plant in Montalto di Castro; how they provided a political outlet for many animal-rights movements and contributed to bringing conservationist associations closer to politics; and how they tried to build international links with other Green parties and associations. The paper highlights some political and ideological clashes between Radical environmentalism and the so-called ‘Red ecology’ around the referendum against nuclear power plants, the anti-hunting referendum and the mobilization for peace and the Amici della Terra's proposal to create local Green Lists. Thus it aims at adding a political interpretation to the cultural one – suggested by scholars – of the delay in the development of a Green party in Italy compared to other Western European countries.
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Vittori, Davide. « Was it all about personalization ? The determinants of the vote in the 2016 constitutional referendum in Italy ». Revue internationale de politique comparée 26, no 1 (2019) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ripc.261.0103.
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Berezowski, Łukasz Jan, et Artur Gałkowski. « The (d)evolution of political communication in Italy : Beppe Grillo’s case ». Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 58, no 3 (30 septembre 2020) : 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.58.27.
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The article aims at analyzing the case of Beppe Grillo and his Five Stars Movement in terms of social, cultural and linguistic phenomenon that – initially as a virtual party without a structured organization – seems to conquer both right-wing and left-wing Italian citizens notwithstanding generational and ideological differences. The success of grillini (Grillo’s supporters) in the parliamentary election of 2018 as a consequence of Matteo Renzi’s constitutional referendum failure, represents a clear sign of the leadership crisis as well as the drifting apart of the ruling class that ignored the problems of ordinary people for several years. The analysis is focused on both form and content: on the one hand, the artistic expression characteristic of Grillo, his gestures, mimicry and direct language plenty of verbal hyperboles, rhetorical figures, swearwords and blasphemous obscenities that build his uncompromising charisma, on the other modern technologies and social media (including blogs, forums, profiles) that are used to communicate efficiently with the electorate, create an image of an open-minded politician keeping up with the outer world. All the aforementioned circumstances demonstrate an innovative approach based on political communication that devolves some level of decision-making power to the party supporters being active web users: bloggers and influencers at the same time. Such paradigm is followed by other representatives of the Italian political scene nowadays.
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Ghosh, Bikramaditya, Spyros Papathanasiou, Nikita Ramchandani et Dimitrios Kenourgios. « Diagnosis and Prediction of IIGPS’ Countries Bubble Crashes during BREXIT ». Mathematics 9, no 9 (28 avril 2021) : 1003. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math9091003.
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We herein employ an alternative approach to model the financial bubbles prior to crashes and fit a log-periodic power law (LPPL) to IIGPS countries (Italy, Ireland, Greece, Portugal, and Spain) during Brexit. These countries represent the five financially troubled economies of the Eurozone that have suffered the most during the Brexit referendum. It was found that all 77 crashes across the five IIGPS nations from 19 January 2015 until 17 February 2020 strictly followed a log-periodic power law or other LPPL signature. They all had a speculative bubble phase (following the power law growth) that was then followed by a sudden crash immediately after reaching a critical point. Furthermore, their pattern coefficients were similar as well. This study would surely assist policymakers around the Eurozone to predict future crashes with the help of these parameters.
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GALAM, SERGE. « SOCIOPHYSICS : A REVIEW OF GALAM MODELS ». International Journal of Modern Physics C 19, no 03 (mars 2008) : 409–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129183108012297.
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We review a series of models of sociophysics introduced by Galam and Galam et al. in the last 25 years. The models are divided into five different classes, which deal respectively with democratic voting in bottom-up hierarchical systems, decision making, fragmentation versus coalitions, terrorism and opinion dynamics. For each class the connexion to the original physical model and techniques are outlined underlining both the similarities and the differences. Emphasis is put on the numerous novel and counterintuitive results obtained with respect to the associated social and political framework. Using these models several major real political events were successfully predicted including the victory of the French extreme right party in the 2000 first round of French presidential elections, the voting at fifty–fifty in several democratic countries (Germany, Italy, Mexico), and the victory of the "no" to the 2005 French referendum on the European constitution. The perspectives and the challenges to make sociophysics a predictive solid field of science are discussed.
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Özdeşer, Hüseyin. « Analysis of the Economic Impacts of the Euro, the Efficiency of the Euro in the Optimum Currency Area, and the Place of the Euro in Global Economics ». European Review 28, no 2 (7 janvier 2020) : 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000449.
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The introduction of the euro has led to three dominant currencies in the financial markets, namely the euro, dollar and yen. The use of the euro as the single currency is a key element for economic and political unification in the EU (European Union). While some of the criteria for achieving monetary integration between the European Monetary Union (EMU) member countries in the euro area have been satisfied, some problems still remain. As the euro is not the currency of a single country like the dollar, the dollar still retains its dominant position in the international markets. After the Brexit referendum, apprehension regarding the collapse of the EU has reached a peak. Originally introduced in 12 EU member countries, and since extended to 19, the euro may potentially embrace 27 member countries. In this study, the economic impacts of the euro on the per capita income, inflation rate and foreign direct investment are analysed. The analysis will be performed on three countries participating in the EMU, namely, Germany, France and Italy.
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Romboli, Roberto. « La reducción del número de parlamentarios y la propuesta de reforma del sistema de elección del Consejo Superior de la Magistratura en Italia ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 47 (29 avril 2021) : 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.47.2021.30718.
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El ensayo analiza la reciente reforma constitucional llevada a cabo en Italia que ha reducido significativamente el número de parlamentarios y el proyecto de ley del Gobierno con el que se pretende reformar el sistema de elección de los miembros del Consejo Superior de la Magistratura. En relación con la primera cuestión, trata de reconstruirse la tramitación seguida para la aprobación de la ley de reforma constitucional, el referéndum constitucional de septiembre de 2020 y las razones que la han motivado. A tal objeto, se reproduce, en síntesis, el debate mantenido entre la doctrina constitucionalista durante la campaña electoral del referéndum, y se indican las adaptaciones normativas que deben hacerse para implementar la reforma. Por lo que respecta a la propuesta de reforma del sistema de elección del CSM, se analizan las razones y el contenido del proyecto de ley y los aspectos que podrían afectar al modelo de CSM definido en la Constitución.The essay analyses the recent constitutional reform in Italy that has significantly reduced the number of parliamentarians. It also focuses on the Government bill which aims to reform the electoral system of the High Council of the Judiciary’s members. Regarding the first question, the essay reviews the process followed for the approval of the reform law, the constitutional referendum of September 2020 and the reasons which inspired the reform. To this end, it reproduces, briefly, the debate held by the constitutional doctrine during the referendum’s electoral campaign, and the regulatory changes that must be made to implement the reform are indicated. On the other hand, regarding the proposed reform of the CSM’s electoral system, the reasons and content of the bill are analysed as well as the aspects that could affect the CSM’s constitutional design.
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Holtkamp, Carolin, et Trix van Mierlo. « Paving a Way towards Food Democratisation : Mechanisms in Contentious Niche Development ». Sustainability 14, no 3 (28 janvier 2022) : 1553. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14031553.
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Transition scholars have argued that the analysis of the agency of local civil society actors in their political struggle to transform the food system is necessary. In response, we complement the multi-level perspective on socio-technical transitions with the mechanism-process approach of contentious politics. This framework guides our qualitative analysis of a local movement called “The Way of Mals” in South Tyrol, Italy. This movement aimed to ban pesticides by developing a niche of food democratisation. We investigate how the local movement strategically mobilised citizens to get actively engaged in the local governance of food. We argue that the creation of political opportunities by the movement was crucial for their claim making. Amongst others, they introduced a legally binding local referendum on the ban on chemical–synthetic pesticides. We call this mechanism “paving”. In combination with meaning-making and networking, paving has led to the democratisation of local food governance. We conclude that the agency of local movements is especially reflected in their capacity to readjust in response to suppression efforts of their opponents in the well-established conventional regime. We suggest comparisons with similar cases for future research.
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Pensabene Lionti, Tommaso. « Aspectos relevantes del intento de reforma constitucional en Italia en la cuestión de procedimiento legislativo y fuentes primarias = Aspetti rilevanti della tentata riforma constituzionale in Italia in tema di procedimiento legislativo en fonti primarie = Relevant aspects of the constitutional reform attemp in Italy in the matter of legislative procedure and primary sources ». Revista Jurídica de la Universidad de León, no 4 (20 décembre 2017) : 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rjule.v0i4.5287.
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<p>El 4 de diciembre de 2016 los italianos fueron llamados a participar, a través de la votación, en el <em>referéndum</em> concerniente una ley constitucional que (en caso de resultado positivo), habría modificado de manera radical el ordenamiento constitucional italiano. Entre las múltiples modificaciones que la reforma quería introducir, se enfocan lo significativos cambios que la misma habría producido en materia de procedimiento legislativo. En efecto, al final de la reforma, el sistema parlamentario italiano habría cambiado, transitando desde el llamado “bicameralismo paritario” hasta un sistema monocameral “asimétrico o diferenciado”. En consecuencia, habría cambiado el procedimiento legislativo, estructurándose en múltiples procedimientos, o variantes procedimentales, de los cuales se describe la disciplina, haciendo hincapié sobre algunos relevantes aspectos problemáticos. Se subraya, también, que la reforma, a través de la modificación del procedimiento legislativo, junto con la nueva disciplina constitucional de los decretos-leyes y de la nueva repartición de las competencias normativas entre el Estado y las Regiones, habría producido cambios importantes sobre las mismas características de las leyes y de los actos con fuerza de ley. En conclusión, se plantean las posibles razones, políticas y jurídicas, que han llevado al resultado negativo del <em>referendum</em> constitucional.</p><p>On December 4, 2016, Italians were called upon a <em>referendum</em> to approve a constitutional law that would (if successful) radically change the Italian constitutional system. Among the many changes that the reform intended to pursue, we are focusing on the significant changes it would bring in the legislative procedure. As a result of the reform, in fact, the Italian parliamentary system would be changed, passing from "bicameralism equal" to a "asymmetric or differentiated" monocameral system. Consequently, the legislative process would have changed, articulating into multiple procedures or procedural variants, of which the discipline is described, focusing on some relevant problematic profiles. It should also be noted that the reform, with the modification of the legislative procedure, together with the new constitutional discipline of the decree-law and the new division of normative competences between the State and the Regions, would have produced important changes in the features of laws and acts with force of law. Finally, we are questioning about the possible reasons, policies and legal issues, that have led to the negative outcome of the constitutional <em>referendum</em><em>.</em></p>
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Avilova, A., A. Gutnick, Y. Kvashnin, V. Olenchenko, N. Toganova et O. Trofimova. « The European Parliament Elections 2014 ». World Economy and International Relations, no 11 (2014) : 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-5-20.
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The article is devoted to the European Parliament elections held in May 2014. Their results are analyzed on two levels – national and pan-European. On the national one the authors provide case studies of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Poland, Italy and Greece. The impact of economic crisis and later the severe public debt crisis in Eurozone countries on the EU Parliament elections is estimated. Another factor examined in the study is the public awareness of the EU’s institutions in everyday life. The authors point out the contradiction between the public opinion on these institutions and the ongoing process of further integration due to the crises in such fields as finances and government expenditures. The latest process is viewed by the experts as a positive one, but the lack of public understanding resulted in abstention, protest voting and the rise of right-wing and populist parties. The national case studies showed that the situation varied from country to country. In some of them the pan-European agenda has played a greater role, in others it influenced the elections, but in the end they were mainly a referendum on the national government performance. The case of the UK illustrated the first tendency, but partly also the second one: the elections not only put the question about the country’s role in the EU, but also reflected the citizens’ discontent in mainstream politics. France, Greece and partly Italy showed that the voters disapprove the EU politics, especially concerning such fields as immigration and economic and debt crisis. The Polish case demonstrates that the lack of information on the EU’s institutions can jeopardize the positions of centrist parties even in a very pro-European country. The election results in FRG confirm that the Germans are trying to identify their country’s role in the European institutions and find the right attitude toward its growing responsibility for the integration process.
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Bayley, Guy R. « Post-Referenda Government Reorganization in Italy ». European Energy and Environmental Law Review 3, Issue 1 (1 janvier 1994) : 27–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr1994005.
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Andreani, Teresa. « Along the Italian route of End-of-life : the latest judicial evolution on assisted suicide ». Bioethica 7, no 2 (7 octobre 2021) : 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bioeth.28158.
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In the last three decades, the dilemma of End-of-Life is one of the most disputed bio-juridical questions Italy is confronting with. By raising highly sensitive ethical, legal and political dilemmas, it has deeply divided the Italian society, the scientific community and the political arena. In the context of a raging controversy, the Italian Parliament has opted for silence. Thus, an evolutive, judicial route has marked the legal frame in response to numerous, concrete demands of recognition of the freedom of self-determination and value of dignity in the final phase of life. In this review article, an overview of the judicial evolution of the complex mosaic of end-of-life issues will be firstly offered through three cases, pillars on which the latest judicial evolution on assisted suicide lays its foundations. Secondly, the issue of assisted suicide will be singularly addressed through the examination of the Cappato case which has outlined the path for the historical ruling of the Italian Constitutional Court, no'242 of 2019 on the constitutional illegitimacy of the crime of assistance to suicide under article 580 of the Italian Criminal Code. Precisely, the Court has pointed out several, concurrent requirements in presence of which an active conduct directly connected with suicide is not criminally relevant: the autonomous and free formation of the individual will, the irreversible nature of the disease, the ongoing practice of a life-saving treatment, the intolerability of the physical or psychological sufferings and the mental capacity to self-determination. Among the numerous, emerging, interpretative questions, the latest Trentini case, in which the requirement of life-saving treatment has been interpreted as inclusive of pharmacological therapy and of every material, sanitary life-saving assistance, will be further evaluated. Conclusively, a cross section of the fragile interplay between the legislative power and the judiciary power will be depicted in reference to the main open interpretative questions related to the enforcement of the constitutional ruling and a portrait of the upcoming scenerios, as the existing legislative drafts and the prepositive referendum question, will be concisely examined.
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Hancher, Leigh. « The Nuclear Referenda in Italy and their Consequences ». Journal of Energy & ; Natural Resources Law 6, no 3 (janvier 1988) : 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02646811.1988.11433626.
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Secler, Bartłomiej. « Separatist and autonomous tendencies in modern Italy ». Review of Nationalities 8, no 1 (1 décembre 2018) : 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2018-0006.
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Abstract The article focuses on the autonomous and separatist pursuits that occur in present day Italy. The work was inspired by the consultative referendums of 2017 in the regions of Veneto and Lombardia. Their aim was to give the residents a chance to express their views regarding the possible expansion of the autonomy of these two administrative units. As a result of the plebiscites, a significant majority voted for the expansion of the autonomy, which might trigger the pursuit of more permissions for the regions. One has to remember that in accordance with the constitution, Italy is a unanimous and non-divisible state. However, this does not mean that presently (as well as in the future) there are no separatist and autonomous tendencies. The tendencies have historical, economical, cultural, social or political reasons. The aim of the article is to analyze these tendencies on the basis subject literature and sources.
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VOLCANSEK, MARY L. « Political Power and Judicial Review in Italy ». Comparative Political Studies 26, no 4 (janvier 1994) : 492–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414094026004005.
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This essay traces the development of the power of the Italian Constitutional Court, the political impact of its policies, and its reception by the public and the other institutions of government. The relationship between the Court and Parliament is presented as one characterized by a synchronization of powers, and the Court has demonstrated reluctance to interfere in conflicts among the various branches of the national government. That timidity has not, however, carried over into its treatment of referenda or of national versus regional prerogatives. The Constitutional Court is, according to this analysis, a part of the national governing elite, and its most controversial decisions have been ones safeguarding the interests of that elite. By carefully acting as “quasi-guardians,” the Constitutional Court judges have cemented a solidly positive reputation and nurtured an aura of legitimacy that is rare among Italian political actors.
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Giovannini, Arianna, et Davide Vampa. « Towards a new era of regionalism in Italy ? A comparative perspective on autonomy referendums ». Territory, Politics, Governance 8, no 4 (11 mars 2019) : 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2019.1582902.
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Chiaramonte, Alessandro, et Roberto D'Alimonte. « The Twilight of the Berlusconi Era : Local Elections and National Referendums in Italy, May and June 2011 ». South European Society and Politics 17, no 2 (juin 2012) : 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.701793.
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Cheles, Luciano. « Iconic images in propaganda ». Modern Italy 21, no 4 (novembre 2016) : 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.55.
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Italian visual propaganda often makes use of well-established imagery, to exploit its proven impact. Renaissance masterpieces with religious subject matter were recurrently reproduced on political posters in the early post-war years and during the referenda campaigns of 1974 and 1981, mostly to characterise the parties as Christian. In Italy and elsewhere these images now tend to be employed in a secular way, for instance to denounce injustices and atrocities, and invite compassion and solidarity for the victims. Symbolic motifs traditionally associated with specific ideological traditions also used to feature strongly in Italian visual propaganda; they virtually disappeared in the early 1990s with the collapse of the Christian-Democrat and Socialist parties in the wake of the Mani pulite investigations, and the Communist Party’s transformation into a social-democratic party. They have been replaced by new icons. Iconographic motifs dear to fascism and Nazism, however, continue to be used, by stealth or unabashedly, by Italian far-right organisations.
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BROZIC, LILIANA. « INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COMMUNITY AT THE CROSSROADS ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/2 (30 juin 2016) : 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.2.00.
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For some time already, the international security community has been at a crossroads and looking for new right directions. The established operational guidelines have changed, and in some areas, it seems that they simply no longer exist. There are many factors which have had an effect on the relatively high level of security we have witnessed in the last few years. The financial crisis, which started to show its teeth in 2008 and 2009, has seriously changed the European armed forces, their structure, organization and development. Many comforted themselves that this does not constitute a significant problem, since we are relatively safe. Public opinion surveys in Slovenia revealed that most of all, people feel threatened by natural disasters and socio-economic situation. However, gradually but relatively quickly, everything has changed. In the spring of 2014, Crimea held a referendum on its annexation to the Russian Federation. The rattling of weapons began, provoking different reactions in the international community and resulting in altered relations between NATO and Russia. These changes were also discussed at the July NATO Summit in Warsaw. Two years earlier, in 2012, the media increasingly reported on the soaring migration problems in the Mediterranean Sea and difficulties suffered by Italy due to those phenomena. By the end of last year, migrations from the Southeast reached unimaginable proportions and gave a profound shock to the foundations of the European Union. Some terrorist attacks in European cities, which were said to be organized and carried out by migrants, had a significant impact on the altered understanding of the new (in)security. Some experts adopted a scientific approach to the new understanding of safety. The Defence Research Centre of the Faculty of Social Sciences, for example, published the results of a survey on the opinions of the Slovenian public regarding safety, which was carried out in 2015/2016. Among other things, the findings show that the recent migrant crisis has affected the Slovenian public, which perceives mass migrations as well as illegal and economic migrants as an important reason of concern. The authors of the survey observed a marked increase in the acceptance of the idea that in the protection of borders from illegal crossings, the Police are assisted by the Slovenian Armed Forces. A significantly high number of people also agreed with the idea that the armed forces should help in the fight against terrorism which, before the occurrence of mass migrations, was unthinkable. According to the authors of the survey, in the last three years, the support of the Slovenian public to the participation of Slovenia in international operations and missions has also grown by more than 20 percent. In addition, the proportion of the public which supports proposals to increase the defence budget has gone up. But will it actually increase, and how soon? We are still waiting for the new European defence strategy. We are anticipating new solutions, agreements between the decision-makers, etc. In the meantime, different authors went through various experiences. Some of them have decided to share them with our readers. In his article Fourth Generation Warfare: Geopolitical Framework to Slovenian Security (Part 1),Viktor Potočnik explores the issue of how geopolitics impacts the global security situation, what are the contemporary security risks and how they can affect Slovenia. In ensuring national security, the Slovenian Armed Forces play an important role. Consequently, Potočnik raises the question of whether they have a sufficient level of readiness to withstand potential risks, and presents the facts which he believes can have a key influence on the Slovenian national security. Cyber threats represent one of the most modern forms of security threats. In the previous issue of the Contemporary Military Challenges, Vinko Vegič provided the definition of cyber threats. This issue continues this theme with the article NATO and Cyber Deterrence, written by Staša Novak. According to her, NATO is de facto already pursuing certain elements of cyber deterrence based on strong defence, declaratory policy and responsive measures. However, responsive measures are not NATO offensive cyber capabilities, but the possibility of a collective defence response to a cyber attack, which implies a response with all available means. The increased number of migrants on their way to a better future has surprised many people in the Balkans, although numerous institutions and individuals had warned of this possibility before. Some experiences and responses of Slovenia’s neighbour, Hungary, are presented in an article by József Padányi and László Földi, titled Lessons Learned for the Hungarian Defence Forces from the Deployment of Engineer Obstacles during the 2015 Europe-Wide Mass-Migration Emergency. The article focuses mainly on the activities of the Hungarian armed forces. Metodi Hadji-Janev and Marija Jankuloska point out that the region of South- Eastern Europe has witnessed some examples of terrorist attacks and observe that the use of drones for countering global terrorism proved to be effective. Their article The Challenges of Drone Usage by Southeast European Countries examines the possibilities of their use in the home region. In his article titled Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the International Fight against It, József Kis-Benedek discusses the origins of this phenomenon and its manifestations in various Middle East countries, as well as the response of those countries and other international actors who share an interest in this part of the world. He also calls attention to the question of the Kurds and the emergence of volunteer fighters who are coming to Syria and Iraq to fight. The Battalion Battle Group and the evaluation of its training is the subject of the article titled Battle Group Training Cycle, in which Aleš Avsec compares the methods of training of these units in the Slovenian Armed Forces with the training of similar units in the United States of America. Is it even possible to compare two countries which are that different?
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Kersting, Norbert, et Marta Regalia. « Direct democracy and its integrity. The Italian 2020 and the Turkey 2017 constitutional referendums ». Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft, 27 janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-022-00552-6.
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AbstractWhat is the role of referendums in different regimes from authoritarian electoral democracies to democratic systems? In this article we use the Direct Democracy Integrity Index to analyse the Turkish (2017) and Italian (2020) referendums to understand if they can be seen as contributing to majoritarianism or to consensus democracy, depending on rules such as who can call a referendum and on the integrity of the referendum itself and considering the misuse of the instrument by the executive especially in the initial phase of the referendum. Turkey and Italy are used as a most different systems design: a modern autocracy and a consolidated democracy are actually similar in their extensive and frequent use of nationwide constitutional referendums. We conclude that the constitutional referendum in modern autocratic Turkey contributed to majoritarian developments and strengthened the president, while in democratic Italy the referendum also offered incentives for minorities and regions to express dissent. Integrity was more problematic in the pre-referendum phase.
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Sottilotta, Cecilia Emma. « Strategic Use of Government-Sponsored Referendums in Contemporary Europe : Issues and Implications ». Journal of Contemporary European Research 13, no 4 (15 décembre 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v13i4.836.
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Referenda, especially those which are not constitutionally mandated, have often been used strategically in the context of both democratic and non-democratic regimes by political actors wishing to achieve specific goals. Engaging with the extant literature on the subject, this article analyses four government-sponsored referendums which took place between 2015 and 2016 in Greece, Britain, Hungary and Italy. The focus of the analysis is twofold. The first purpose is to debunk the political risk calculation underpinning the government’s decision to sponsor a referendum in each of the cases considered. The second is to suggest that the strategic use of referendum by governments in contemporary Europe can be better understood if read in light of the recent upsurge of populist movements.