Bibliographies thématiques / Regime legitimacy

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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Regime legitimacy »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 7 juin 2025

Mis à jour le 2 août 2025

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Regime legitimacy"

Sedgwick, Mark. "Measuring Egyptian Regime Legitimacy." Middle East Critique 19, no. 3 (2010): 251–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2010.514474.

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Ortmann, Stephan. "Opposition and Regime Legitimacy." Journal of Asian and African Studies 45, no. 1 (2010): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909610352688.

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Letsa, Natalie Wenzell. "‘The people's choice’: popular (il)legitimacy in autocratic Cameroon." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 4 (2017): 647–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000428.

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AbstractWhile many analysts assume that the autocratic regime of Paul Biya is deeply unpopular amongst ordinary Cameroonians, there is almost no existing analysis of public opinion in Cameroon. In fact, Cameroonians are deeply divided in their beliefs about politics; while many view the government as democratic and legitimate, others see the regime as entirely autocratic. What explains these fundamental divides in beliefs? While existing theories point to demographic factors as the most important predictors of political opinions, this article argues that in autocratic regimes, political geogra

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Yitzhak, Ronen. "The Question of the Legitimacy of the Hashemite Regime in Jordan: the Islamic Radical Organizations, the Western Territories and Israel." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 1 (2020): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340228.

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Abstract This article explores the question of the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime in Jordan. Jordanian public opinion, on the one hand, recognizes the regime, in large part because of its genealogical descent from the Prophet Muhammad. Radical Islamic organizations, on the other hand, reject it for its ties to the West and Israel. The article examines how the views of Islamic movements towards the Hashemite regime have evolved. The Muslim Brotherhood originally recognized the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime, but changed that position in response to Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel

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Durrheim, Kevin, Don Foster, and Colin Tredoux. "Conceptions of legitimacy as a variable mediating the relationship between relative deprivation and militancy." South African Journal of Psychology 25, no. 2 (1995): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639502500206.

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The role of relative deprivation and authoritarianism in predicting militancy and the potential for political protest form the backdrop of this study. The influence of conceptions of regime legitimacy as a variable mediating this relationship was investigated by means of a factorial design, employing a white student sample ( N = 135). Conceptions of legitimacy were manipulated by dividing the sample into left- and right-wing subsamples. The left- and right-wing samples were found to demonstrate different conceptions of relative intergroup status between blacks and whites under the regimes whic

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Whiting, Susan H. "Authoritarian “Rule of Law” and Regime Legitimacy." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 14 (2017): 1907–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688008.

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A prominent hypothesis to explain the durability of authoritarian regimes focuses on the official adoption of law and legal institutions. The present study offers a novel empirical approach to test the relationship between legal construction and regime legitimation, drawing on a quasi-experiment and original panel survey in rural China. Using difference-in-difference, subgroup, and two-stage least squares analyses, it finds that the Chinese state’s project of legal construction powerfully shapes the legal consciousness of ordinary rural citizens and that state-constructed legal consciousness e

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Aldefaie, Hatem Mehdi, and Ihab Ali Abdullah Rashid. "Opportunities and obstacles to building legitimate legal legitimacy In the Arab political systems." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 6 (2019): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i6.60.

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Arab political regimes suffer from a number of crises that pose a challenge to the continuation and stability of their political systems. Arab political regimes have witnessed many multi-dimensional crises and angles such as economic, social and political crises. Main in the Arab political systems. The majority of researchers and scholars in this field are due to the weakness of the relationship between society and the existing political system, the latter and civil society, and the consequent tyranny of the Authority and its regime, and its penetration into the practice of oppression an

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Medushevskiy, Andrei N. "2020 Constitutional Reform as the Problem of Legitimacy Theory." Theoretical and Applied Law, no. 4 (June 7, 2020): 15–30. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15430419.

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The legitimacy is one of the key resources of stability for all political regimes but its importance growing still much in regimes under transformation. The general legitimacy theory exposes why and how the dominant political class disposes the trust of society to stay in power by using available symbolic, moral and legal resources of self-legitimization. In contemporary law-based state the ground of the legitimacy is normally associated with the national constitution – its fundamental values, principles and norms as well as with general public agreement on mode of their application by g

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Hacin, Rok. "Prisoners’ Perceptions of Legitimacy of Prison Staff in Slovenia." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 26, no. 2 (2018): 160–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-02602003.

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This paper focuses on prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy of prison staff in Slovenian prisons and the influence of progressiveness of the prison regime on these perceptions. The purpose of the study is to identify those factors that influence prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy of the prison staff and to test different models of studying legitimacy in the post-socialist prison environment. Possible differences in prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy in different prison regimes in Slovenia will be explored. Results of regression analyses highlighted the fact that procedural justice, distribu

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Zalman, Amy. "In Pursuit of Legitimacy." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (2006): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1644.

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In his book In Pursuit of Legitimacy, Hesham Al Awadi sets out to explainEgyptian president Mubarak’s dramatic shift in his treatment of the MuslimBrothers (Al Ikhwan Al Muslimin), from toleration of the outlawed group tosevere repression, over the first two decades of his regime. Standard explanationsfor this shift, as Awadi points out, have a state-centric bias in which the state is the primary actor responding to the threat posed by the MuslimBrothers to the regime, either by providing social services when the state’scapacity to do so was hampered, or by challenging the legitimacy of anauth

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Thèses sur le sujet "Regime legitimacy"

Carlson, Heidi M. "Perceptions of regime legitimacy in Mozambique Legitimacy in transition? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FCarlson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006. Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia Lawson, Jessica Piombo. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-64). Also available in print.

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Ross, Matthew. "A regime legitimacy explanation of African peacekeeping." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5471.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. The American military needs to understand what incentivizes some African nations to participate in peacekeeping in order to strengthen the incentive structure so that high levels of peacekeeping will continue. The main argument advanced in this thesis is that regimes that are attempting to increase their structural legitimacy are more likely to volunteer for peacekeeping missions to gain international political legitimacy, as well as domestic social and economic legitimacy. This hypothesis is based on a synthesis of constructivism and

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Moore, Patrick J. "Economic performance and North Korean regime legitimacy." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42688.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited This thesis examines the sources of legitimacy for the North Korean regime in an effort to explain what role, if any, economic performance has played in keeping the Kim family in power. This thesis provides a historical look at the development of the North Korean regime from the beginning under Kim Il-sung to the current generation of rule under Kim Jong-un. The core argument of the thesis is broken into two major time periods, with the economic downturn of the early 1990s serving as the dividing point. Furthermore, comparisons with Sou

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Mao, Kristina Sie. "When East European communist regimes fall China still stands: A comparative study of regime legitimacy." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187387.

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This dissertation seeks to answer the question: "Why did East European communist regimes fall but the Chinese communist regime, despite similar shocks at that same time, still stands?" It examines the roles of Marxism, Leninism, nationalism, and the traditional cultures of each the nine countries, in their recent crises of legitimacy. The principal findings are that all the following factors help to explain the successes or failures of these regimes in maintaining their legitimacy: (1) systematic differences between East European communist countries and China in the traditional religious belie

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Roussin, Della Shirley. "Political legitimacy and regime change : the 1972 British Columbia election." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43282.

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The 1972 British Columbia general election marked the end of the twenty-year dominance of the Social Credit Party and Premier W.A.C. Bennett. Dave Barrett led the New Democratic Party to its first majority government ushering in the first Social Democratic government in the province's history. The reversal of Social Credit fortunes in 1972 should not be seen, however, as a rejection of the core values of the Social Credit party, but rather as a crisis of legitimacy faced by the party and its aging leader. As a case study, the 1972 election provides an opportunity to examine the agenda-setting

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Esquivel-King, Reyna M. "Mexican Film Censorship and the Creation of Regime Legitimacy, 1913-1945." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1555601229993353.

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Russell, Jacob Hale. "Regime legitimacy and military resilience : lessons from World War II and Yugoslavia." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53082.

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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. This thesis argues that regime legitimacy creates military resilience. A regime is legitimate when its constituents believe-whether because of ideological solidarity, patriotism, nationalism, or good governance-that a government has the right to exercise authority in its regime. Military resilience, which contributes to military effectiveness, refers to the willingness of troops to stay committed in combat. In modern war, dispersion of forces creates the need for a

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Reilly, Wuna. "Sharing the Land: Explaining the Endurance of China’s Collective Owned Land Regime." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18803.

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Almost half of China’s land mass is governed by a collective owned land regime (COLR). This rural land is not privately owned: it cannot be bought or sold. Nor is it state owned land, as in urban China or in most socialist countries. Instead, most rural land is still owned collectively by China’s rural residents. The COLR is one of the most enduring elements of China’s socialist collective structure. While almost all other collective structures have been abandoned over China’s economic reform process, the COLR has endured. Why? What explains its persistence? What role does the COLR play in Chi

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Crossen, Teall. "Responding to global warming a legitimacy critique of the proposed Kyoto Protocol compliance regime /." Montréal, QC : University of Calgary, 2004. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=813798011&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=78006&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Lin, Ling, and 林灵. "The effectiveness and legitimacy of investment incentive regime in China: dilemmas of state intervention." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50533757.

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While investment incentives are increasingly employed by the developing economies, the vast amount of literature has failed to reach a consensus on the role of incentive regimes. A fundamental problem with the previous econometric studies is that they assume a mature market condition, under which the government should remain outside FDI competition. However, in reality, most developing countries lack a mature market and market-oriented regulatory institutions. This thesis adds to the conventional wisdom by examining whether and how Chinese investment incentive regimes have been successful in

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Livres sur le sujet "Regime legitimacy"

Thomas, Heberer, and Schubert Gunter 1963-, eds. Regime legitimacy in contemporary China: Institutional change and stability. Routledge, 2006.

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Amin, Saikal. Regime change in Afghanistan: Foreign intervention and the politics of legitimacy. Westview Press, 1991.

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Chapman, Lean Nathan, ed. Iran, Israel, and the United States: Regime security vs. political legitimacy. Praeger, 2011.

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Larmour, Peter. Legitimacy, sovereignty, and regime change in the South Pacific: Comparisons between the Fiji coups and the Bougainville rebellion. Political and Social Change, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1992.

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Center for Global Development. Working Group on the Prevention of Odious Debt. Preventing odious obligations: A new tool for protecting citizens from illegitimate regimes : a report of the Working Group on the Prevention Of Odious Debt. Center for Global Development, 2010.

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Kinzer, Stephen. Overthrow: America's century of regime change from Hawaii to Iraq. Times Books, 2006.

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Sanderson, Stephen K. Revolutions: A worldwide introduction to social and political contention. 2nd ed. Paradigm Publishers, 2010.

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Follesdal, Andreas, Johan Karlsson Schaffer, and Geir Ulfstein, eds. The Legitimacy of International Human Rights Regimes. Cambridge University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781139540827.

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Føllesdal, Andreas, Geir Ulfstein, and Johan Karlsson Schaffer. The legitimacy of international human rights regimes: Legal, political and philosophical perspectives. Cambridge University Press, 2014.

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Elahi, Shirin. Scenarios for the future: How might IP regimes evolve by 2025? What global legitimacy might such regimes have? European Patent Office, 2007.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Regime legitimacy"

Rubongoya, Joshua B. "Political Legitimacy Threatened: The Return of Presidentialism." In Regime Hegemony in Museveni’s Uganda. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603363_5.

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Rubongoya, Joshua B. "Reconstructing the State: Challenges of Legitimacy and Power Consolidation." In Regime Hegemony in Museveni’s Uganda. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603363_3.

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Myers, David J. "Venezuela: Political Decay Amid the Struggle for Regime Legitimacy." In Latin American Politics and Development. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429495045-15.

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Weatherley, Robert, and Qiang Zhang. "Turning to Nationalism: Another Crisis of Regime Legitimacy for the CCP." In History and Nationalist Legitimacy in Contemporary China. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47947-1_2.

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Fodor, Eva. "Conclusion." In The Gender Regime of Anti-Liberal Hungary. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85312-9_4.

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AbstractThis chapter is a brief summary of the main arguments and a development of the point that carefare policies form an integral part of the political success and legitimacy of the anti-liberal regime. The chapter also shows how selective and exclusionary the policies are.

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Otunnu, Ogenga. "The Obote Regime and Political Violence, 1962–1971." In Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence in Uganda, 1890 to 1979. Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33156-0_4.

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Otunnu, Ogenga. "The Amin Regime and Political Violence, 1971–1979." In Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence in Uganda, 1890 to 1979. Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33156-0_5.

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Otunnu, Ogenga. "Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence Under the Museveni Regime, 1985–2016." In Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence in Uganda, 1979 to 2016. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56047-2_5.

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Otunnu, Ogenga. "Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence Under the Obote II Regime, 1980–1985." In Crisis of Legitimacy and Political Violence in Uganda, 1979 to 2016. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56047-2_3.

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Holbig, Heike. "Official Visions of Democracy in Xi Jinping’s China." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_18.

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AbstractThe concept of “democracy” has been used in Chinese political discourse since the early twentieth century. It was first appropriated as part of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) vocabulary by Mao Zedong, and subsequent leadership generations have added new interpretations of the notion. Since 2012, when Xi Jinping took office as China’s new paramount leader, the concept of “democracy” has been further developed in official party discourse. Coined as a “socialist core value,” its popularization helps to bolster regime legitimacy at home. At the same time, the idea of a “Chinese-style

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Regime legitimacy"

Imoto, Shota, Yoshito Watanabe, and Ryohei Banno. "Enhancing Address Information Legitimacy in MANET with Blockchain." In TENCON 2024 - 2024 IEEE Region 10 Conference (TENCON). IEEE, 2024. https://doi.org/10.1109/tencon61640.2024.10902762.

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"Polarization and Challenged Regime Legitimacy in East Asia." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.08.

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SOROCEANU, Igor. "Electoral culture as part of democratic culture." In "Higher education: traditions, values, perspectives", international scientific conference. Ion Creangă Pedagogical State University, 2024. https://doi.org/10.46727/c.27-28-09-2024.p53-57.

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The attitude of the people towards power and the course promoted by it certainly represents the democratic aspect of the country, being at the same time essential and basic for what is formed in a state. If we were to refer to a plural-party system, we could mention and bring to the fore the ability to really influence the situation in the country, thanks to the voters who vote for the political forms that express and have the power to realize the wishes and aspirations of the people. The way of political participation of the majority of citizens in the political regime is voting, which is the

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Zivotic, Ilija, and Darko Obradovic. "SPREAD OF SOFT POWER BY AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES ON WESTERN BALKAN IN CONTEXT OF GLOBAL COMPETING." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.2.5.21.p18.

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The spread of soft power by the great states and possible consequences for the Republic of Serbia To successfully realize their own economic interests in a distant country that Serbia certainly is in relation to China, to protect the established opinion about the lasting brotherly and protective relationship perceived by the citizens of Serbia in relation to Russia, or to convince the new generations in Serbia that NATO bombing was not intended for the people in Serbia but for Milosevic's regime, and that it is time to look ahead and develop a friendly relationship and partnership with the Uni

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أبو الحسن اسماعيل, علاء. "Assessing the Political Ideology in the Excerpts Cited from the Speeches and Resolutions of the Former Regime After the Acts of Genocide." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/2.

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If killing a single person is considered as a major crime that forbidden by Sharia and law at the international level and at the level of all religions and divine legislation, so what about the concept of genocide!! Here, not just an individual with a weak influence on society is killed, but thousands of individuals, that means an entire nation, a future, energy and human and intellectual capabilities that can tip the scales, and on the other hand, broken and half-dead hearts are left behind from the horrific scenes of killing they witnessed before their eyes, moreover, the massacres of genoci

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Kazenkov, Oleg Iurevich. "History of Relations Between Argentina and Countries of Latin America and the United States in XXI Century." In All-Russian scientific and practical conference with international participation, chair Dmitrij Nikolaevich Ermakov. Publishing house Sreda, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-97354.

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The article analyzes the history of difficult relations between the United States and Latin American countries in recent times. The author, using a wide source base, examines the prospects for US participation in the overthrow of legitimate political regimes in the States of the region.

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Proskurina, Kristina. "Astana International Financial Center: Features of the Tax Regime and Legal Regulation of Cryptocurrency Turnover." In The XX International Scientific Conference "Functioning of Investments Financed from State Resources and from Other Sources in The Countries of Central And Eastern Europe". Temida 2, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/ipf.2022.16.

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In its desire to encourage some individuals the State should not infringe the rights and legitimate interests of others. The investment policy of the State should not be discriminatory and should always, first of all, take into account the national (public) interests. However, the State is not always consistent, reasonable and fair in its investment policy in relation to the entire society. The state through public authorities and public officials is the spokesman of the public interests. In this case, the State must take these public interests into account when carrying out activities, in par

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Amin, Latif. "Difficulties in issuing the constitution of the Kurdistan Region." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp181-190.

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The Constitution is the basic law and from it all authorities derive their powers and the legitimacy of their actions, through which the form of the state, its government, its system of governance, the nature of authorities, their competencies, the relations between them, and their limits are determined, in addition to determining the rights of citizens: individuals and groups, and ensuring the performance of these rights for them. It is the right of any region or state in the federal state to have a constitution, and in the Kurdistan region it was possible to establish a constitution for the

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Öksüz, Hatice. "Measures Against the Pandemic as the Panoptical Eye of the Power: The Example of Coronavirus Pandemic." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctcspc.21/ctc21.019.

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Epidemics threatened the daily life activities of human societies in certain periods of history. Epidemic diseases, known as disasters that resulted in the death of millions of people, have always been issues that occupy humanity, to be detected from the moment they emerged and to seek solutions to end the epidemic. Having knowledge means having power. Therefore, the easiest way to retain information is through surveillance. Considering the history of epidemic diseases, it is seen that surveillance practices are frequently used. In the information society that emerged with new communication te

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Ulianitckaia, Liubov A. "THE PECULIARITIES OF THE FRENCH SPOKEN IN BRUSSELS." In Second Scientific readings in memory of Professor V. P. Berkov. St. Petersburg State University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288063590.

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The article discusses the main stages in the development of the language situation in the Brussels — Capital Region in the context of historical and socio-cultural phenomena. The purpose of the study is to illustrate the influence of the Dutch language on the Belgian varieties of French. The tasks to be solved are the substantiation of the legitimacy of the division of the Belgian variants of the French language into Brussels and Walloon variants, as well as the clarification of the issue of recognizing the Marolian as a mixed Franco-Dutch language. As a result of the study, it was revealed th

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Regime legitimacy"

Kuhn, Katharina. The International Tax Regime Complex: Understanding Change in Global Tax Governance. Institute of Development Studies, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2024.105.

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Following a landmark vote in the UN General Assembly in December 2023, negotiations are taking place that will lead to a new framework convention on tax. While the UN is not new to international tax cooperation, ambitions for the convention extend beyond the remit of its current expert committee into policy areas where the OECD – in particular – already has a body of work. This creates risks of duplication, competition and incoherence that will depend on how the convention develops, how other organisations react, and how states engage with them. In this paper we draw three main insights from i

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Brockmann, Kolja, Mark Bromley, and Lauriane Héau. The Missile Technology Control Regime at a Crossroads: Adapting the Regime for Current and Future Challenges. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ycva4831.

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The Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) is a cornerstone of the non-proliferation architecture for missiles and other uncrewed aerial vehicles. However, geopolitical and technical developments and operational challenges threaten the regime’s effectiveness and create a need for reform in several areas. The MTCR partners should develop a clear strategy for determining if and how to expand MTCR membership. To increase the number of adherents, partners should pursue reinforced outreach and expand and promote the benefits offered. By improving the transparency of its procedures and deliberatio

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Brockmann, Kolja, Mark Bromley, and Lauriane Héau. Adapting the Missile Technology Control Regime for Current and Future Challenges. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/qdbn4348.

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Gause, Ken E. North Korean House of Cards: Leadership Dynamics Under Kim Jong-un. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, 2015. https://doi.org/10.69981/4725.

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This report examines the power structure of North Korea under its current leader, Kim Jong-un, within the context of a totalitarian regime sustained by over six decades of Kim family rule. It develops a model to understand the regime's leadership dynamics, emphasizing the significance of individuals within the leadership group, beyond Kim Jong-un, in shaping decision-making processes. The research draws from a wide range of sources, including defectors, experts, and North Korean media. The report argues that while Kim Jong-un has consolidated power, systemic flaws persist, as the leadership st

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Broek, Emilie, Nicholas Olczak, and Lisa Dellmuth. The Involvement of Civil Society Organizations in Arctic Governance. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/nkqm8574.

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The Arctic is faced with growing environmental and geopolitical challenges, which require international governance involving a range of actors. Existing research has a limited understanding of the role played by civil society organizations (CSOs) in the emerging governance of the region. This SIPRI Insights paper has reviewed the existing literature and used novel survey data to analyse the involvement of CSOs in terms of their roles and their beliefs in Arctic governance. It finds that CSOs monitor agreements and push for regional accountability, support the implementation of policies, engage

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van den Boogaard,, Vanessa, and Fabrizio Santoro. Co-Financing Community-Driven Development Through Informal Taxation: Experimental Evidence from South-Central Somalia. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.016.

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Community contributions are often required as part of community-driven development (CDD) programmes, with payment encouraged through matching grants. However, little remains known about the impact of matching grants, or the implications of requiring community contributions in order for communities to receive development funding. This paper describes research where we partner with two non-governmental organisations (NGOs) – one international and one Somali – and undertake a randomised control trial of a CDD matching grant programme designed to incentivise informal contributions for local public

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Lyammouri, Rida. Central Mali: Armed Community Mobilization in Crisis. RESOLVE Network, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.4.

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The proliferation of community-based armed groups (CBAGs) in Mali’s Mopti and Ségou Regions has contributed to transforming Central Mali into a regional epicenter of conflict since 2016. Due to the lack of adequate presence of the state, certain vulnerable, conflict-affected communities resorted to embracing non-state armed groups as security umbrellas in the context of inter-communal violence. These local conflicts are the result of long-standing issues over increasing pressure on natural resources, climate shocks, competing economic lifestyles, nepotistic and exclusionary resource management

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Nationalism, Religion, and Archaeology: The Civilizational Populism of Benjamin Netanyahu and Likud. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0015.

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This paper examines civilizational populism in Israel and focuses on the largest and most powerful party in Israel since the 1980s, National Liberal Movement (Likud), and its most significant leader of the past twenty years, the populist politician Benjamin Netanyahu. We show how Netanyahu incorporates ‘civilizationism’ into his populist discourses by, first, using the notion that Jewish civilization predates all others in the region to establish the legitimacy of the state of Israel, the hegemony of Jewish culture within Israel, and at times his own political decisions. Second, through his po

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Scartascini, Carlos, and Joanna Valle Luna. Research Insights: How Much Do We Trust Others in Latin America and the Caribbean?: The Role of Inequality and Perceptions. Inter-American Development Bank, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003136.

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Inclusive growth requires high levels of trust, both among individuals and in institutions, and trust is shaped by a variety of factors, including the distribution of income and wealth. This is problematic when that distribution is not perceived as legitimate. Latin America and the Caribbean has traditionally been a highly unequal region. Inequality might be associated with lower trust because it reflects an unequal distribution of power, as those at the top can use the states coercive power to benefit themselves at the expense of others. Inequality nonetheless tends to be wrongly estimated, a

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Kallas, Diana. The Magic Potion of Austerity and Poverty Alleviation: Narratives of political capture and inequality in the Middle East and North Africa. Oxfam, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.8298.

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Dominant narratives promoting economic growth at the expense of state institutions and basic social services have long underpinned a neoliberal model of spiralling debt and austerity in the MENA region. This exacerbates political capture and inequality and takes shape in an environment of media concentration and shrinking civic space. It is important for change movements to understand dominant narratives in order to challenge and shift them. With the right tools, civil society organizations, activists, influencers and alternative media can start changing the myths and beliefs which frame the s

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