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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 21st century"
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Stoner, Kathryn. « Russia’s 21st Century Interests in Afghanistan ». Asian Survey 55, no 2 (mars 2015) : 398–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.2.398.
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The Russian government under Vladimir Putin has long-term geostrategic interests in Afghanistan: stability, economic development, and curbing narcotics flowing into Central Asia and thence to Russia. Moscow is in the difficult position of not wanting American forces to stay in Afghanistan but also not wanting the drawdown of forces to leave behind chaos.
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D. G, Sri Hanumanthappa. « INDO-RUSSIAN RELATION IN 21st CENTURY ». SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 1, no 5 (28 février 2014) : 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v1i5.3052.
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This Paper Focuses on a major problem likely to occur in Indo-Russian foreign policy leveraged by internal policy contradictions the Russia is facted with the foreign policy experts are facing baffling situation as to share what shape the indo-Russian foreign policy would take in view of festimently changing international political enlivenment with regard to co-operation and co-ordination in the arena of myriad strategic developments and on the other hand the native factors in case of Russia like concentration of power in the president himself in the presidential form government in the newly adorned democratic system and the self-development concerns are some of the political Issues sattering Russian foreign policy establishment. It is against this background, it appears to be a frabbing situations for Indian policy makers and therefore are being challenged by the prevailing Constrictive Factors both India and Russia and it is in this juncture it is to be seen where Indo-Russian policy stands and what would be its nature in the perspective time and equally seriously worry some is the case if pondered over in the retrospective mode. Indo-Russia have been traditional friends and India looking for world for reveal and rejoinders and also maintaing those stable traditional relations but the corporative tendencies and power-centric polity would allow them to be up to Indian’s expectation is still something to be deciphered what appens to be fetid it is that the age-old relation’s based on mutuality and personal initivies would be drawing factors into discussion as to whether those pristine indomitable value added foreign policy existed over a long period of time would sustion itself or not will be given prime importance in the discussion and also in an endeavor it could be seen whether rapidly changing Russian political miliev would consider those values and allow to grow indo-Russian relations in the traditional mood.
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Gutorow, Władimir. « O niektórych cechach swoistych ewolucji współczesnego rosyjskiego sytemu politycznego ». Politeja 12, no 7 (34/2) (31 décembre 2015) : 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.34_2.02.
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On some peculiarities of evolution of the contemporary Russian political system
The article deals with the problem of Russian political system evolution at the turn of the 20th and 21th centuries. The author attempts to answer the following question: if contemporary Russian state system does not fit a classical model of liberal democracy, is it reasonable to talk about hopeless stagnation of political system in Russia, generated by the process of new bureaucratic deformation, or is it possible to outline some tendencies of Russian state system evolution that fit the process of global degradation of democratic institutions in every region all over the world without any exceptions? The answer implies a quite important verification and statement concerning the situation: does the level of political government in Russian „imperial center” meet that contemporary criteria, obeyed in the development of civilized states. At the beginning of the 21st century, after long period of chaotic decentralization, Russia has entered the stage, when the federal center attempts to „establish order” in the country by means of tough administrative decisions. New stage of Russian politics connected with the Ukrainian crisis and the referendum in the Crimea signifies the explicit tendency of political elite to start a new page of national history.
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VASHCHUK, A. S. « FAR EASTERN POLICY OF THE POST-SOVIET RUSSIA IN THE END OF THE XX CENTURY AND THE BEGINNING OF THE 21st CENTURY : CONCEPTS, EXPERT OPINIONS AND PUBLICISTS’ VIEWPOINTS ». Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no 3/1 (16 juillet 2018) : 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/1-30-45.
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Investigation of Russia’s turnabout to the East is a bright feature of the national humanitarian space of the early 21st century. Publications on this topic include the works of economists, geographers, sociologists and historians. It contains various viewpoints on the part that the Far Eastern region played in the social and economic development of Russia, as well as different genres (varying from publicism to scientific research), and expert assessments and recommendations to the government. The article deals with historiographic review of the emerging scientific trend and complements it with the methodology of social and political history. Humanitarians are considered to be part of the transformed “society-government” system. The analytics covers a variety of opinions on the two transformation stages of the post-Soviet history: the Far East during the 1990s and the first fifteen years of the 21st century. That allows tracing the interrelation between the regional policy and the intellectuals’ reflection on it. The author comes to the following conclusion: in 1990s speaking about the Far Eastern policy the experts’ society is rather unanimous in characterizing the consequences of the reforms as disastrous; but regarding the “turnabout to the East” the opinions become more varied; optimistic and pessimistic experts present extreme poles. The role of the Far East the Russian history of the early 21st century is rather controversial: on the one hand the region is a kind of problem for the Centre, and on the other hand, active development of the east is an essential part of the new stage in the development of Russia.
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Dmitriev, M. E. « Scenarios of greenhouse gases emissions for Russia ». Journal of the New Economic Association 56, no 4 (2022) : 201–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31737/2221-2264-2022-56-4-10.
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The purpose of this study is to develop and quantify possible scenarios for the implementation of climate policy, as well as the opportunities for achieving carbon neutrality by the middle of the 21st century or earlier. For this purpose, two scenarios are considered — basic and transformational. The baseline scenario includes measures that least affect the existing socio-political and economic interests with the greatest contribution from deforestation, modernization of technologies for the use of hydrocarbons in industry and cleaner transport. The limitations of the baseline scenario will not allow achieving carbon neutrality by the middle of the 21st century. The transformational scenario takes into account the most realistic options for closing the gap between the offi cial scenario developed by the Government of the Russian Federation shortly before the 2021 UN Climate Change Conference and more ambitious options for achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 or earlier. In our transformational scenario, Russia reaches carbon neutrality 10 years earlier, by 2040, and subsequently turns into a net sink of greenhouse gases, including due to the huge potential of forest plantations.
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LARIN, V. L. « PACIFIC RUSSIA IN THE “GREATER EURASIA” AT THE BEGINNING OF XXI CENTURY : CHALLENGES AND RESPONDS ». Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no 3/1 (16 juillet 2018) : 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/1-65-81.
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The article examines main factors that determine the pace, nature and direction of everyday life and economic development of Pacific Russia in the early 21st century. The author identifies and analyzes fundamental nature and impact of three, in his opinion, basic challenges, the answers to which determine Russian government policy towards this region: the threat of its loss under the influence of internal and external factors; peripheral status and lagging development based on its specialization in the raw materials extraction; modern Eurasian integration projects of Moscow, Beijing and Seoul. The first challenge was purely speculative but it allowed Kremlin to mobilize the country's political and business elites to strengthen Pacific vector of Russian policy and support Russia Far East development. In this case, the goal of this development was not to overcome the peripheral status and raw specialization of the region, but to utilize its potential more effectively in the interests of central government. The results were contradictory from the point of view of both domestic and foreign policies. Such outcome has prompted central government to create new instruments and institutions for implementation of his geopolitical and economic projects on the Pacific. The closure of an active phase of "Russia's integration into the APR", Kremlin promotion of the "Big Eurasia" concept as well as the Chinese "Belt and Road" initiative being launched alongside the Russian project, in the aggregate reserve for Pacific Russia a place "in the back" of the Eurasian integration, tightly fixing for her the status of a double - European and Asian - periphery.
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Akimov, A. « Demographic Burst, Population Ageing and Labor-saving Technologies : Interaction in the 21st Century ». World Economy and International Relations 60, no 5 (2016) : 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-5-50-60.
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The ageing of population in the coming decades is becoming a constraint on economic growth in developed economies and countries of Eastern Asia, but labor-saving technologies including robotics and artificial intelligence may remove this limitation. At the same time, population growth in South Asia and Africa will face lower demand for cheap and low-qualified labor. Pairs of scenarios (success and failure) are proposed for principal regions and countries. For the West, a positive scenario is “the West closes”, which foresees high level of the industrial application of robots and no labor immigration. A negative one – “The West dissolves”, which means high immigration, but no jobs for immigrants, and immigrants’ straddle for domination in social life. The “robo China” foresees high level of robotics in China, high productivity and governmental planning of labor market. The “two Chinas” contemplates an urban high-tech China and a rural China which is not integrated into technological modernization. Central government hardly keeps social situation stable in this case. For India, the “partial participation in robotized economy” is a positive choice making India an element of the new global economy. India develops in the same vein as the West and China. “Out of the new economy” leaves India in the group of developing nations. For Africa, a positive scenario is “rental economy”. Human potential of Africa is not in demand as labor-saving technologies dominate in the global economy, but natural resources attract foreign investors. They pay rent, and it is distributed by governments among inhabitants. “Population growth burden” is a negative variant that foresees high unemployment and lack of financial resources. International assistance is the only way out in this case. Russia is buying labor-saving technologies abroad. The structure of Russian economy now enables to remove limitations resulting from the population ageing, but technological import makes Russia highly vulnerable.
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Josephson, Paul R. « EMPIRE-BUILDING AND FRONTIER OF SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET TIMES ». Ural Historical Journal 73, no 4 (2021) : 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-4(73)-88-96.
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The paper deals with the strategies of colonization and assimilation of frontier in Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia in relation to, Siberia and the Far East. These frontier spaces were disturbing the Soviet leadership for they were both vulnerable for an external invasion and unsupportive of the new socialist order. Thus, countryside of Soviet Russia was also seen as frontier of its own kind. The conquest of frontier and its integration into the socialist, industrial economy was implemented by Stalinist leadership through the violent collectivization, which was accompanied by colonization in the periphery strengthened by the flow of exiles and labor camp prisoners from the collectivized western areas. From the point of view of Soviet leaders, the frontier territories were both resource pantry and “empty spaces” to settle. To stimulate colonization Soviet government was establishing the “corridors of modernization”, a network of infrastructure, connecting the newly constructed “company towns”, the outposts of frontier conquest. Such politics was simultaneously integrating indigenous peoples of frontier into the socialist economy and destroying their way of life. In spite of efforts of Soviet rulers from Stalin to Brezhnev, the assimilation of frontier did not succeed. However, in the 21st century Russian leadership continues to treat Arctic, Siberia and the Far East along the Soviet lines, as frontier spaces of economic and symbolic conquest and military-political contestation. Unlike the Soviet era, though, nowadays the concept of frontier had found its way into Russian historical and political thought.
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Żuber, Marian, et Samuel Sahel Moussa. « Arab Spring as a Background of Civil War in Syria ». International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no 1 (1 juin 2018) : 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0038.
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Abstract In the paper the reasons of outbreak of conflict in Syria at the background of social and political situation of the Arab world at the beginning of 21st century were presented. The influence of displeasure explosion against governments in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, known as Arab Spring, on the situation in Syria was described. The attention on escalation of tensions between Bashar al-Assad’s government and opposition as a source of civil war in Syria was paid. The foreign players at the arena of Syrian conflict with special concern to United States and Russia activity, as a main contractors in the conflict were shown
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Chekalenko, Liudmyla D. « Ukraine in the Integration Security System ». Przegląd Politologiczny, no 3 (27 octobre 2022) : 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.6.
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The process of the security system formation in the integrated European space has been continuing for more than seven decades, but its final objective has not been attained yet. The relevance of this topic is the need to study the process of destruction of the established world, the collapse of the system of international relations, lack of understanding and complete disregard by the aggressor of all humanitarian levers in a situation of war and armed confrontation. Every subsequent turn in development of international relations in 20th and 21st centuries and new emerging threats seem to bring countries closer to unity and addressing the security problem, but…
In 2014 Russia, ignoring the principles of the international law, basic treaties with Ukraine, commitments to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of Ukraine, started a war. On 24 February 2022, a new escalation took place when Russia attacked Ukraine without declaring the state of war. What was the reason? The answer could be found in the Ukrainian history that is not a simple one. Russian rulers want to rebuild the Russian empire returning to the borders of the 19th century. This is a threat to Ukraine that is a sovereign European state founded on the bases of European values, peace and international cooperation.
Russia has been trying to eliminate Ukrainian statehood, language, and culture starting from the Kozak times of the 16th century. Thus, this process is at least 500-year old. In the 21st century, Russia attempted to occupy Ukraine by means of the anti-Ukrainian government, but the attempt failed. As a consequence, the Russian president decided to eliminate Ukraine by military means. When the aggression started in 2014, the EU deeply dependent on Russian energy sources, did not react fully to the Russian intervention. Ukraine could not defend its territorial integrity because of the lack of military capacities in the absence of the international military support. But in 2022, the situation is radically different: at the time of Russian invasion, Ukrainian people raise to the defense of their country, and the Ukrainian army thanks to the strong international military and political support continues to defend the existence of the Ukrainian state despite the dominance of the Russian military machine.
Thèses sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 21st century"
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Bachkatov, Nina. « La diplomatie énergétique de la Fédération de Russie : forces et limites ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209939.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La diplomatie énergétique russe qui est au cœur de ce travail diffère des politiques industrielles classiques adoptées régulièrement par les États afin de développer leur pays, relancer son économie ou certains secteurs industriels. Elle entend en effet utiliser les ressources naturelles de la Russie, et singulièrement son potentiel énergétique (sachant que la Russie est à la fois producteur, consommateur, pays de transit) afin de retrouver son statut de grande puissance. Ce retour de puissance devant permettre à la Russie de sortir de la période de transition pour redevenir un acteur de premier rang dans un monde global redessiné par la fin de la guerre froide. Il s’agit pour elle de faire entendre sa voix, de participer en qualité de partenaire égal aux décisions et à l’élaboration des nouvelles normes rendues nécessaires par le bouleversement engendré par la fin de la guerre froide.La diplomatie énergétique russe s’affirme pendant les années 2003-2004, comme une démarche pragmatique, un moyen opportuniste de rencontrer un projet politique en utilisant un des rares leviers dont dispose ce pays appauvri et affaibli – sa puissance énergétique qu’il s’agit de transformer un outil de puissance politique, raison pour laquelle la politique étrangère russe va être mise au service de ce projet. Le travail fait donc référence aux spécificités internes de la Russie et au contexte international afin d’identifier les faiblesses et les forces de cette diplomatie spécifique.
Russian energy diplomacy, with which this work is uniquely concerned, differs from the classic industrial policies adopted by states in order to re-launch their economies or certain industrial sectors. It has consisted of putting Russia’s natural resources and particularly its energy potential (as a producer, a consumer, and a transit country) to the practical purpose of restoring its status as a great power. For Russia, the return to power would permit the country to emerge from its period of transition and become a leading actor in the world reshaped by the ending of the cold war. It is a matter of making its voice heard, as an equal partner in international decisions and the formulation of the new political norms necessitated by post-cold war upheaval.
In 2002-2004 Russia developed this energy diplomacy as a pragmatic and opportunistic means of attaining a political objective with one of the few levers at the disposal of an impoverished and enfeebled country – that is to say, its energy potential, which it turned into a political tool. To this effect, Russian foreign policy has been made to serve the same project. Consequently this work deals with internal specificities and the international energy context, in order to probe both the weakness and the strength of this particular form of diplomacy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Kharroubi, Safwat. « The foiled state : a critical assessment of western donor aid provision and state-building in Palestine in the post-Oslo period ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678553.
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Lacouture, Matthew Thomas. « Liberalization, Contention, and Threat : Institutional Determinates of Societal Preferences and the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Morocco ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2130.
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Why do revolutions happen? What role do structures, institutions, and actors play in precipitating (or preventing) them? Finally, What might compel social mobilization against a regime in the face of potentially insurmountable odds? These questions are all fundamentally about state-society (strategic) interactions, and elite and societal preference formation over time. The self-immolation of Muhammad Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010, served as a focal point upon which over twenty years of corrupt, coercive authoritarian rule were focused into a single, unified challenge to the Ben Ali regime. The regime's brutality was publicized via social media activism and satellite television, precipitating mass mobilization across Tunisia and, eventually, throughout the region and beyond. In light of the rapid and unforeseen nature of these events, scholars writing about the causes of the Arab Spring have focused their critiques on scholarship that they felt overemphasized the role of institutions and elite-level actors over 'under the radar' changes within society. This paper essentially agrees with this point of view, but is not content to simply 'throw out' institutionalism. As Timur Kuran (1991) argued in the wake of the unforeseen collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, one cannot understand revolution without understanding the 'true' preferences of social actors. In this way, the inevitability of revolutionary surprises seems a given so long as analysts continue to look from the top-down. Yet, this paper contends that institutions do still matter. They matter because different institutional arrangements incentivize and constrain regime strategies, which, in turn, inform the strategic calculations and preference orderings within society. These two societal variables are determined - in part - by the degree of regime flexibility, and they affect whether, how, and where social actors choose to vent their dissent.
This paper proposes a model for the development of contentious social mobilization under authoritarianism. In order to do so, two models - one game-theoretic, and the other rooted in the contentious politics subfield of political sociology - are synthesized toward elucidating how altered societal preferences affect strategic interactions between the regime and society over time and during acute contentious episodes. The synthesized model is then illustrated through narrative case studies of two North African states that experienced divergent outcomes in the wake of the Arab Spring: Tunisia and Morocco. The limited spaces and institutions for the expression of dissent in Tunisia gradually changed societal preferences over time. In 2010, Tunisians' preferences shifted from various socioeconomic demands and other issue-specific grievances toward a galvanized demand for the fall of the regime. In Morocco, on the other hand, social actors, by and large, continued to prefer limited reforms to a complete upheaval of the political system. This paper contends that this divergence in preferences and therefore outcomes was in part determined by the variation in the two regimes' respective strategic mixes of concessions and/or coercion. To the extent that such strategies and institutions were more flexible - i.e. were more permissive of (limited) political contention and contestation - social movements were less likely to become emboldened against the regime.
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Phaneuf, Caroline. « Why political reform is likely in China : challenges to political stability ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79802.
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This paper suggests that a critical mass of elements is forming in China which, if not better controlled, will lead to some form of political regime change. The paper will (a) elaborate on China's major problems, grouped into "backbone changes" and "catalysts," (b) provide a balance sheet of remedies the government has attempted or proposed to date, and (c) examine the remedies' relative success or failure. Among the "backbone changes": decentralization, corruption, the emergence of interest groups, the government's possible loss of legitimacy, people's increased exposure to procedural democracy, the increase in the number of students receiving a foreign education, the privatization of education and divisions within the Chinese Communist Party. The "catalysts" include: massive urban and rural unemployment, corruption, forced displacement and the gentrification of China's cities.
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Lightowler, Claire. « Policy divergence and devolution : the impact of actors and institutions ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/16785.
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The creation of the National Assembly for Wales and the Scottish Parliament in 1999 was accompanied with an aspiration that these new institutions would allow Scotland and Wales to develop their own policies, better suited to local needs than those designed in Westminster or Whitehall. This thesis explores policy-making in the first terms of the devolved institutions in Scotland and Wales, focusing on where the policies developed by these institutions diverged from those pursued at Westminster. Policy divergence is examined by studying the development of the financing long-term care for the elderly policies. The aim of this thesis is to identify why policy divergence occurred in the long-term care case, considering the impact of actors (or agents) and the institutional setting in which they operate, as suggested by Scharpf's model of actor-centred institutionalism. As actor-centred institutionalism suggested, both actors and institutions played a major role in shaping policy responses. In the Scottish case a range of actors cooperated and lobbied together for the introduction of free personal care, spurred on by the First Minister, who created an opportunity for those in favour of free personal care to pressurise his government to introduce the policy. In contrast, in Wales, actors were divided and never built up the same momentum to ensure the introduction of a more generous long-term care package. The institutional setting in which these actors operated was a major factor in shaping their policy preferences and the strategies they adopted to achieve them. This thesis considers the impact on policy-making of the devolved institution's electoral system, financial and legislative powers, design of the institutions, and the place of these institutions in a UK setting. The different institutional structures in Scotland and Wales provided different incentives and resources for actors, encouraged different styles of policy-making from Westminster and affected the way in which issues were framed. Examining the roles of actors and institutions in the formation of distinctive policies highlighted that in the real world these two elements are mutually dependent and cannot be separated. As a result it is impossible, and pointless, to determine whether actors or institutions were most influential on the development of distinctive policies. Instead this thesis explores how the difference between the configurations of actors and institutions in Scotland and Wales contributed to the creation of policies which were distinctive both from each other and the UK Government.
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Fattah, Khaled. « Contextual determinants of political modernization in tribal Middle Eastern societies : the case of unified Yemen ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1984.
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By all conventional measurements of modernization and development, from communication and education to bureaucracy and urbanization, Arab societies have been undergoing an impressive transformation. There is, however, a wide gap in the Arab Middle East between such a transformation and the political consequences of modernization. In other words, the Arab Middle East exhibits a sharp contrast between its societal and political progress. In the case of Yemen, such a gap looks different from the one that exists in the rest of the region. In addition to being a country with the weakest and most limited bureaucracy in the Arab world, Yemen has, also, the lowest level of urbanization and education in the region. According to United Nations Human Development Report for the year 2004, 73.7 % of Yemen’s population are living in rural areas, and the country has a combined gross enrolment rate for primary, secondary and tertiary schools of 43%. In 2008, Yemen was rated near the bottom of the Human Development Index (HDI) by the UNDP; as number 153rd out of the 177 countries with HDI data, and it ranked as number 82 out of 108 countries in the Human Poverty Index. The United Nations Human Development Report 2006, for instance, indicates that the percentage of Yemeni population who live below National Poverty Line is 41.8%. Yet, Yemen is more democratic than most countries in the Arab Middle East. In light of this paradox, the following central question guides this research: which contextual factors are central in explaining the unique process of political modernization in tribal Yemen?
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Prinsloo, Cyril. « African pirates in the 21st century : a comparative analysis of maritime piracy in Somalia and Nigeria ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20142.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study concerned the piratical attacks occurring along the East and West coasts of Africa. Although maritime piracy along the coasts of Africa is not a new phenomenon, recent upsurges in piratical attacks have attracted a great deal of attention. Despite Nigeria being long considered as the hotspot for piratical activity in Africa, the greatest upsurge of piratical activity has been seen in the areas surrounding Somalia, including the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. The primary objective of this study is to identify the main causes of maritime piracy in Somalia and Nigeria. Also the correlation between state capacity (failed or weak) and the motivations for piracy (greed or grievance) is investigated. The secondary objectives of this study are to investigate the direct manifestations of piracy, as well as the current counter piracy initiatives. This is done in order to evaluate the successes and failures of current counter-piracy approaches in order to create more viable and successful counter measures. It is found that historical factors, as well as political, economic, social and environmental factors contribute greatly to the rise of maritime piracy in both Somalia and Nigeria. Furthermore, it has been found that there are numerous direct causes of piracy in these two countries. These differences and similarities have been investigated using a comparative analysis framework.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het betrekking tot die seerowery wat langs die Oos-en Weskus van Afrika plaasvind. Alhoewel seerowery langs die kus van Afrika nie 'n nuwe verskynsel is nie, het die onlangse oplewing van seerower-aanvalle baie aandag geniet in verskeie oorde. Ten spyte daarvan dat Nigerië lank beskou was as die probleem-area vir seerower aktiwiteit in Afrika, word die grootste toename van seerowery in die gebiede rondom Somalië, insluitend die Golf van Aden en die Indiese Oseaan ervaar. Die primêre doel van hierdie studie is om die oorsake van seerowery in Somalië en Nigerië te identifiseer. Die verband tussen staat-kapasiteit (mislukte of swak) en die motiverings vir seerowery (gierigheid of griewe) word ondersoek. Die sekondêre doelwitte van hierdie studie is om die direkte manifestasies van seerowery te ondersoek, sowel as die huidige teen-seerower inisiatiewe. Dit word gedoen om die suksesse en mislukkings van die huidige teen-seerower benaderings te evalueer ten einde meer lewensvatbare en suksesvolle teenmaatreels te skep. Dit is gevind dat historiese faktore, sowel as die politieke-, ekonomiese-, sosiale- en omgewings- faktore baie bydra tot die ontstaan en opbloei van seerowery in Somalië en Nigerië. Dit is gevind dat daar talle direkte oorsake van seerowery in hierdie twee lande is. Hierdie verskille en ooreenkomste is ondersoek met behulp van vergelykende analises.
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Mason, Anthony, et n/a. « Australian coverage of the Fiji coups of 1987 and 2000 : sources, practice and representation ». University of Canberra. Communication, 2009. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20090826.144012.
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For many Australians, Fiji is a place of holidays, coups and rugby. The extent to which we
think about this near-neighbour of ours is governed, for most, by what we learn about Fiji
through the media. In normal circumstances, there is not a lot to learn as Fiji rarely appears
in our media. At times of crisis, such as during the 1987 and 2000 coups in Fiji, there is
saturation coverage. At these times, the potential for generating understanding is great. The
reporting of a crisis can encapsulate all the social, political and economic issues which are a
cause or outcome of an event like a coup, elucidating for media consumers the culture, the
history and the social forces involved. In particular, the kinds of sources used and the kinds
of organisations these sources represent, the kinds of themes presented in the reporting, and
the way the journalists go about their work, can have a significant bearing on how an event
like a coup is represented. The reporting of the Fiji coups presented the opportunity to
examine these factors. As such, the aim of this thesis is to understand the role of the media
in building relationships between developed and developing post-colonial nations like
Australia and Fiji.
A content analysis of 419 articles published in three leading broadsheet newspapers, The
Sydney Morning Herald, The Australian and The Canberra Times, examined the basic
characteristics of the articles, with a particular focus on the sources used in these articles.
This analysis revealed that the reports were dominated by elite sources, particularly
representatives of governments, with a high proportion of Australian sources who provided
information from Australia. While alternative sources did appear, they were limited in
number. Women, Indian Fijians and representatives of non-government organisations were
rarely used as sources. There were some variations between the articles from 1987 and those
from 2000, primarily an increase in Indian Fijian sources, but overall the profile of the
sources were similar.
A thematic analysis of the same articles identified and examined the three most prevalent
themes in the coverage. These indicated important aspects of the way the coups were
represented: the way Fiji was represented, the way Australia's responses were represented,
and the way the coup leaders were represented. This analysis found that the way in which
the coups were represented reflected the nature of the relationship between Australia and
Fiji. In 1987, the unexpected nature of the coup meant there was a struggle to re-define how
Fiji should be understood. In 2000, Australia's increased focus on Fiji and the Pacific region
was demonstrated by reports which represented the situation as more complex and uncertain,
demanding more varied responses.
A series of interviews with journalists who travelled to Fiji to cover the coups revealed that
the working conditions for Australian media varied greatly between 1987 and 2000. The
situational factors, particularly those which limited their work, had an impact on the
journalists' ability to access specific kinds of sources and, ultimately, the kinds of themes
which appeared in the stories. The variation between 1987 and 2000 demonstrated that
under different conditions, journalists were able to access a more diverse range of sources
and present more sophisticated perspectives of the coup.
In a cross-cultural situation such as this, the impact of reporting dominated by elite sources
is felt not just in the country being covered, but also in the country where the reporting
appears. It presents a limited representation, which marginalises and downplays the often
complex social, cultural and historical factors which contribute to an event like a coup.
Debate and alternative ways of understanding are limited and the chance to engage more
deeply with a place like Fiji is, by and large, lost.
9
BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. « The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
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Kapyata, Dennis. « China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
Livres sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 21st century"
1
Russia in the 21st century : The prodigal superpower. Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press, 2005.
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2
Stavrakis, Peter J. Shadow politics : The Russian state in the 21st century. [Carlisle Barracks, Pa.] : Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 1997.
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3
Luzhkov, I͡Uriĭ. The renewal of history : Mankind in the 21st century and the future of Russia. [United States] : International Foundation for the Development of Journalism, in cooperation with the Russian-American Business Council, 2004.
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4
The renewal of history : Mankind in the 21st century and the future of Russia. London : Stacey International, 2003.
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5
Institute, Kennan, et Henry M. Jackson Foundation, dir. The legacy and consequences of Jackson-Vanik : Reassessing human rights in 21st century Russia : conference proceedings. Washington, D.C : Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2011.
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6
(Korea), Minjok T'ongil Yŏn'guwŏn, dir. Russian national strategy and ROK-Russian strategic partnership in the 21st century. Seoul, Korea : Korea Institute for National Unification, 2010.
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7
Bacon, Edwin. Securitising Russia : The domestic politics of Putin. Manchester ; New York : Manchester University Press, 2006.
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Lungu, Eugen. Federația Rusă și echilibrul de putere în secolul al XXI-lea : The Russian Federation and the balance of power in the 21st century. București : Editura Militară, 2019.
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Peter, Baker. Kremlin rising : Vladimir Putin's Russia and the end of revolution. Washington, DC : Potomac Books, 2007.
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10
Peter, Baker. Kremlin rising : Vladimir Putin's Russia and the end of revolution. Washington, D.C : Potomac Books, 2007.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Russia – Politics and government – 21st century"
1
Pratchett, Lawrence. « Institutions, Politics and People : Making Local Politics Work ». Dans British Local Government into the 21st Century, 213–29. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-03693-3_15.
Texte intégral
2
Ocampo, Luis Moreno. « Jus ad Curiam and Jus ad Bellum Decisions in Syria ». Dans War and Justice in the 21st Century, 511–38. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197628973.003.0023.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The chapter presents the inability of the UN Security Council to maintain peace and security in Syria. The P-5 consensus reached in Libya disappeared in a few months. The Syrian government attacked its own citizens and the United States promoted the opposition, and adopted a jus ad Bellum decision in Syria supporting proxy forces. Russia supported President Assad and condemned foreign armies’ interventions in a sovereign country to produce a regime change. However, in September 2013, President Putin facilitated an agreement to dismantle Syria’s chemical weapons arsenal. For a few months, the council dynamic changed, and it adopted resolutions by consensus on Syria demanding justice and access to humanitarian assistance. But the conflict in Ukraine created a political confrontation between Western countries and Russia affecting the council dynamics. On January 2013, Switzerland took the lead and sent a letter to the UN Security Council on behalf of fifty-seven states calling for referring Syria to the ICC. The United States requested informally to Switzerland to suspend the request. In 2014, after the Ukraine conflict started, France tabled a referral to the ICC. This time, the US supported the referral forcing Russia and China to use their veto power to stop the initiative. Meanwhile, the Islamic State was taking control of parts of Syria. The US Congress adopted a jus ad Bellum decision to use armed forces against the Islamic State and other terrorist groups in Syria without the Assad government’s consent. President Obama consolidated a new blueprint: a combination of high-tech attacks and proxy forces in the ground as a new permanent state of war in some nations. Syria became a contained global war by proxy. In 2015, after a brutal terrorist attack in Paris, the UN Security Council overcame the divisions and by consensus adopted Resolution 2249, authorizing “all necessary means” against the Islamic State in Syria. The War on Terror became a council policy.
3
« Russian, Central Eurasian, and East European Geography ». Dans Geography in America at the Dawn of the 21st Century, sous la direction de Gary L. Gaile et Cort J. Willmott. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233923.003.0058.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over the past decade, the societies that encompass Russia, Central Eurasia, and East Europe have experienced profound and radical change. Today, the region is making uneven progress toward democratic modes of government and market-oriented economies. The fluid dynamics of change within the region make it one of the most exciting and rewarding areas of research within geography. Across Russia, Central Eurasia, and East Europe vital lessons can be learned about the contextual nature of political and economic transition. At the same time, crucial insights can be obtained into the more universal process of regional transformation and the social reconstruction of place identity. This region is a laboratory for testing the relevancy of geographic research and theory for a post-socialist world. This chapter reviews the major changes in the practice and orientation of geographic research in the region since the collapse of state-socialism (see Ch. 39, Asian Geography, for further information on the Central Asian countries). This chapter comments on the methodological, conceptual, and topical evolution of this area-specialty over the last decade. It concludes by contemplating the possible directions of future geographic research in the region. Prior to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1991, the societies of Russia, Central Eurasia, and East Europe were typically defined in political and economic terms as a unified region, known as the Soviet bloc. While national and cultural differences across the Soviet bloc were not ignored, they were treated as less significant than the uniform pattern of planned economies and communist regimes that governed the region. The region was further unified through the political and economic primacy of Moscow, where decisions were made that directly impacted the states throughout Russia, Central Eurasia, and East Europe. In the Soviet era, geographic research in the region focused largely on strategic questions relating to the efficiency, efficacy, and future trajectory of the state-socialist model of economic and political development. The topics explored by geographers ranged from issues of agricultural production to urban structure to regional economic investment to domestic and international migration.
4
Holsen, John A. « Russia—A National Unwillingness to Pay for Government ». Dans Economic Ideas Leading to the 21st Century, 105–28. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812792266_0006.
Texte intégral
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Michelsen, Nicholas, et Neville Bolt. « Taking the Lines Off the Map ». Dans Unmapping the 21st Century, 11–22. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529223736.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this chapter, Michelsen and Bolt examine the role that maps fulfil in world politics. States demarcate their borders according to so-called Westphalian principles, and these limits are recognized, indeed sanctified, within the international community of sovereign states. Lines on a map are legal fictions that states attempt to translate onto the ground. Yet all mapping conceals as much as it reveals, and insurgent cartographies are continuously emerging to challenge the state map. Discussing mapping projects throughout history, from the work of the potter Grayson Perry to the Millionth Map, and the various attempts by states and empires to impose their political order on the world, this chapter turns to revolutionary, insurgent and counter-insurgent mappings from Russia to Northern Ireland to Palestine.
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Noack, Christian. « Language and Culture in Russia’s Soft Power Toolbox ». Dans Politics of the Russian Language Beyond Russia, sous la direction de Christian Noack, 1–18. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474463799.003.0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The introduction situates the research of the book’s contributors on language and culture promotion in the recent developments in Russian foreign policy doctrine, the rise of ‘soft power’ discourses in Russia and briefly surveys the state of research at the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century.
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Hannum, Hurst. « Reinvigorating Human Rights for the Twenty-First Century ». Dans Human Rights and 21st Century Challenges, 13–58. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824770.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The development of international human rights law ranks among the most significant accomplishments in international relations since 1945. However, the continuing success of human rights is not inevitable, and increasingly expansive calls for new rights or attempts to address all social problems from a human rights perspective may, ironically, undermine their legitimacy. This tendency is evidenced by the conflation of human rights with individual criminal responsibility; justification of the use of force based on appeals to protect human rights and promote democracy; marginalization of the role of government; the proliferation of new rights; and failure to appreciate the inherent flexibility of human rights norms. This chapter calls for returning to the notion of ‘human rights’ as international human rights law and maintaining the distinction between law and morality or law and politics. Recognizing that these concepts are created and enforced differently does not diminish any of them; rather, it reinforces the fact that social progress can only be achieved by appealing to law, politics, and morality, not by promoting human rights as a panacea that can remedy all wrongs.
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Wogu, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power, Sharon Nanyongo N. Njie, Jesse Oluwafemi Katende, George Uzoma Ukagba, Morris Oziegbe Edogiawerie et Sanjay Misra. « The Social Media, Politics of Disinformation in Established Hegemonies, and the Role of Technological Innovations in 21st Century Elections ». Dans Research Anthology on Social Media's Influence on Government, Politics, and Social Movements, 717–37. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-7472-3.ch035.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Deep concerns about the rise in the number of technological innovations used for perpetrating viral dissemination of disinformation, via major social media platforms during multiparty elections, have been expressed. As strategy scholars observe, it is inimical to democratic systems whose election results are questioned by reason of faulty electoral processes. The Marxian alienation theory and Marilyn's ex-post facto research designs were used for evaluating the consequences of adopting political disinformation strategies (PDS) as tools for manipulation, via innovative artificial intelligent technologies, on established social media networks during recent democratic elections in the US and other rising hegemonies. The study observed that most governments and expert political campaigners continue to find it a politically viable platform suitable for swinging the votes of electorates in desired directions. Authors recommended stiffer regulations for media platforms and party agents as this would aid discontinuing the practice of PDS during elections in established and rising hegemonies.
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Lawson, Stephanie. « 8. International Law ». Dans Global Politics, 173–97. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198844327.003.0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter describes the broad challenges involved in establishing global order under conditions of anarchy through international law. The fact that there is no world government with powers akin to national governments means that maintaining cooperative relations between and among states is always a careful balancing act, given the problem of enforcing international law in the absence of a single, overarching sovereign authority. The chapter looks at law in the global sphere through the notion of rule of law. It then considers the emergence of international law in broad historical perspective. Moving on to international law in the twentieth century, and up to the present period, the chapter examines the nature of treaties, charters, and covenants which operate in multiple issue areas from postal services, trade, and aviation to communications, the environment, and human rights. It also focuses on two major international courts: the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). Finally, the chapter reflects on how the principles and practices of a rules-based international order are faring in the contemporary period with a focus on Russia, China, and the US.
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Sinha, Keshav, Roma Kumari, Rakesh Kumar Chandan, Partha Paul, Naghma Khatoon et Runmi Kundu. « A New Framework for Politics, Law, and Government in the Digital Era ». Dans Handbook of Research on Digital Violence and Discrimination Studies, 589–609. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-9187-1.ch026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the 21st century, the digital world has taken over law and politics. Political war is on online platforms, and various decisions are made based on the digital data. Another problem is to provide security of online data. Most of the world is unsatisfied with the government and policymakers. A lack of satisfaction among the people leads towards civil war or it can cause the fall of an entire selected government, or it can collapse the law systems of the world. To cope with this problem, the authors propose the judge-based political system (JBPS). The new political system can deal with the advancement of technology and cybersecurity. Judge-based politics will help to control this type of threat and provide satisfaction in the upcoming era of democracy.