Articles de revues : « Security, International – Africa »

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YU, Hongyuan. « The Energy-Water-Food Nexus and Its Implications for China–Africa Cooperation on Climate Change ». Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 02, n^o 02 (décembre 2014) : 1450013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345748114500134.

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In the context of climate change, security is not only a relationship between countries, but also the interdependence between issues. In the African region, water, energy, and food form a security nexus with great sensitivity and vulnerability. Security nexus provides a new explanation for resources competition, cooperation, and conflict in the African region, and promotes water-food-energy research shift from the technical aspects to foreign policy level, and finally provides new international political ideas for resource and environmental solutions in Africa. In the perspective of security nexus, solving the ecological problems in Africa through international cooperation is not a simple technical issue, but an international political and economic issue. Based on the special political and economic advantages that China owns, jointly coping with the challenges of security nexus of China and Africa will provide an important opportunity to deepen their friendly and cooperative relations, broaden social basis of China–Africa relationship, and seek new growth points for economic cooperation.

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Gavrilova, N., et S. Kostelyanets. « Food security in East Africa ». Pathways to Peace and Security, n^o 2 (2022) : 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-2-82-98.

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The article discusses the current state and dynamics of food security in East Africa. This region stands out in Africa not only as the most populous, but also as the fastest developing one, mostly due to its advanced economic growth and infrastructure construction in Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda. East African countries are particularly vulnerable to disruptions in food supplies from Russia and Ukraine. To assess food security in the region, the authors apply two methods designed by the World Bank and by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). These methods focus, correspondingly, on per capita incomes and malnutrition indicators. The authors further examine the impact of the Millennium Development Goals and the Sustainable Development Goals on food security in East Africa, investigate the main causes of food insecurity, and put forward policy recommendations for enhancing regional food security. Although achieving sustainable food security in East Africa appears unrealistic in the foreseeable future, intensification and digitalization of agriculture are critical to enhance food self-sufficiency of the region. The primary data sources for the article include FAO’s 2015–2021 surveys on food security and nutrition in Sub-Saharan Africa and statistical databases by FAO and the International Trade Center.

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Yoroms, Gani. « The State, Security, and Intervention beyond West Africa : examining the arc of instability and conflict on the continent of Africa ». UNET JOSS : Journal of Science and Society 2, n^o 1 (9 mai 2022) : 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.52042/unetjoss020102.

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Considering the tense moments of crises and conflicts which West Africa went through before the end of the Cold War, it was least expected that the post-cold-war era would unleash another moment of crisis—one that would be even more devastating to the entire continent. However, the end of the Cold War, and the events at the aftermath of 9/11, saw not only West Africa, but the entire African continent, immersed in a series of ongoing critical security paradoxes. This paper attempts to contribute to, and build upon, the insights of a key expert, Emmanuel Aning Kwesi, on the West Africa security conundrum as enunciated in the publication, “West Africa Security Perspectives: Kwesi Aning Explains,” published by the Danish Institute for International Studies. Emanuel Kwesi Aning, a Professor of Political Science and International Relations at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre, Ghana, was tasked to explain how the West African subregion found itself smeared by critical security scenarios. Aning, in his discourse, focused on eight critical security challenges in the sub-region, including the weak nature of the state, the rise and existence of organised crime, illegal mining, climate change, demography and urbanization, armed robbery at sea and piracy, security, and intervention. This paper continues the dialogue with Kwesi Aning by summarizing the eight critical security paradoxes into three major areas: the character of the state, the nature of security, and the necessity for external intervention. This paper also goes beyond the West African scenario in which Professor Kwesi Aning situated his discourse and submits that this challenge is not only for West Africa, but for the entire continent.

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CASIS. « Why is Canada Involved in Mali ? » Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, n^o 2 (21 novembre 2019) : 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i2.1064.

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On June 20th 2019, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted Dr. Edward Akuffo at its roundtable meeting titled “Why is Canada involved in Mali?” Dr. Akuffo is an Assistant Professor of International Relations in the Department of Political Science at the University of the Fraser Valley. He holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of Alberta, MA in International Relations from Brock University, and BA Political Science from the University of Ghana, Legon. His research is focused on Canada’s security and development policy in Africa, interregional security cooperation, human security and humanitarian law in Africa, and BRIC-Canada relations. His work has been in Global Change, Peace & Security, and African Security Review. He is also the author of the recent book, Canadian Foreign Policy in Africa: Regional Approaches to Peace, Security, and Development (Ashgate). Dr. Akuffo was a fellow of the Canadian Consortium on Human Security (CCHS).

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Olugbuo, Benson Chinedu. « The African Union, the United Nations Security Council and the Politicisation of International Justice in Africa ». African Journal of Legal Studies 7, n^o 3 (12 septembre 2014) : 351–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342051.

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There are two questions with multiple answers regarding the relationship between Africa and the International Criminal Court. The first is whether the International Criminal Court is targeting Africa and the second is if politics plays any role in the decision to investigate and prosecute crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. For the African Union, the International Criminal Court has become a western court targeting weak African countries and ignoring the atrocities committed by big powers including permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The accusation by the African Union against the International Criminal Court leads to the argument that the International Criminal Court is currently politised. This is a charge consistently denied by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationship between the United Nations Security Council, the International Criminal Court and the African Union. It articulates the role of the three institutions in the fight against impunity and the maintenance of international peace and security with reference to the African continent. The paper argues that complementarity should be applied to regional organisations and that the relationship between the African Union and the International Criminal Court should be guided by the application of positive complementarity and a nuanced approach to the interests of justice. This offers the International Criminal Court and the African Union an opportunity to develop mutual trust and result-oriented strategies to confront the impunity on the continent. The paper further argues that the power of the United Nations Security Council to refer situations to the International Criminal Court and defer cases before the Court is a primary source of the disagreement between the prosecutor and the African Union and recommends a division of labour between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council.

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Danso, Kwaku, et Kwesi Aning. « African experiences and alternativity in International Relations theorizing about security ». International Affairs 98, n^o 1 (janvier 2022) : 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab204.

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Abstract Deconstructing International Relations (IR) episteme acknowledges its generation of power imbalances in security knowledge that relegate African experiences to the margins of global politics. Central to this process of relegation is a pervasive ‘methodological whiteness’, which, while eliding coloniality and racism, projects white experience as a universal perspective. Accompanying this Eurocentric bias has been the intrusive projection of the Weberian state as the most effective site for security governance and conflict prevention on a continent with states that are characterized by a hybridity of political orders, which deviate substantially from the ideal-type state that they seek to mimic. Not only has this resulted in disastrous policies in many parts of Africa, but critical questions arise as to the relevance of conventional IR and security studies as neutral sites for dispassionate knowledge production and policy-making on African security, thereby necessitating alternative perspectives. This article reflects on the ways in which IR and security studies have been responsible, in part, for the production of a racialized mode of security knowledge generation that obfuscates the security policies and experiences of people in African locales. It draws on insights from post-colonial discourses and the episteme of alternativity to explore how the study of events and processes in Africa in a theoretically conscious manner could advance IR scholarship as a whole. It contends that incorporating African experiences as they manifest through hybrid security orders can broaden the empirical base for IR theorizing about security since they offer another perspective outside the conventional western assumptions and experiences.

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Gibosn, John. « Maritime security and international law in Africa ». African Security Review 18, n^o 3 (septembre 2009) : 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2009.9627542.

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Calitz, Andre Paul, Margaret Diane Munro Cullen et Carlien Jooste. « The Influence of Safety and Security on Students’ Choice of University in South Africa ». Journal of Studies in International Education 24, n^o 2 (25 juillet 2019) : 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1028315319865395.

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Higher education institutions (HEIs) are experiencing increased interest and enrolments in study programs by international students. For recruitment and retention purposes it is important that HEI managers understand the factors that influence a student’s choice of HEI. Prior studies have found that these factors may differ from country to country and may include culture, educational needs, campus activities, safety, and security, and socio-economic issues (such as an economic downturn and political or social instability). This article reports specifically on research into the influence of safety and security issues on national and international students’ choice of public university in South Africa. Two surveys conducted at different times were used to collect data from local and international students. The results indicate that safety and security, played a deciding role in both local students’ and international students’ choice of university in South Africa, and that the disruption to campus life associated with the #FeesMustFall student protests in South Africa in 2016 may have made international students more aware of safety and security issues on South African university campuses.

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Gyamfi, Gerald D. « Exploring the Challenges and Possibilities of Pan African International Police Cooperation ». International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 6, n^o 4 (octobre 2019) : 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2019100104.

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In the promotion of global peace and security, police cooperation is considered one of the major pillars. This exploratory qualitative study focuses on the possibilities and challenges that should be overcome in the quest to practicalize the implementation of security policies and other legal instruments relating to police cooperation and collaboration in Africa. Twenty-five top police officers and other security experts in Ghana were selected as participants using snowball approach. The participants were interviewed for their views on international police cooperation focusing on cooperation among the various police forces in Africa. The outcome of the study revealed that the major challenges include financial constraints, language barriers, political interference, and problems associated with information technology systems. Recommendations made to overcome most of the challenges include strengthening the African Union Police (AFRIPOL), intelligence sharing with the aid of advanced information technology, and promoting research on police effectiveness on the African continent.

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Brosig, Malte. « The Emerging Peace and Security Regime in Africa : The Role of the EU ». European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 1 (1 février 2011) : 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011006.

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This article focuses on the role the European Union (EU) is playing in peacekeeping and conflict prevention in Africa. In this article, it is argued that the EU’s peacekeeping approach is not only shaped by the interests of European Member States or EU institutions to deploy and maintain peacekeepers but is responsive to an emerging African peace and security regime. The majority of peacekeeping operations on the continent build upon some kind of inter-organizational arrangements between the United Nations (UN), the EU, and the African Union (AU) or in some cases other regional African organizations. This article will show how the existing forms of inter-organizational interaction between international organizations (IOs) in Africa impact on the EU’s engagement in peace operations in the continent. This article demonstrates the EU’s role in the multi-actor game of peacekeeping in Africa and how the EU’s involvement in these emerging international cooperation structures influences its peacekeeping strategy for Africa.

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Yvette Basson. « The Compliance of the South African Social Security System with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights ». Obiter 41, n^o 4 (24 mars 2021) : 850–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v41i4.10491.

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The ratification of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by South Africa has resulted in the provisions thereof becoming binding on the South African legislature. The right to social security is entrenched in the ICESCR, which provides for the elements of a social security system that must be complied with by states. This article sets out what is required of states in terms of the right to social security in the ICESCR by way of crystallising the elements of a social security system. Thereafter, the South Africa social security system is compared to these elements to determine whether there is compliance with the right to social security in the ICESCR.

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Makosso, Anatole Collinet. « EMERGING SECURITY THREATS IN AFRICA ». Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 5, n^o 3 (31 janvier 2023) : 244–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v5i3.5208.

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On November 25, 2022, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted the fifth panel, Cyber Resilience and International Perspective, of the annual CASIS West Coast Security Conference. The panel featured his Excellency the Prime Minister Dr. Anatole Collinet Makosso, a Congolese scholar, writer, researcher, and politician, who presented on Emerging Security Threats in Africa. Received: 2023-01-05Revised: 2023-01-11

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Magliveras, Konstantinos D., et Gino J. Naldi. « The International Criminal Court’s Involvement with Africa : Evaluation of a Fractious Relationship ». Nordic Journal of International Law 82, n^o 3 (2013) : 417–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08203004.

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This article examines the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) role in relation to international crimes allegedly committed in Africa; it considers the difficulties and obstacles that the ICC has encountered in securing the co-operation of not only States Parties but also of non-States Parties which, in certain instances, are mandated to assist it; and it analyses the acrimonious relationship that has arisen between the African Union (AU), the Continent’s political and security organisation, and the ICC. Thus far, the two most significant sources of antagonism between the ICC and Africa have been the arrest warrants against President al-Bashir of Sudan in relation to the situation in Darfur, and the crimes against humanity allegedly perpetrated during Kenya’s post-election violence in 2007–2008. Finally, the article examines the continuing attempts by African States to amend Article 16 of the Rome Statute.

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Huang, Chin-Hao. « From Strategic Adjustment to Normative Learning ? Understanding China’s Peacekeeping Efforts in Africa ». Journal of International Peacekeeping 17, n^o 3-4 (2013) : 248–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1704005.

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Over the last two decades, Chinese armed forces have been increasingly exposed to the global norms of UN peacekeeping, not least through expanded participation in international peacekeeping operations. As the largest Security Council permanent member troop contributor, more than four fifths of Chinese troops in UN peacekeeping operations are deployed in Africa. As such, China is increasingly in a position to strengthen peacekeeping operations, contribute to stability, security, and security sector reform in Africa, and expand its regional multilateral military cooperation, all of which raises the prospects for China to become more integrated in the international community and a responsible, and responsive, major power. Given these important developments and their implications for the future of peacekeeping in Africa, this paper seeks to: identify the key determinants that undergird China’s evolving foreign policy approach toward peacekeeping principles and praxis in Africa; ascertain the degree and trace the process in which increasing interactions between China, the African Union, and the broader international community have led Chinese policy elites to consider greater flexibility in their views toward sovereignty and the changing nature of peacekeeping; assess how a rising China may exert its influence through its expanding role in peacekeeping; and analyze the strategic implications of these security developments for Africa.

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Tieku, Thomas Kwasi. « African Union promotion of human security in Africa ». African Security Review 16, n^o 2 (juin 2007) : 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2007.9627414.

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Jalloh, Charles Chernor. « Regionalizing International Criminal Law ? » International Criminal Law Review 9, n^o 3 (2009) : 445–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181209x457956.

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AbstractThis article examines the initially cooperative but increasingly tense relationship between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and Africa. It assesses the various legal and political reasons for the mounting criticisms of the ICC by African governments, especially within the African Union (AU), following the indictment of incumbent Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al Bashir. The author situates the ICC within broader African efforts to establish more peaceful societies through the continent-wide AU. He submits that the ICC, by prosecuting architects of serious international crimes in Africa's numerous conflicts, could contribute significantly to the continent's fledgling peace and security architecture which aims to prevent, manage and resolve conflicts and to anticipate and avert crimes against humanity. On the other hand, the author suggests that the ICC also has much to gain from Africa, especially in these early years when it is seeking to become a functional court of law with global legitimacy. By undertaking independent, fair and credible prosecutions without alienating States Parties, the world criminal court is more likely to fulfill its mandate and to win over powerful hold outs, such as the United States, China, and India. This will help it co-opt the support necessary for its universal reach and future success. However, he cautions that given Africa's sensitive historical experience with foreign interventions, including the slave trade and colonialism, the international criminal justice regime anchored on the ICC may be undermined, or perhaps even falter, if it is perceived as having a biased, politicized or insensitive application to a single region of the world.

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Denisova, Tatyana S. « Africa in the 21st Century : New Insights into the Problem of Security ». Asia and Africa Today, n^o 10 (2022) : 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750022722-6.

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A sharp increase in geopolitical tensions following the start of a special military operation in Ukraine and the introduction of unprecedented Western sanctions against Russia has reverberated around the planet, and Africa is no exception in this regard. Under the circumstances, old threats to African countries have intensified and new ones have emerged, shaped by a complex interplay of local and international political and economic factors. If left unchecked, these threats may undermine Africa’s economic progress and have a knock-on effect on the continental integration agenda. Suitably, scholarly interest in African security has been and will keep growing as the interplay becomes more complicated. The Centre for Sociological and Political Sciences Studies of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences held the international conference “Between Promise and Peril: African Security in the 21st Century”. The scope of the conference covered such security-related topics in the African context as peacekeeping and counter-insurgency, private military companies and hybrid warfare, nuclear terrorism and peaceful atom, state fragility and neo-patrimonialism. A grave peril is that Africa once again becomes a proxy battlefield for conflicts between great powers. Participants paid special attention to the dynamics between local and foreign factors of destabilization in African countries. A particular focus of presenters was also made on the dilemma of state-building in Africa and its impact on African security. Most participants agreed that Africa’s security is no longer a regional issue but a global one as the geopolitical and geoeconomic significance of the continent is increasing steadily.

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Bischoff, Paul-Henri. « Reform in Defence of Sovereignty : South Africa in the UN Security Council, 2007–2008 ». Africa Spectrum 44, n^o 2 (août 2009) : 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400205.

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After 1994, South Africa became the sine qua non of an internationalist state, willing to promote cooperation amongst a plurality of actors, believing common interests to be more important than their differences. This raised the hopes of constitutionalists, and those who believed in the expansion of a liberal democratic peace. South Africa has acted out two seemingly contradictory roles: those of a reformer and those of a conserver. By 2007–2008 she had shifted towards the latter, conservative-reformist position. Thus, South Africa's voting record at the General Assembly expressed her overriding concern to regionalise African issues and minimise the US and the West shaping political events. This brought her foreign policy into sharper relief. But while in some sense successful, it came at a price: a controversy about her surrendering her internationalism and principles on human rights for African unity and traditional sovereignty. But it also marked the arrival of South Africa in the world of international Realpolitik.

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Hendricks, Cheryl. « Human security in Africa ». African Security Review 16, n^o 2 (juin 2007) : iv—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2007.9627411.

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Potter, William C., et Alexei M. Vassiliev. « Recommendations : Nuclear Nonproliferation in Africa ». Issue : A Journal of Opinion 17, n^o 1 (1988) : 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700500882.

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The principles embodied in the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and the strengthening of the nonproliferation regime internationally, including Africa, would serve international peace and security. Nonproliferation is an area of common interest between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., in which the two countries have a good record of cooperation.

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Willers, David. « South Africa and regional security ». RUSI Journal 131, n^o 3 (septembre 1986) : 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071848608522754.

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Keppler, Elise. « Managing Setbacks for the International Criminal Court in Africa ». Journal of African Law 56, n^o 1 (8 décembre 2011) : 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855311000209.

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AbstractThe International Criminal Court (ICC) suffered two notable setbacks in Africa in 2010: the African Union's (AU) renewed call for members not to cooperate in executing ICC arrest warrants for Sudanese President al-Bashir; and the president's first visits to the territory of ICC states parties since warrants were issued in 2009 and 2010. Factors surrounding these developments suggest they do not represent the predominant view or approach to the court in Africa, where there is considerable backing for the ICC among African government officials and civil society. African ICC states parties and civil society should enhance initiatives to demonstrate the support that exists for the court, and to ensure that attacks on it are understood as limited efforts that emanate more from criticisms of the UN Security Council than of the court. Developments in 2011 reinforce these assessments.

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Nyenti, Mathias. « Developing an Efficient and Effective Social Security Adjudication Framework in South Africa ». Strathmore Law Journal 1, n^o 1 (1 juin 2015) : 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v1i1.7.

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South Africa is currently developing an overarching policy framework for effi-cient and effective resolution of social security disputes as part of reforms towards the establishment of a comprehensive social security system. In the development of the policy, international and regional guidelines and standards on access to justice were instrumental as they are benchmarks on the scope and content of the right of access to courts for social security claimants and the State’s obligations in this regard. This article outlines some international guidelines and standards relevant to the realisation of access to justice for social security claimants; and their role in recent reform initiatives that have been undertaken to promote access to justice in the South African social security system.

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Varani, Nicoletta, et Enrico Bernardini. « Africa : Risk, Security and Mapping of Human Rights Violations ». Geopolitical, Social Security and Freedom Journal 1, n^o 1 (1 novembre 2018) : 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/gssfj-2018-0006.

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Abstract Planetary interdependence makes the task of states and international organizations to guarantee security inside and outside national borders ever more urgent. The tendency is to widen the space from national to international and to conceive of security as multidimensional for the satisfaction of human needs, assumed as priority needs with respect to those of the States. The old concept of national security must today confront the new concept of human security cultivated within the United Nations, which places the fundamental rights of the individual and of people at the centre of attention and lays the foundations for overcoming the traditional politics of power. The concept of human security emphasises the security of the individual and his protection from political violence, war and arbitrariness. It takes account of the strong correlation between peace policy, human rights policy, migration policy and humanitarian policy. The contribution provides, through a series of social indicators such as the Global Peace Index (GPI), Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) and the World International Security and Policy Index (WISPI), a framework on risk, security, human rights violations in the African continent and examines some significant case studies related to sub-Saharan Africa.

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Sidorova, G. « The UN Security Council as an eff ective instrument for ensuring peace and security stability in Africa ». Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), n^o 1 (1 janvier 2021) : 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2101-04.

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The article highlights the activities of the UN in the African area: promoting the economic development of the UN states; combating international terrorism and organized crime; ensuring international security; preventing armed confl icts; strengthening cooperation of Member States in the fi ght against infectious and other dangerous diseases. The close attention of the UN Security Council to the political processes taking place on the African continent yields tangible results. Peacekeeping missions are being sent to hot spots in Africa. The military contingents of these missions, together with the army units of states, participate in the fi ght against militants of illegal armed formations, reduce the intensity of confl icts, help the civilian population to survive in a diffi cult military-political situation, as well as assist in the post-confl ict reconstruction of countries. Given the weakness and imperfection of the local armies, UN member states help to train the peacekeeping forces of African states. Russia, along with other states, is preparing Africans for peacekeeping activities through the Ministry of Internal Aff airs and the Ministry of Defense.

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Boggero, Marco. « Local dynamics of security in Africa : The Central African Republic and private security ». African Security Review 17, n^o 2 (juin 2008) : 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2008.9627468.

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Johnson, Sterling, Won K. Paik et Chris G. Larsen. « The Rising Tides of Africa and China ». International Area Studies Review 14, n^o 3 (1 janvier 2011) : 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386591101400305.

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Since the mid 1980s, Chinese security analysts have debated China's role in the changing international system. Sharp increases in Chinese military spending indicate that China plans to reshape the international economic and military balance of power. Much of China's economic growth is the product of its investment in Africa. Some are concerned that Beijing's more recent relations with Africa are part of its strategy to become the new global hegemony. A primary question is: Which choice will China make? We analyze three perspectives on Beijing's role in African Affairs. The first view holds that China is fulfilling a long-term strategic commitment to Africa that is driven by Chinese economic interests, a commitment to transmit and transfer its own development assistance, and a desire to build effective cooperative partnerships among developing nation-states. The second view is that Chinese policy is to quickly exploit Africa's natural resources, without, like their Western economic counterparts, paying much consideration to local developmental, environmental concerns or human rights issues. The third view emphasizes China's African policy as part of a long-term strategy to displace the Western orientation of the continent by forging partnerships with African elites under the rubric of solidarity.

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Shipilov, Alexander Yurievich. « West African International Studies : Approaches to Regional Security ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, n^o 2 (15 décembre 2019) : 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-207-217.

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This article covers the most significant theoretical schools in West Africa in the framework of the international relations analysis, with special focus on the regional security. Major respective theoretical approaches to the given issues are assessed based on the writings of local experts that frequently reevaluate the major articles of faith connected with neo-Realist, neo-Liberal and Marxist views. Particular attention is drawn to the examination of various interpretations of the role that belongs to supranational regional structures in West African conflict resolution using the case of the Liberian civil war. The most crucial part of the research presented is an analysis of publications issued by Adekye Adebajo and Ismail Rashid, two leading West African specialists in the field of regional security. Their appraisal of collective security mechanisms’ perspectives in the most poverty-stricken and unstable regions of the world is elaborated upon. The aim of the article is to determine the extent of uniqueness present in Adebajo and Rashid’s approaches compared to their Western and African colleagues but also to figure how West African 1990-2000’s conflicts’ analysis did have an impact on the scholars’ theoretical views and more broadly what was its contribution to the regional understanding of international relations. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The major elements composing the scholars’ analysis of successes and failures in the path of West African integration are presented along with their appraisal of the ECOWAS security component. A comparison is made between their views and those of their regional colleagues belonging to other schools of thought as well as Western theories that had the greatest impact on these authors.

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Ndaguba, E. A., O. I. Nzewi et K. B. Shai. « Financial Imperatives and Constraints towards Funding the SADC Standby Force ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 74, n^o 2 (16 avril 2018) : 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418766732.

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Achievable and viable peace and security efforts in Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) have been limited by an over dependence on foreign and international peacekeeping. The aim of this article is to unpack financial imperatives and constraints towards funding the SADC standby force (SADCSF). Through this the article hopes to provide lessons towards a suitable and sustainable funding mechanism aimed at addressing the financial challenges confronting African standby forces in peace operations. In particular, this article focuses on the SADCSF since its establishment in 2007. This article uses information from existing statistical and research data to first, identify existing funding models in international (regional and continental) peace operation and stand-by forces across the globe. Second, using four critical analytical frames (financial viability, the nature of regionalism, fiscal sustainability and economic landscape), the article highlights various implications of a lack of funding mechanism for regional peace and security in Africa. Third, the article shows that the following are critical to find a sustainable funding mechanism for the SADCSF: the financially demanding variable geometric nature of regional integration in Africa; the proliferation of security agencies; the complex nature of terrorism and interventions; the cost of skill acquisition and training of the multidisciplinary personnel; payment of wounded soldiers and contingents and member state tight budget. Based on international experiences and local realities expounded, this article suggests lessons towards building a suitable and sustainable funding mechanism for African peace and security in general, and regional standby forces in particular.

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Knight, W. Andy, et Temitope B. Oriola. « Regional Security Governance in Africa ». African Security 13, n^o 4 (1 octobre 2020) : 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2020.1871996.

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Malherbe, Kitty. « Retirement Reform in South Africa : The Influence of International Social Security Standards and Human Rights Instruments ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 29, Issue 1 (1 mars 2013) : 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2013007.

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The unique retirement funding system in South Africa, encompassing social assistance for older persons, occupational retirement funds providing retirement benefits to members and private retirement savings, is undergoing radical reform. Due attention has to be given to international human rights instruments and social security standards in the design of any new legislation dealing with retirement. This article commences with a brief overview of why reform of the South African retirement funding system is required and a case is made for intergenerational solidarity as a core principle on which the reforms and future legislation on older persons should be based. It then examines selected international standards related to retirement, and highlights areas where statutory reform is required to bring South African law in line with these standards. The main focus of the paper is on the seemingly divergent views of international organizations on the extent to which intergenerational solidarity should form the basis of retirement reform. It is suggested that, although none of the International Labour Organization's (ILO) core social security standards have been ratified by South Africa, the ILO still has an important role to play in providing guidance in respect of retirement funding reform, based on its clear preference for solidarity-based national social security schemes.

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Rieker, Pernille. « Making Sense of the European Side of the Transatlantic Security Relations in Africa ». Politics and Governance 10, n^o 2 (18 mai 2022) : 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i2.5048.

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This article aims to investigate the character of transatlantic security relations in Africa: How can it be characterized? Have they become weaker or stronger over the past decade? How can this development be explained? As NATO has not yet been heavily engaged on the African continent, it is prudent to study the relations between the EU and the US. Africa has been of concern to the EU (and its member states) for decades due to its geographical closeness and historic bonds. Since 2001, for both Europe and the US, Africa has become a region of increasing security concern due to the threat of international terrorism—for Europe, we can also add the migration concern. The European side of this relationship has also been largely dominated by France, making the transatlantic security cooperation in Africa essentially about French-American relations. As France has taken the lead regarding Europe’s security and defense engagement in Africa, increasingly with the support of other EU member states and associated non-members, this bilateral relationship is more than simply cooperation between two states. By applying a framework that understands EU security and defense policy as a process increasingly characterized as a differentiated and flexible integration under French leadership, the development of the Franco-US security relations in Africa must be understood as an expression of the transatlantic security relations in this region.

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Ebadi, Narges, Davod Ahmadi et Hugo Melgar-Quiñonez. « Domestic and International Remittances and Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Remittances Review 5, n^o 1 (26 avril 2020) : 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/rr.v5i1.842.

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The amount of remittances to developing counties, defined as the flow of monetary and non-monetary goods, has increased globally and has surpassed the amount of money spent on foreign aid in these developing countries. The impact of remittances on households’ purchasing power has been studied; however, its link to food security status is yet to be explored. This paper quantitatively analyses the relationship between food security status (measured using the Food Insecurity Experience Scale) and the receipt of domestic/ international or both remittances on households in sub- Saharan Africa. Data are derived from the Gallup World Poll from the years 2014-2017. Multinomial logistic regression models and binary logistic regression analyses were conducted to analyze the data. Results showed that remittance recipients had significantly higher household incomes (especially if the remittance was coming internationally and domestically), lived with significantly more household members (7 or more members), and were more likely to be separated (including divorced or widowed). Households that received domestic remittances had significantly higher odds of being food insecure than households receiving no remittances. Conversely, households receiving remittances internationally or a combination of domestic and international remittances had significantly lower odds of food insecurity compared to non-receivers. This study found that receiving remittances affect the food security status of people living in SSA countries.

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Goncharov, Victor I., C. R. D. Halisi et Yevgeny Tarabrin. « Recommendations : Southern African Development Coordination Conference and African Security ». Issue : A Journal of Opinion 17, n^o 1 (1988) : 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700500870.

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The overwhelmingly dominant regional power of southern Africa, South Africa, attempts to contain the political, economic, and military interdependence of neighboring states, irrespective of ideological preference. The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) founded in 1980, is the response of the other states in the region to South Africa’s ambitions to maintain regional hegemony. Its nine member state are Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, and an independent Namibia is expected to join. The specific objectives of SADCC, as stated in the 1980 Lusaka Declaration, are the reduction of economic dependence in general (not only on South Africa); the forging of links to create a genuinely meaningful and equitable system of regional integration; the mobilization of resources to support national, interstate, and regional policies; and concerted action to secure international cooperation for the purpose of economic liberation.

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BONNEMAISON, ERIC. « SECURITY SECTOR PLANNING IN AFRICA ». African Security Review 11, n^o 2 (janvier 2002) : 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2002.9628128.

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CAWTHRA, GAVIN. « SECURITY GOVERNANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA ». African Security Review 14, n^o 3 (janvier 2005) : 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2005.9627376.

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Walker, Timothy. « Maritime security in West Africa ». African Security Review 22, n^o 2 (juin 2013) : 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2013.792552.

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Mushelenga, Peya. « Namibia’s Foreign Policy and Its Impact on Peace and Security in the Southern Africa Region : A Framework of Liberalism as a Theory of International Relations Studies ». India Quarterly : A Journal of International Affairs 76, n^o 4 (26 octobre 2020) : 569–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420963323.

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This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region? The assumption is that though relatively a newly established state, Namibia has made her contribution towards democracy, peace and security in the Southern Africa region and the world at large.

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Ssenyonjo, Manisuli. « The Rise of the African Union Opposition to the International Criminal Court’s Investigations and Prosecutions of African Leaders ». International Criminal Law Review 13, n^o 2 (2013) : 385–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01302002.

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On 9 January 2012 the African Union (AU) stated that it ‘shall oppose any ill-considered, self-serving decisions of the ICC [International Criminal Court] as well as any pretensions or double standards that become evident from the investigations, prosecutions and decisions by the ICC relating to situations in Africa’. These relate to the United Nations [UN] Security Council referrals (in Darfur/Sudan and Libya) and the Prosecutor’s investigations proprio motu (in Kenya). This article considers the rise of the AU opposition to the ICC investigations and prosecutions in Africa directed against current African State leaders focusing on three issues. First, whether customary international law creates an exception to Head of State immunity when international courts, such as the ICC, seek a Head of State’s arrest for the commission of international crimes. Second, whether the International Court of Justice can decide on immunity of State officials sought by the ICC. Third, whether the AU should empower the African Court of Justice and Human Rights with the jurisdiction to prosecute individuals for international crimes committed in Africa.

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Hadingham, Jenny. « Human security and Africa : Polemic opposites ». South African Journal of International Affairs 7, n^o 2 (décembre 2000) : 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460009545319.

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Ismail, Olawale. « Radicalisation and violent extremism in West Africa : implications for African and international security ». Conflict, Security & ; Development 13, n^o 2 (mai 2013) : 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2013.796209.

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Cobbett, Elizabeth, et Ra Mason. « Djiboutian sovereignty : worlding global security networks ». International Affairs 97, n^o 6 (1 novembre 2021) : 1767–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab181.

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Abstract The research problem this article addresses is whether the unique confluence of overseas security forces in a single territorial space through the leasing of land for foreign military bases compromises the state's sovereignty. We study Djibouti's practice of renting land to military powers from an analytical position that is diametrically opposed to the literature on the ‘scramble’ for Africa and often erroneous assumptions of an erosion of sovereignty. Using the concept of ‘worlding’, we argue in this article that instead of reading ‘military base diplomacy’ as eroding and undermining Djibouti's sovereignty, this case demonstrates the ways in which ‘the art of being global’ underpins new forms of territoriality and unexpected forms of locality in Africa. Consequently, we maintain that African experiences of sovereignty offer the challenges, along with the rewards, of greater analytical depth to International Relations scholarship while expanding our understanding of different empirical cases beyond the western-centric accounts of sovereignty in line with an abstract ideal that does not tell us much about the world, postcolonial experiences and global politics. Through a case-study approach, we focus specifically on the stark distinctions between Japan and China, which both have their respective first postwar overseas military bases in the country, and the Djiboutian state itself, in terms of how each are interpreting and practicing sovereignty to fit their own national narrative, international status and domestic legal frameworks. The findings challenge simplistic analyses of African states as victims of exploitative Great Powers, gradually and repeatedly being stripped of their sovereignty.

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Yuniarti, Yuniarti, Frentika Wahyu Retnowatik et Etha Pasan. « Pelaksanaan Prinsip Responsibility To Protect PBB Dalam Penanganan Krisis Kemanusiaan Di Afrika (Republik Afrika Tengah, Sudan & ; Nigeria) ». Jurnal Sosial-Politika 2, n^o 1 (20 juillet 2021) : 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54144/jsp.v2i1.28.

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The changing nature of conflict post World War II from inter-state conflict to intra-state conflit resulted in insistent humanitarian crises. Based on UNOCHA Report 2010, in 2009, Africa had the biggest number of humanitarian crises. This article aiming at explaining the humanitarian crises in Africa, the effort to deal with the crises from humanitarian intervention and the rise of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Principles, and implementation of principles in Central African Republic, Sudan and Nigeria. In general, UN Security Council is a central institution which the highest authority in world security issue to implement the R2P Principles. However, the principles enforcement in these three cases interposed African Union as a main actor to implement UN Security Council mandate as well as the International Criminal Court as a prosecutor and adjudicator crimes against humanity .

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Ojakorotu, Victor. « Security and Environmental Management in Africa ». IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 23, n^o 3 (30 septembre 2022) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2022/23/3/introduction.

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Security and environmental stability underlie the smooth running of societies, including that of Africa. The impact of peaceful and sustainable environment on the socio-economic development of Africa has been well-documented. This positive contribution has made security and environmental issues a topical one in the international system. And while the connection between security and environmental management has been established and documented (Deudney, 1990), Dalby (2002b) argued that environmental issues cannot be separated from the discourse of global security, considering the recurrent problems of climate change and "many situations with a vaguely environmental designation." Currently, consequences of climate change and nefarious human activities (such as banditry, terrorism, and insurgency) have made environmental management become major global political discussions.

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Hammerstad, Anne. « Domestic threats, regional solutions ? The challenge of security integration in Southern Africa ». Review of International Studies 31, n^o 1 (janvier 2005) : 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006303.

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The article discusses the salience of different theories of regional security integration through the prism of the experience of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It tracks the region's progress from a hostile security complex to a nascent security community and asks what strategy for security integration should be employed to continue this positive trend. Although Southern African leaders seem to prefer a collective security strategy à la NATO, the common security approach of the OSCE is more appropriate: most of the region's security threats are domestic and lack of capacity warrants an incremental, decentralised process focused on the weakest SADC members. The current state-centric approach, which tends to conflate the security needs of regimes with those of the population as a whole, will not further the cause of building a security community in Southern Africa.

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Vale, Peter. « Regional Security in Southern Africa ». Alternatives : Global, Local, Political 21, n^o 3 (juillet 1996) : 363–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437549602100305.

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WILLIAMS, PAUL D. « Thinking about security in Africa ». International Affairs 83, n^o 6 (22 octobre 2007) : 1021–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2007.00671.x.

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Baker, Deane-Peter, et Sabelo Gumedze. « Private military/security companies and human security in Africa ». African Security Review 16, n^o 4 (décembre 2007) : 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2007.9627440.

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Reno, William. « The Regionalization of African Security ». Current History 111, n^o 745 (1 mai 2012) : 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.745.175.

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From the perspective of officials in Africa, participating in regional conflict management is now one of the best ways for governments … to get international resources to strengthen their own authority.

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Carbone, Maurizio. « An Uneasy Nexus : Development, Security and the EUs African Peace Facility ». European Foreign Affairs Review 18, Issue 4 (1 octobre 2013) : 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2013033.

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Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union has promoted, more explicitly than in earlier decades, the view that security and development policies are inextricably linked. Yet, trying to dismantle the walls erected around the two policy domains has proved very difficult. The launch and implementation of the African Peace Facility (APF), meant to support the African Union in the promotion of security in Africa, exemplifies some of these tensions. While existing analyses have emphasized the role of interests - in a sort of accidental convergence of the bureaucratic interest of the European Commission and those of the Member States - this article concentrates on the normative aspects of the initiative. In particular, the three principles underpinning it - promotion of ownership, solidarity, and a virtuous development-security nexus - make the APF different from any other EU security initiative. Whilst boosting the AU's clout in the field of peace and security and as an actor in the international arena, the implementation of the APF has nonetheless presented some problems. First, a larger number of resources have been devoted to the peace missions than to capacity building. Second, its alleged success has diverted attention from other important areas in EU-Africa relations. Finally, the EU's rhetoric on the Africanization of security, paradoxically, has risked undermining the legitimacy of the African Union in Africa.

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