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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Scotland – History – The Union, 1707 »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 26 juillet 2024

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Hoppit, Julian. "Scotland and the Taxing Union, 1707–1815." Scottish Historical Review 98, no. 1 (2019): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2019.0379.

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This article sketches the amounts of taxes collected in Scotland for central government between the Union of 1707 and the end of the Napoleonic wars, looking at the impact of the Union, change over time and comparisons with how much taxes were collected in the rest of Britain. Those findings are then generally explained with reference to tax policy, taxable capacity and the tax gap. Finally, how these findings affect our understanding of the Union state are considered. Contrary to many accounts, the Union did not immediately lead to much larger amounts of taxes being collected, nor to much mon

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RAFFE, ALASDAIR. "1707, 2007, AND THE UNIONIST TURN IN SCOTTISH HISTORY." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (2010): 1071–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000506.

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ABSTRACTThis article reviews the latest research on the making of the Anglo-Scottish parliamentary union of 1707 and unionism in modern Scotland. Stimulated by the tercentenary of the union, but running counter to the popular mood at the time of that anniversary, many of the recent publications exhibit a novel and sympathetic interest in principled support for union. Using Christopher Whatley's The Scots and the union (2006) and Colin Kidd's Union and unionisms (2008) as starting points, the article shows how the new histories differ from earlier work, while also identifying the interdisciplin

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Klinger, Patrick J. "Herring politics: Northern Scotland’s herring fishing industry, 1660-1707." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 4 (2019): 896–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419878941.

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This research note explores the interactions between environmental change and cultural response in a case study focused on the diminution of the northern Scottish North Sea herring fishing industry from c. 1660 to 1707 and its role in the Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707. Through an interdisciplinary approach utilizing archival sources of fishing data and proxy sources, this study traces these additional causes of the decline in the Scottish herring industry in northern Scotland and argues that the herring decline was also driven by climatic and environmental change. In addition, it explores where

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Helling, Colin George. "Convoy of Scottish Trade by the English Royal Navy on the Eve of the Union of 1707." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 1 (2020): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.241.

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AbstractThe English Royal Navy's relationship with Scotland during the years preceding the Union of 1707 is usually cast as problematic in scholarly discussion, with the navy viewed as the enforcer of an embargo on Scottish trade with France. This study examines the Scottish use of Royal Naval convoy in the first years of the War of Spanish Succession through to 1707, focusing on the North Sea region. It adds nuance to security issues surrounding the parliamentary union by arguing that convoys to Scotland were more frequent than generally acknowledged, an improvement on the situation in the 16

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Barclay, G. J. "Scotland 2002." Antiquity 76, no. 293 (2002): 777–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00091225.

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Introduction‘…it was not thought consistent with political wisdom, to draw the attention of the Scots to the ancient honours of their independent monarchy’ (on the proposal in 1780 to found a Society of Antiquaries for Scotland)Archueologia Scoficu 1 (1792): ivFrom the Parliamentary Union with England of 1707 until the establishment of the new devolved parliament (although still within the Union) in Edinburgh in 1999 under the terms of the Scotland Act 1998, Scotland was a nation with a ‘capital’ and its own legal system; neither a colony nor sovereign: an active participant in rather than a v

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Mackillop, Andrew. "Accessing Empire: Scotland, Europe, Britain, and the Asia Trade, 1695–c. 1750." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (2005): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010457.

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The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas fa

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Pentland, Gordon. "The Debate on Scottish Parliamentary Reform, 1830–1832." Scottish Historical Review 85, no. 1 (2006): 100–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2006.0025.

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The voluminous historiography of the‘Great Reform Act’ of 1832 and the more modest historiography of the Reform Act (Scotland) have tended to focus on how far the legislation effected a break with an aristocratic constitution. What this approach does little to illuminate, however, is the extent to which the reform legislation was framed and debated as a renegotiation of the relationship between England and Wales, Scotland, Ireland and the Empire. In Scotland, this meant that the extensive debate on reform tended to revolve around different interpretations of the Union of 1707 and Scotland's su

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Muscatelli, Anton, Graeme Roy, and Alex Trew. "PERSISTENT STATES: LESSONS FOR SCOTTISH DEVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE." National Institute Economic Review 260 (2022): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nie.2022.5.

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AbstractThe equilibrium size of a nation state is, in part, the result of a trade-off between the gains from scale economies in the provision of public services and the costs of applying uniform policy to heterogeneous cultural, institutional and geographical fundamentals. Changes in such fundamentals can thus place pressure on states to reform over time. We consider this dynamic state formation process in the context of Scotland within the United Kingdom. First, we review the recent research in economic history on the persistence and evolution of such fundamentals. Second, we consider the his

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Mason, Roger A. "The Declaration of Arbroath in print, 1680–1705." Innes Review 72, no. 2 (2021): 158–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2021.0303.

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This article examines the circumstances in which the Declaration of Arbroath was first printed in 1680 by Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh and the original manuscript on which Mackenzie’s text was based (NRS SP13/7). It then traces its subsequent print history between the Revolution of 1689–90 and the Union of Parliaments in 1707 both in Latin and in an English translation that first appeared in 1689. It locates the Declaration within the broader context of whig propaganda that encompassed a defence not just of the Revolution Settlement but of Scottish sovereignty at the time of the Union, cu

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Little, Patrick. "The first unionists? Irish Protestant attitudes to union with England, 1653–9." Irish Historical Studies 32, no. 125 (2000): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014644.

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The enforced union of England and Scotland under the Cromwellian Protectorate has been extensively studied, not least because it stands half-way between the union of the crowns in 1603 and the Act of Union of 1707. Without this historical imperative, however, the way in which Ireland was incorporated into the English state remains largely neglected. When dealing with the theory and practice of union in the 1650s, historians have usually dismissed Ireland in a few lines before turning to Scotland — an approach which creates the impression that the English state had absorbed Ireland almost uncon

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Whatley, Christopher A. "Reformed Religion, Regime Change, Scottish Whigs and the Struggle for the ‘Soul’ of Scotland, c.1688 – c.1788." Scottish Historical Review 92, no. 1 (2013): 66–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2013.0138.

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This article responds to and is designed as a counterweight to recent work on political history in early-modern Scotland in which Jacobitism has been persuasively portrayed as a strongly supported movement over time rather than an episodic cause. Building upon recent research on the Union of 1707 which demonstrated the degree of principled and consistent support there was for closer union with England within a British polity, the paper seeks to show that there was a clearly identifiable ideological basis to anti-Jacobitism in Scotland. The term, however, is best understood as the Revolution or

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Loft, Philip. "Weaving the Legal Tapestry of the Union State: Privilege, Litigation and Statutes in Scotland, 1707–1800." Scottish Historical Review 99, no. 2 (2020): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0462.

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Despite the incorporating union of 1707, the pursuit of legislation at Westminster was an overwhelmingly English practice in the eighteenth century, even when Scotland's smaller population is taken into account. Narratives of the making of the post-union state have commonly stressed Scotland's limited incorporation before 1800, and the significance of executive action exercised through military force and orders from central boards for manufactories and agriculture. But if our attention is turned to litigation, a different picture of the British state and Scotland's place within it emerges. Sco

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Paterson, Lindsay. "Utopian Pragmatism: Scotland's Choice." Scottish Affairs 24, no. 1 (2015): 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2015.0052.

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The Scottish referendum of autumn 2014 has been debated as if it was a unique moment in the country's history, and in several senses it was indeed unprecedented – in the level of engagement by citizens which it stimulated, in the acceptance by all sides to the debate that the decision on independence was Scotland's alone (which was an implicit recognition of popular sovereignty), and in its being the first ever democratic and explicit endorsement of the Union by Scotland. Nevertheless, there is also a sense in which the pattern of protest and compromise that led to the referendum and that perv

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Lee, Maurice, and Brian P. Levack. "The Formation of the British State: England, Scotland, and the Union, 1603-1707." American Historical Review 94, no. 4 (1989): 1093. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906656.

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LOFT, PHILIP. "LITIGATION, THE ANGLO-SCOTTISH UNION, AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS AS THE HIGH COURT, 1660–1875." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (2017): 943–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000346.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of the House of Lords as the high court from the Restoration of 1660 to the passage of the Appellate Jurisdiction Act in 1876. Throughout this period, lay peers and bishops judged appeals on civil law from the central courts of England and Wales, Ireland (aside from between 1783 and 1800), and Scotland after the Union of 1707. It has long been known that the revolution of 1688–9 transformed the ability of parliament to pass legislation, but the increased length and predictability of parliamentary sessions was of equal significance to the judicial function

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Macintyre, IMC. "Edinburgh surgery and the history of golf." Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh 37, no. 4 (2007): 367–71. https://doi.org/10.1177/1478271520073704021.

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Individuals associated with Edinburgh surgery have been involved with the history and development of the game of golf since the fifteenth century. King James IV of Scotland (1473–1513), who ratified the surgeons’ Seal of Cause in 1506, played the game, ensuring its first Royal patronage, and he also became the first named golfer to play at a named location. In the seventeenth century,Thomas Kincaid the Younger (1661–1726) gave the first detailed description of what he regarded as the ideal stance, address and swing. John Rattray (1707–1771) signed the first rules of golf in 1744 and became alm

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BURGESS, GLENN. "SCOTTISH OR BRITISH? POLITICS AND POLITICAL THOUGHT IN SCOTLAND, c. 1500–1707 The true law of kingship: concepts of monarchy in early-modern Scotland. By J. H. Burns. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Pp. xiv+315. £37.50. ISBN 0-19-820384-5. Politics, religion and the British revolutions: the mind of Samuel Rutherford. By John Coffey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xii+304. £40. ISBN 0-521-58172-9. Scots and Britons: Scottish political thought and the Union of 1603. Edited by Roger A. Mason. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xiv+323. £40. ISBN 0-521-42034-2. A Union for empire: political thought and the Union of 1707. Edited by John Robertson Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xx+368. £40. ISBN 0-521-43113-1. The birth of Britain: a new nation 1700–1710. By W. A. Speck. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Pp. xiv-235. £25. ISBN 0-521-43113-1." Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (1998): 579–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007894.

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Is the development of a new British history of the early modern period a boon or a bane for those interested in the history of Scotland (or, for that matter, Ireland, Wales, even England)? Such a false antithesis we might normally confine to our examination papers; but it is difficult to avoid considering it after reading the five books under review here. Professor Burns has written a superb account of Scottish political thought in the long sixteenth century and Dr Coffey an equally successful exploration of the mind of the leading ideologist of the Covenanters. The collection edited by Dr Mas

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McGill, Martha. "The Evolution of Haunted Space in Scotland." Gothic Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/gothic.2022.0118.

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This article explores the popularisation of the concept of haunted space in late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Scotland. While earlier ghost stories were usually about the haunting of people, the rise of Gothic and Romantic literary aesthetics fuelled a new interest in both the Scottish landscape, and the dramatic potential of lurking spectres. Amid the upheaval of industrialisation and the Highland Clearances, and in a period when Scots were still wrestling with the implications of the 1707 Union, authors recorded stories of wandering ghosts as part of a broader movement to fashion a dis

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Hope of Craighead, Lord. "Scots law’s debt to Leiden." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (2015): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p02.

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The fact that Scotland, while still part of the United Kingdom, has its own legal system is not an accident. Nor is it just a product of its geography. Had it been so, the system would surely have had shallow roots. It would long ago have been completely absorbed into the legal system of its much bigger southern neighbour. As it is, Scots law was able to retain its own distinct institutions and identity in 1707 when the Union with England was entered into. This is because by then it had developed its own coherent system of law. It was a system with a sound jurisprudential base, and it could st

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FORD, J. D. "Protestations to Parliament for Remeid of Law." Scottish Historical Review 88, no. 1 (2009): 57–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924109000584.

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The Articles of Union approved by the parliaments of Scotland and England in 1707 provided for the preservation of the private law of Scotland and for the determination of disputes arising north of the border in Scottish courts. At the same time, however, the Articles not only allowed for the amendment of the law by legislation enacted at Westminster but also left open the possibility of appeals being made to the British parliament against decisions delivered in Scottish courts. The Articles did not allow explicitly for appeals, but nor did they prohibit them, and dissatisfied litigants, by ex

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Radowicz, Joanna Aleksandra. "Tożsamość narodowa Szkotów w Zjednoczonym Królestwie Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej." Politeja 16, no. 4(61) (2019): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.13.

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Scottish National Identity in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland Scotland became part of the United Kingdom in 1707, when the Act of Union was signed by both the Scottish and English Parliaments. Even though Scots were then largely subordinated to the decisions taken by Westminster, they maintained a sense of independence. One of the most important elements of building Scottish national identity is their history, mainly based on Scottish- English relations and traditions that have been thought to be “invented” by intellectual elites in the eighteenth and nineteenth

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Wagner, Joseph. "The First ‘British’ Colony in the Americas: Inter-kingdom Cooperation and Stuart-British Ideology in the Colonisation of Newfoundland, 1616–1640." Britain and the World 15, no. 1 (2022): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0379.

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The accession of James VI, the Stewart (or Stuart) King of Scots, to the thrones of England and Ireland in 1603 renewed debates about ‘Britishness’. Many of the king’s attempts to popularise and codify his version of the concept were unsuccessful. His vision for closer political union between England and Scotland did not come to pass until 1707 and most historians attribute the formation of British identity to the eighteenth century. Most influentially, Linda Colley has argued that British identity was forged in the crucible of eighteenth-century empire-building as English, Scottish, and Welsh

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HARRIS, BOB. "CULTURAL CHANGE IN PROVINCIAL SCOTTISH TOWNS, c. 1700–1820." Historical Journal 54, no. 1 (2011): 105–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000476.

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ABSTRACTIn the decades which immediately followed the union of 1707, most Scottish towns saw limited economic and cultural change. The middle of the eighteenth century, however, marked the beginnings of a new provincial urban dynamism in Scotland, which, from the 1780s or so onwards, was accompanied by far-reaching and rapid cultural change. This article seeks first to establish the scope, nature, and geography of this cultural transformation before discussing its wider historical significance, not only for our view of modern Scottish urbanization but in terms of patterns of urban change withi

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Malzahn, Manfred. "Breaking Free and Yearning Back: The Timelessness of Scottish Literature." International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 5, no. 1 (2004): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.5.1.3.

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In recent decades, it has been much more widely acknowledged than before that Scottish literature has to date retained a distinctive character which permits or even demands its study as a tradition in its own right, distinct if not entirely separate from the literary tradition of England. This paper presents evidence for the paradoxical argument that the particular distinctiveness of Scottish literature after 1707 may be said to exist both in spite and because of Scotland's loss of political independence in the Union of Crowns, being an event after which representations of time and temporality

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Harris, B. "The Two Unions: Ireland, Scotland, and the Survival of the United Kingdom, 1707-2007, by Alvin Jackson." English Historical Review 128, no. 531 (2013): 443–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cet004.

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MURDOCH, ALEXANDER. "The State of the Union: Scotland 1707–2007. Edited by J́ørgen Sevaldsen and Jens Rahbek Rasmussen. Pp. 154. ISBN: 9788763507028. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2007. £14 (€18/$27)." Scottish Historical Review 88, no. 1 (2009): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924109000742.

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Morrill, John. "CHRISTOPHER A. WHATLEY, 'Bought and Sold for English Gold': Explaining the Union of 1707 Glasgow, Economic and Social History Society of Scotland, 1994, pp.59, £4.50." Scottish Economic & Social History 16, no. 1 (1996): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1996.16.16.121.

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Morrill, John. "The Formation of the British State. England, Scotland and the union, 1603–1707. By Brian P. Levack. Pp. xi + 260. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987. £27.50. 0 19820 113 3." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40, no. 2 (1989): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900043098.

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Mitchell, James. "Alvin Jackson. The Two Unions: Ireland, Scotland, and the Survival of the United Kingdom, 1707–2007. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. Pp. 464. $65.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 3 (2013): 802–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.100.

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Szechi, Daniel, and Christopher A. Whatley. "Counting the ‘Cavaliers’: Two Contemporary Analyses of the Political Wing of the Scots Jacobite Underground in the Union Parliament¹." Parliamentary History 42, no. 3 (2023): 309–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12703.

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AbstractUnderground movements are understandably reluctant to record the names and numbers of their adherents because any such compilation is manifestly a hostage to fortune. Hence very few lists of politically active Jacobites actually compiled by the Jacobites themselves have survived to the present day. In the French foreign ministry archives at La Corneille, however, there is a rare and previously unknown/unused example of such a list. ‘The Rolls of Parliament as they stand’, is a classic printed, marked list of all the lords entitled to sit in, and commissioners elected to, Queen Anne's U

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Borlik, Todd Andrew. "Banquo’s Daughters and the Lost #MeToo Macbeth, and Early Modern Alt-Media." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 49, no. 1 (2023): 121–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04901002.

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Abstract This article investigates the disturbing accusation, first recorded in 1652, that Macbeth abducted and possibly raped a daughter of Banquo’s. Since Banquo himself was apparently fabricated by the Aberdonian chronicler Hector Boece in the 1520s to romanticize the Stuart dynasty’s origins, his daughter has no historical basis and tales of her grim fate likely represent a literary embellishment on the scene in which Malcolm reports Macbeth had confessed that kingship would awaken his insatiably lustful nature. These rumours, circulating at least by the early 1650s, would eventually culmi

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MacQueen, Hector L. "Mixed Jurisdictions and Convergence: Scotland." International Journal of Legal Information 29, no. 2 (2001): 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500009446.

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There is an independent Scottish legal system today because, until the Union of the English and Scottish Crowns in 1603 and the Union of the Parliaments of the two countries in 1707, Scotland was an independent sovereign state. When King James VI of Scotland became James I of England and Great Britain in 1603, there was considerable interest in the possibility of establishing a single legal system for the newly united kingdoms, while during the Cromwellian interlude of the 1650s the possibility moved some way towards actuality. But the 1707 Act of Union showed a recognition that the establishm

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Fox, David. "The Anglo-Scots Monetary Union of 1707." Edinburgh Law Review 23, no. 3 (2019): 360–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.2019.0573.

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Article XVI of the Acts of Union of 1706 and 1707 created a monetary union by merging the Scottish monetary system with the sterling monetary system of England and Wales. It completed a process that began after the 1603 regal union between the two kingdoms. Its main purpose was to restore the circulating currency in Scotland and England to the same monetary standard, something which had been an aim of Scottish monetary policy since the early decades of the regal union. The monetary union of 1707 raised difficult numismatic and legal problems in the way prices were quoted, debts were paid and a

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Mason, Roger A. "Debating Britain in Seventeenth-Century Scotland: Multiple Monarchy and Scottish Sovereignty." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 35, no. 1 (2015): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2015.0138.

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This article deploys the concept of multiple monarchy as a means of reassessing the constitutional relationship between Scotland and England from the union of the crowns in 1603 to the union of parliaments in 1707. It argues that the Scots’ belief in their kingdom's historic independence, symbolised by the Stuart dynasty itself, led them to conceive of the union with England as one of equals, but that such parity of status and esteem was rendered unsustainable by inequalities of population and resources that became more marked as the century progressed. Reviewing the implications of a century

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Bowie, Karin. "National Opinion and the Press in Scotland before the Union of 1707." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 1 (2018): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0218.

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Vigorous extra-parliamentary public debate over the question of union helped to ensure that Scotland brought into the Union of 1707 a sense of itself as a nation with national opinions. Though the parliamentary electorate remained small, a meaningful number of Scots engaged in public political debate on the question of union. Petitions from shires, burghs and parishes spoke for local communities and pamphleteers presented Scottish voices through archetypal figures such as a ‘country farmer’. This allowed opponents to declare that incorporating union was inconsistent with ‘the publickly express

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Bateson, J. D., and N. M. McQ Holmes. "Roman and medieval coins found in Scotland, 2006-10." Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 143 (November 30, 2014): 227–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.143.227.264.

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Coins and other numismatic finds from 219 locations across Scotland are listed and discussed. The catalogue and discussion cover coins and dating from the Roman period to the Act of Union of 1707 and include all casual and metal-detector finds which have been notified to either of the authors, as well as hoards found in isolation and a number of finds from archaeological excavations and watching briefs.

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Raffe, A. "The Union of 1707: New Dimensions." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 512 (2010): 186–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep355.

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Korac, Srdjan. "Multinational states: Constitutional challenges: The case of Scotland." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 2-3 (2008): 368–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0803368k.

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The author analyses the major changes to the political ideology and policy platform of the stateless nation's movement in Western European postindustrial states, taking the Scottish National Party as an special example. The analysis starts with the evolution of the Anglo-Scottish relations beginning from the creation of Union of English and Scottish kingdoms by the Act of Union in 1707. Author then presents the contemporary relationship between these two provinces of the United Kingdom. He stresses that since 1990s, the Scottish national movement have been pursuing the 'silent constitutional r

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Ginter, Donald E., and Ronald M. Sunter. "Patronage and Politics in Scotland, 1707-1832." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (1987): 1216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868547.

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SAVILLE, RICHARD. "Chapter 3 Intellectual Capital in Pre-1707 Scotland." Scottish Historical Review 87, no. 2(suppl) (2008): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924108000474.

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Williamson, Arthur H. "From the Invention of Great Britain to the Creation of British History: A New Historiography - The British Isles, 1100–1500: Comparisons, Contrasts, and Connections. Edited by R. R. Davies. Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers, 1988. Pp. xi + 159. £18.00. - Scotland and England, 1286–1815. Edited by Roger A. Mason. Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers, 1987. Pp. viii + 270. £20.00 - The Formation of the British State: England, Scotland, and the Union, 1603–1707. By Brian P. Levack. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. viii + 260. $24.95." Journal of British Studies 29, no. 3 (1990): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385960.

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Benchimol, Alex, and Philip Schlesinger. "Introduction: 1707, 2014 and the Constitutional Imperative in Scotland's National Press and Civil Society." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 1 (2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0217.

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This essay provides an historical, cultural and institutional juxtaposition of the Scottish national press' relationship to constitutional change, using the Union of 1707 and the 2014 independence referendum as key markers of this relationship. It reviews the parallels between both historical events in the context of structural changes to Scottish civil society, and the role played by the media in amplifying and facilitating these changes. Finally, the essay maps the work of a number of historical and literary scholars, media experts, civil society actors, and journalists who have contributed

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Gubaidullin, A. R. "Continuity in the Development of the Legal System of Scotland." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), no. 9 (December 17, 2022): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2022.97.9.054-063.

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The article is devoted to the features of continuity in the Scottish legal system. The relevance of this topic is related to the development of mixed legal systems on the legal map of the world. There are also new needs of legal science and legal practice. The author examines the concepts of continuity and a mixed legal system. He goes on to describe the characteristic features of continuity in the development of the Scottish legal system up to 1707. This is done in the context of the normative, institutional, and doctrinal aspects of these processes. The influence of English common law occupi

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Montgomery, Richard Murdoch. "Why Scotland Should be Independent: Historical Context, European Identity, Future Prosperity and Unique Citizenship Challenges." Political Science International 2, no. 1 (2024): 01–04. http://dx.doi.org/10.33140/psi.02.01.02.

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This article explores the multifaceted argument for Scottish independence, emphasizing Scotlandʹs historical context, cultural identity, and the potential benefits of rejoining the European Union (EU). It begins with a historical overview, tracing Scotlandʹs deep roots in independence and its eventual union with England in 1707, which, despite economic benefits, subordinated Scottish interests to those of England. The article argues that Scotlandʹs distinct identity and ongoing desire for autonomy justify a renewed push for independence. Reuniting with Europe is presented as a key advantage, o

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McLean, Ralph. "‘Literary Symbols’: Language and Style in the 1707 Union Debates." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 1 (2018): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0219.

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The pamphlet war which surrounded the debates of the proposed Union between Scotland and England in 1707 has frequently been dismissed as a mere sideshow to the main events that took place in the Scottish Parliament. Until recently, the accepted viewpoint was that as only the landed elites possessed the vote, it was only they who could decide the political destiny of the country – the wider populace was largely an irrelevancy. However, the political speeches of the Scotsman, John Hamilton, Lord Belhaven, and the response to those speeches, by English man of letters, Daniel Defoe, suggests that

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Levack, Brian P. "Britain's First Global Century: England, Scotland and Empire, 1603–1707." Britain and the World 6, no. 1 (2013): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0079.

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Clancy, Michael P. "Scots Law and Scottish Identity: A Legendary Tale." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 1 (2018): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0225.

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The Treaty of Union 1707 between Scotland and England and the respective implementing legislation in each Kingdom contained provisions which today we might describe as ‘opt-outs’. These opt-outs from incorporating Union preserved aspects of the Scottish legal system which, along with the Presbyterian religion and the system of education, helped to ensure that Scottish identity was supported by some of the most powerful aspects of the state. This essay will examine some of the provisions of the Treaty, analyse aspects of the legal system and law that persisted after the Union, comment on the ex

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Wilson, David. "The Navy and Anglo-Scottish Union, 1603– 1707." Mariner's Mirror 108, no. 4 (2022): 483–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2022.2124706.

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Ferris, Ina, and Leith Davis. "Acts of Union: Scotland and the Literary Negotiation of the British Nation, 1707-1830." Studies in Romanticism 40, no. 1 (2001): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25601494.

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Kidd, Colin, and Leith Davis. "Acts of Union: Scotland and the Literary Negotiation of the British Nation, 1707-1830." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32, no. 1 (2000): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054054.

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