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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – European Union countries"
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Kohl, Heribert, Wolfgang Lecher et Hans-Wolfgang Platzer. « Transformation, EU Membership and Labour Relations in Central Eastern Europe : Poland — Czech Republic — Hungary — Slovenia ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 6, no 3 (août 2000) : 399–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600306.
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The article starts by emphasising the differences between the Central and East European countries in terms of their labour relations traditions, providing a brief characterisation for four CEECs, with Slovenia identified as the country in which the participatory tradition is strongest. Subsequent sections identify similarities and differences in terms of collective labour law and labour relations at enterprise and supra-enterprise level. At enterprise level the article provides examples of co-operative relations between trade unions and works councils (Slovenia), a dual system of interest representation imposed by government without trade union support (Hungary), political duplication of representation structures (Poland), and the tendency to retain former representation structures (Czech Republic). Similar differences emerge with respect to tripartism, which remains underdeveloped in all countries, again with the exception of Slovenia. The relative weakness of the social partners, and in particular their fragmentation, are shown to be a problem for the candidate countries on their path towards EU accession. Here the European social partners, in particular the ETUC and UNICE, and also European works councils in firms with subsidiaries in eastern Europe should do more to promote social dialogue in the CEECs.
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Dyhal, Yaroslav. « The issue of the ratio of women and men in central and local government : the European Union and Ukraine ». Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 24, no 324 (15 mai 2021) : 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.24.7.
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Gender mainstreaming is an integral part of the process of building a democratic society, including in thepolitical sphere. In order to draw conclusions about gender equality in the political sphere, it is necessaryto constantly investigate the current situation. An indicator of gender equality in the political sphere is therepresentation of women and men in the governmental institutions. Therefore, there is a need to analyse thegender structure of central and local authorities in the European Union.The aim of the paper is to analyse the representation of women and men in elected authorities andgovernments of the European Union and Ukraine. The author explored the participation of men and womenin the European Parliament, national parliaments of European countries, national governmental authorities,regional and local parliaments of the EU and Ukraine.The gender structures of different authorities were compared. The countries with gender equality in thepolitical sphere and the countries with the largest imbalances were identified.The author analysed the factors that contributed to the establishment of equality in countries with indicatorsas close as possible to gender balance (Scandinavian countries). Among such factors the most interesting are:emancipation of women; high level of social development; institutional factors and legislation as incentives.A comparison of the gender structures of the central executive and legislative bodies and local councils ofUkraine and Poland was made.
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Noja, Gratiela Georgiana, Mirela Cristea, Nicoleta Sirghi, Camelia-Daniela Hategan et Paolo D’Anselmi. « Promoting Good Public Governance and Environmental Support for Sustainable Economic Development ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no 24 (6 décembre 2019) : 4940. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16244940.
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Good governance promotes the fundamental grounds of participation and democracy in contemporary public administration, whilst institution building and the (in)effectiveness of public administration is linked to economic growth. This synergy brings forth sheer implications on the sustainable economic development. On this composite setting, the paper examines several fundamental credentials of public administration in the European Union (EU) countries, in relation to economic development, but also poverty, research, and development support, as representative socio-economic credentials. The empirical analysis is based on data covering the 1995–2017 lapse of time, processed through three econometric procedures, namely robust regression, structural equation modeling, and Gaussian graphical models. The main results emphasize that there are significant joint implications of public administration on the considered socio-economic dimensions. General government spending and, particularly, the environmental support, have positive implications on the European Union economies, leading to significant increases in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita and downsize in poverty risk (more emphasized in regard to the government expenditures than the environmental protection). Overall, the quality of governance in EU countries requires an additional effort dedicated to leverage good public governance in order to support the long-term economic development.
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Kalloub, Mohammed, Ahmed Musabeh et Koutibah Alrifai. « HAVE PUBLIC DEBT LEVELS RESTRICTED ANTI-CORONAVIRUS FISCAL RESPONSES ? EVIDENCE FROM EUROPE ». Journal of Public Policy and Administration 5, no 2 (30 novembre 2020) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jppa.1176.
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Purpose: This study was conducted to analyze the impact of public debt stock in 12 European countries on the size of primary[1] anti-coronavirus fiscal responses, and to explore the general characteristics of these packages in sample countries.
Methodology: The sample included only countries from the European Union due to homogeneity in economic standards and legal framework beside the availability of data. However, graphical representation along with regression anlaysis were performed, our key findings indicate a significant negative impact of public debt on the size of primary anti-coronavirus fiscal response and expect a second wave of government borrowing in the near term.
Findings: However, this study sheded the light on public debt confirming the importance of maintaining reasonable levels, as a policy recommendation; governments in the European Union are advised to conduct more efforts to reduce public debt stocks and to adopt new effective public financial management rules to overcome the high debt dilemma, since countries with low debt stocks have initiated the largest packages among the sample.
Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study recommends that employing data from different geographical areas and occasions to gather more evidence on this topic. Moreover, stimulus packages may be in effect for further periods. Therefore, a series of observations might be accumulated and utilized in panel data analysis to form a cogent evidence on this topic by future research efforts.
[1] Primary fiscal responses are the first fiscal packages announced between the period between March-May 2020.
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Arifin, Bustanul, et Komang Audina Permana Putri. « Indonesian Government Strategies On Obtaining Crude Palm Oil (CPO) Market Access To European Union Countries Over The EU Parliament Resolution On Palm Oil And Deforestation Of Rainforest ». Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 8, no 2 (30 novembre 2019) : 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.8.2.201-221.2019.
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Indonesia is the largest producer of palm oil in the world. With Malaysia, palm oil production could account for about eighty percent of global production. Meanwhile, Europe is the country with the third largest CPO export destination for Indonesia after India and China. However, the EU proposed a European Union resolution initiative on palm oil and deforestation of rainforest, which finally passed with the major votes from EU members of Parliament in April 2017. The key point on EU resolution reveals that EU will ban palm oil use for biofuels production by 2020. The purpose of this research is to analyze the Indonesian government’s diplomatic efforts to respond and negotiate with EU regarding the issue. It is also considered important to prevent the global downturn on palm oil products. To analyze the diplomacy effort, the researcher will use qualitative methods presented through data collection from sources such as books, journals, press releases and official reports from institutions in this case the European Union. To support the research, the researcher also uses primary data through the interview with one of the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia for diplomatic actions conducted by Indonesian government. This research finds that the government of Indonesian finally combined several soft diplomatic strategies to face EU both directly and indirectly.Keywords: Strategies, Government of Indonesia, Trade, Palm Oil, EU Resolution, Deforestation
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Lewandowski, Maciej, Pawel Mlodkowski et Marek Wróbel. « DIGITAL PLATFORMS FOR POSTAL SERVICES IN EU AND JAPAN ». European Integration Studies, no 13 (29 octobre 2019) : 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.0.13.22897.
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This paper offers a biased review of digital platforms introduced recently and operated by national posts in several European Union countries. Authors chose the most interesting cases, including those deemed as most successful, those that failed, and the most modern ones. The paper compares diverse European experience with modern solutions introduced by the Japan Post. Methods used for delivering the study included direct interviews with Japan Post officials and systematic review of official documents and announcements by national post operators in European countries covered bin the paper. European Union Member States, and their national postal operators seem to be well ahead of Japan in the way modern technology is utilized in the process of providing traditional (and new) postal services. Paper makes an attempt to show how representative national postal operators benefit from advanced Information and Telecommunication technology and by replacing the manner in which postal services are rendered. There are numerous successful cases of digital platform implementation, like those from Denmark, France, Czech Republic, and Poland, among others. One will find interesting insight into reasons for failed case from Italy among conclusions, at the end of the paper. Environmental issues are also addressed, along with e-government issues. It happens that European Union postal operators optimize their operations with modern technology in the form of digital platforms in a much wider scope than the Japan Post. Japanese organizations deal with extremely challenging geographic conditions. This, in turn, should motivate much more advanced optimization by the means of solutions enabled by digital platforms.
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Paula Araújo, Anne Carolina de, Thiago Farias Nobrega et Viviane Souza do Amaral. « International and National Regulations on Management of Pharmaceutical Products and their Post-Consumer Waste ». Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental 16, no 2 (1 août 2022) : e02944. http://dx.doi.org/10.24857/rgsa.v16n2-007.
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Purpose: To analyze the international and national legal and normative devices regarding the management of pharmaceutical products and their post-consumption waste. To guide this review, the following question was posed: what is the national and international evidence on the management of pharmaceutical products and their post-consumption waste? Method/design/approach: Descriptive review consisting of an investigation of technical and normative documents. To this end, representative countries of the European Union, North America, and South America were included in this review. Results and conclusion: They were found to be: (1) the European Union model, which is characterized in a general framework for all Member States; (2) the North American model, where most countries are not subject to a common regulatory framework; (3) the South American model, where most countries have legal provisions implemented at the national level. Thus, it is inferred that the countries analyzed have regulations, even if in different spheres of government. Research implications: The contributions point to the knowledge of the legislations, provoking questioning about the way they are being executed and the concretization of these changes. Originality/value: The development of this research allows us to know the history of the legislations and have a broader and more critical view of the theme, so that measures can be taken to mitigate and remediate the impacts.
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YASHLAVSKII, A. E. « Europe’s Anti-immigrant Parties : False Start or Second Wind ? » Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 11, no 3 (17 août 2018) : 230–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-230-244.
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The article makes focus on the rise of Western Europe’s far-right parties which act with anti-immigrant agenda amid 2010s European migrant crisis. Massive influxes of refugees and migrants have accumulated huge political significance and triggered off a wide range of conflicts (both on international and national levels). The migrant crisis has indicated many social-political challenges for European countries. The crisis has been synchronous with a rise of popularity of right populist political movements (old ones as well as new ones), which promote restrictions of immigration etc. At the same time it cannot be ignored that West European right-wing populist political movements achieved some success in previous decades, well ahead of the current migrant crisis. Immigration issue has been a centerpiece of political discourses of West European right-wing parties (National Front in France, for instance) since late 1970s – early 1980s. But it is quite obvious that the 2010s migrant crisis became a trigger for revitalization of the far-right movements which are outspoken critics of the European Union as “a supra- national body” dictating its conditions to the member countries. Besides, the crisis gave a boost to a rise of new populist movements (for example, “Alternative for Germany”). In 2017 the populist right-wing parties in Europe won the largest support over the three past decades. Recently the right populist forces appeared in elections in a number of European countries (Germany, Austria, France etc.) as tough competitor of traditional mainstream political parties and won parliamentary representation and/or representation in the government coalitions. Furthermore, these movements demonstrate attempts to change their image to shift to political mainstream. However, in the foreseeable future, any cardinal breakthrough and far-right anti- immigrant parties’ coming to the power in Western Europe’s coutrnies is hardly possible.
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Jaroslava Rajchlová, Ing, et Ing Veronika Svatoaová. « Benchmarking study on the venture capital market in the Czech Republic, Hungary and the Netherlands ». Investment Management and Financial Innovations 13, no 3 (23 septembre 2016) : 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.13(3-1).2016.05.
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The main aim of paper is seen at two levels: the first level to assess the situation on the venture capital market in the Czech Republic based on the results of a comparative study of selected countries of European Union is the area of venture capital financing. The second level is, then, to propose measures, whose implications could increase the effectiveness of venture capital to the business sector in the Czech Republic. The main purpose of the paper is to identify internally homogeneous groups of the EU states regarding the situation on the venture capital market in the European Union Member States. The aim of this article is supported by relevant statistical data for the period 2008-2013 to assess the legislative framework of venture capital market in the Czech Republic and other selected European countries. Based on the results of cluster analysis, EU countries were identified, Hungary and the Netherlands, in which legislative conditions with venture capital market were subsequently analyzed and the results were compared with the situation in the Czech Republic. The Netherlands as a representative of the countries with developed market risk capital, Hungary as a representative of CEE countries. The problem of undeveloped VC market in the Czech Republic is not in demand for venture capital, but in its supply. Pension funds and insurance companies cannot invest more than 5% in risky assets. In the Czech Republic, there are no tax incentives to attract investors and even government programs that could complement the missing investors and support the creation of venture capital funds. This low level of venture capital usage for the development of enterprises could also be seen in misunderstanding and ignorance of this form of financing, the inability of management to prepare a business plan and to attract a potential investor, fears of administrative burdens arising from an investor and finally questionable return on investment when, for example, public offering of shares, which achieves a high appreciation, is in the Czech Republic underused. Keywords: venture capital, benchmarking, cluster analysis, Ward’s method, CEE countries, EU countries, Czech Republic, Hungary, Netherlands. JEL Classification: G32, M21
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Yang, Linlin. « Governmental Forums with International Participation as a Foreign Policy Tool : the Experience of Russia and the North-East Asia Countries ». Problemy dalnego vostoka, no 6 (2021) : 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120017735-9.
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The article examines the phenomenon of a government forum with international participation. Using the example of the Asian Economic Forum in Boao, the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok and the Jeju Forum for Peace and Prosperity, we analyzed the foreign policy meaning of such forums, identified their general and specific features, and defined this phenomenon. The East Asian case seems especially representative in the study of government forums, since the lack of trust and numerous historical, ideological, military, economic and other tensions make it difficult to create a regional intergovernmental organization similar to the European Union. The methodology of our research is «generalist realism», which considers the growth of supranational organizations in the 21st century quite logical. It is due to the desire of countries to facilitate cooperation, although it is carried out in the interests of any great power. It is concluded that the growing interest of national governments in this format of diplomacy is due to three factors. First, the host country expects to have a decisive influence on the formation of the agenda, the course of discussions, the preparation of possible political agreements, that is to create a new international institution under its control. Secondly, the host country seeks to expand economic cooperation and attract foreign investment, because most of these forums are called economic. It is extremely difficult to trace the correlation between investments and forums, but it seems incorrect to completely deny it, because forums with the participation of senior political figures and major businessmen increase the recognition of the host location. Thirdly, the host country is trying to improve its international image through forums, which directly depends on the political and economic status of the participants and the significance of the problems on the forum's agenda.
Thèses sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – European Union countries"
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Prosser, Christopher. « Rethinking representation and European integration ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
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In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. « Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.
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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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HERNÁNDEZ, Enrique. « Europeans’ democratic aspirations and evaluations : behavioral consequences and cognitive complexity ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43804.
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Defence date: 21 October 2016Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Pedro C. Magalhães, University of Lisbon; Professor Mariano Torcal, Pompeu Fabra University; Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute
This thesis is a collection of four empirical studies that analyze Europeans’ democratic aspirations and evaluations and their behavioral implications. It is well established that most citizens support democracy in the abstract but that a substantial proportion of them are not fully satisfied with the way democracy works. However, we know significantly less about the specific type of democracy citizens aspire to, about the extent to which they evaluate that their democracies meet these democratic aspirations, and about how these aspirations and evaluations relate to their political behavior. Drawing on an innovative dataset that provides a detailed account of individuals’ democratic aspirations and evaluations I first assess the availability and structuration of these attitudes towards democracy in the belief systems of Europeans. Next, I analyze how democratic aspirations and evaluations and the imbalance between the two relate to political participation and party choice decisions. The empirical analyses reveal that: (i) these attitudes towards democracy are widely available and coherently structured in the belief systems of most individuals; (ii) that democratic aspirations and evaluations, and the imbalance between the two, are significantly related to the likelihood of turning out to vote and demonstrating, but that, at the same time, their impact is contingent on a series of individual- and macro-level factors; (iii) that the imbalance between democratic aspirations and evaluations that individuals perceive for specific elements democracy is significantly related to their likelihood of defecting from mainstream parties and voting for different types of challenger parties. In the conclusion to this dissertation I discuss the potential implications of these findings for the quality and stability of democracies, and how these findings qualify some aspects of the prevailing optimistic outlook about the behavior of those who are critical or dissatisfied with the functioning of their democracies.
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PALACIOS, Irene. « Making democratic attitudes work : the effect of institutions on europeans' aspirations and evaluations of democracy ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/54864.
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Defence date: 19 May 2018Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Stefan Dahlberg, University of Bergen; Prof. Laura Morales, Sciences Po; Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute (Co-supervisor)
This thesis analyses how the institutional context of democracies shapes the way citizens evaluate, and what they do ideally expect, from their democratic systems. Although there is a long tradition in political science studying the institutional causes of democratic attitudes, the literature has been commonly focused on the effects of a small group of institutions on a set of attitudes that tap very ambiguously what the citizens actually feel about their system. From the side of institutions, these have been mainly identified with institutions of political representation—notably, electoral and party systems—while other formal arrangements equally relevant for the citizens, such as the rule of law or the welfare state, have remained fairly overlooked. As for popular attitudes toward democracy, the traditional indicators have sought to tap into individuals’ overall assessments of the system but have not allowed scholars to distinguish between the diverse elements with which citizens may be differently satisfied, or to identify their ideal aspirations about the system. By drawing on an innovative dataset that measures individuals’ democratic aspirations and evaluations in a nuanced way, as well as on a large range of macrolevel data on the performance of democracy, the thesis provides a comprehensive framework to understand how political institutions affect citizens’ aspirations and evaluations of democracy in European countries. The thesis starts by discussing the extent to which the new empirical concepts of aspirations and evaluations are indeed sound and meaningful and can serve to elaborate a fine-grained theory on public attitudinal beliefs about the democratic system. Next, I sketch out the theoretical framework of the thesis, which develops around the multifaceted connections between institutions and democratic aspirations and evaluations within specific dimensions of democracy. The results of the three empirical studies provide positive support for the two main hypothesized effects of the framework: (i) Aspirations work as a cognitive yardstick for how citizens evaluate institutional performance; and (ii) Institutions activate the effect of aspirations on performance evaluations by connecting what citizens expect from their democratic system to what they actually gain. This approach covers thus a gap in the literature on public opinion by acknowledging the socio-psychological process underlying the formation of public attitudes toward democracy. In the conclusions, the thesis discusses how these findings qualify much of what we know about the causes and implications of different degrees of public attachment to democracy, and draws insights into the institutional designs that really contribute to build people’s positive attitudes toward democracy.
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DE, ANGELIS Andrea. « Bridging troubled water : electoral availability in European party systems in the aftermath of the Great Recession (2009-2014) : an application of Bayesian ideal point estimation ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46986.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 June 2017Examining Board: Professor Alexander H. Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor Russell J. Dalton, University of California, Irvine; Professor David Farrell, University College Dublin
How is electoral competition structured in Europe? This fundamental problem lies at the core of democracy, as popular sovereignty depends on the existence of a real policy choice, and requires the most preferred alternative being selected and implemented (Dahl 1956). However, there is no consensus yet regarding the actual occurrence of this mechanism of responsive electoral competition (Schumpeter 1942). I develop a new empirical design to test whether a structure of electoral competition in Europe actually exists, based on the idea that greater party system polarization should be associated with a smaller propensity for voters to switch between electoral blocks. To do so, I identify two potential loci of electoral competition in Europe: the left-right dimension (Downs 1957; Bartolini and Mair 1990), and the more recently introduced integration-demarcation cleavage (Kriesi 1998; Kriesi et al. 2006). Data from the European Election Survey (2009, 2014) allow the implementation of the novel design in order to study electoral competition in 27 EU member states. For this thesis to empirically address the question of electoral competition in Europe a preliminary, methodological development has to be made. Indices of political polarization are generally produced using survey respondents’ average perceptions of party positions. I show that this approach leads to systematic measurement error: the problem, known as Differential Item Functioning (DIF), depends on the fact that voter perceptions are subjective and cannot be directly compared, neither within nor between countries. To separate the actual polarization from perceptual bias, I develop a two-stage Bayesian Aldrich-McKelvey (2S-BAM) scaling procedure and apply Dalton’s index on DIF-corrected measures of party positions (ideal points) on both dimensions. Results show that when standard DIF-inflated polarization indices are used, left-right ideology seems to be still structuring European electoral competition. However, once the indices are optimized, using party ideal points, the integration-demarcation cleavage gains the upper hand over the left-right dimension in structuring electoral competition in contemporary Europe. Thus, this thesis makes both a methodological and theoretical, as well as an empirical contribution to the literature in this field.
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TATHAM, Michael Robert. « With, without or against you ? : the interest representation of states and their sub-state entities in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14983.
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Defence date: 20 October 2010Examining Board: Adrienne Héritier (EUI/RSCAS) (Co-Supervisor); Michael Keating Univ. Aberdeen/formerly EUI) (Supervisor); Gary Marks (Vrije Univ. Amsterdam/Univ. North Carolina, Chapel Hill); Andy Smith (Sciences Po, Bordeaux) (in absentia)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Much research has highlighted that sub-state entities (SSEs) - such as the German Länder, Spanish autonomous communities or French regions - mobilise at the European level. This literature, however, suffers from a research gap on the question of how this sub-state activity interacts with that of its own member state. In other words, while it is clear that SSEs do represent their interests in Brussels, it is not so clear whether this activity is carried out with their member state (cooperation), without their member state (non-interaction) or against their member state (conflict). This thesis fills such a research gap by 1) identifying what the pattern of interaction between state and sub-state EU interest representation corresponds to and by 2) identifying what the determinants of such a pattern are. To achieve this double task, quantitative and qualitative methods are employed. The quantitative section consists of regression analysis on data collected through a survey addressed to the Heads of regional offices in Brussels (n=104). It highlights that cooperation is the most frequent outcome, followed by noninteraction. Conflicting interest representation is the least frequent outcome. It also indicates that, contrary to expectations, devolution levels do not affect conflict but increase the frequency of cooperation and decrease that of non-interaction. Meanwhile, party political incongruence fails to affect conflict, decreases cooperation and increases non-interaction. Finally, preference intensity configurations affect all three outcomes. This quantitative work was complemented by a series of in-depth case study analyses of Scotland (UK), Salzburg (Austria), Rhône-Alpes and Alsace (both France). Based on over a hundred semi-structured interviews with state, sub-state and supra-state officials and politicians, these case studies confirmed the overall findings reached through quantitative means and further suggested that the effect of devolution overrides that of party political incongruence. Additional statistical testing confirmed this inductive finding. The concluding sections highlight this research’s overall theoretical and policy implications.
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KARREMANS, Johannes. « State interests vs citizens’ preferences : on which side do (Labour) parties stand ? » Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45985.
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Defence date: 31 March 2017Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, formerly EUI/University of Oxford (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Co-Supervisor); Professor Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg; Professor Maurits Van der Veen, College of William & Mary
This dissertation deals with the question of how the partisan nature of government still matters in the current globalized and post-industrial world. In particular, it compares the representativeness of two contemporary centre-left governments with that of two centre-left executives from the 1970s in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. According to the more provocative theories about the state of contemporary representative democracy, these countries should be forerunners of a general European trend in which governments care more about technical competence rather than political representation and responsiveness. These tendencies are expected to particularly affect the partisanship of Labour ministers. In order to test these theories, I do a comparative content analysis of how Labour finance ministers/Chancellors justify the yearly government budget in front of the parliament. The justifications are divided into those that characterize the government as representative of the partisan redistributive preferences (input-justifications) VS those that profile it as a competent caretaker of public finances (output-justifications). Following the above-mentioned theories, the hypothesis is that today the output-justifications are more important than in the past. As this approach is relatively novel with regards to the study of responsiveness, the thesis also dedicates one chapter to the justification strategies of a technical and a neoliberal government. The purpose of this extra comparison is to have more empirical evidence of what renders an output-justification different from an input-justification. By incorporating these two cases, thus, I get a deeper comparative insight into what is a typical left-wing/partisan discourse characteristic and what constitutes governmental/institutional talk. This extra comparison, consequently, allows me to reflect more deeply on the findings emerging from the overtime comparison of Labour governments. The findings of my research tell a two-sided story. On the one hand, contrary to my hypothesis, the contemporary cases feature slightly more input-justifications than the governments from the 1970s. On the other, the logic of the discourses suggests that, while in the 1970s the responsiveness to social needs was presented as a policy goal per se, today the input-justifications tend to be more subordinated to justifications about economic and financial considerations. The findings thus speak both to theories according to which today we are not witnessing a decline of political representation, but simply a change in kind, as well to the theories speaking of a gradual hollowing out of political competition. In the iv conclusion of my dissertation I reflect on what is right and wrong on the two sides of the debate.
Livres sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – European Union countries"
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Interest representation in the European Union. 2e éd. Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
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Greenwood, Justin. Interest representation in the European Union. 3e éd. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
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3
The challenge of democratic representation in the European Union. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
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1940-, Gustavsson Sverker, Karlsson Christer, Persson Thomas et European Union, dir. The illusion of accountability in the European Union. New York : Routledge, 2009.
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M, Verhey L. F., Kiiver Philipp et Loeffen Sandor 1979-, dir. Political accountability and European integration. Groningen : Europa Law Pub., 2009.
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Linguistic diversity and European democracy. Farnham, Surrey, England : Ashgate Pub., 2010.
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Europapolitik im Widerspruch : Die Kluft zwischen Regierenden und Regierten. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011.
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1941-, Kohler-Koch Beate, dir. Linking EU and national governance. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2003.
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Joan, DeBardeleben, et Hurrelmann Achim, dir. Democratic dilemmas of multilevel governance : Legitimacy, representation and accountability in the European Union. Basingstoke [England] : Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
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Joos, Klemens. Lobbying in the new Europe : Successful representation of interests after the Treaty of Lisbon. Weinheim : Wiley-VCH, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Representative government and representation – European Union countries"
1
Corbett, Richard. « 7. Democracy in the European Union ». Dans The European Union : How does it work ?, 146–64. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807490.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter examines the democratic credentials of the European Union by asking whether it matches some key features common to many modern democratic systems: representation (whether legislation is adopted by representative assemblies); separation of powers; the executive’s democratic accountability; respect for fundamental rights; and whether competing political parties offer voters genuine choice. The chapter also clarifies some key concepts and terms such as bicameralism, democratic deficit, the European Convention on Human Rights, and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Furthermore, it considers an alternative to representative democracy: the organizing of referenda to settle issues. Finally, it discusses the EU’s provisions for helping national parliaments scrutinize the participation of their government in EU institutions.
2
Corbett, Richard. « 7. Democracy in the European Union ». Dans The European Union : How does it work ? Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199685370.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter examines the democratic credentials of the European Union by asking whether it matches some key features common to many modern democratic systems: representation (whether legislation is adopted by representative assemblies); separation of powers; the executive's democratic accountability; respect for fundamental rights; and whether competing political parties offer voters genuine choice. The chapter also clarifies some key concepts and terms such as bicameralism, democratic deficit, the European Convention on Human Rights, and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Furthermore, it considers an alternative to representative democracy: the organizing of referenda to settle issues. Finally, it discusses the EU's provisions for helping national parliaments scrutinize the participation of their government in EU institutions.