Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina »

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Bandžović, Safet. "Bosna i Hercegovina i konstituisanje Avnojske Jugoslavije (1943-1945)." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 10 (2023): 148–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.148.

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Many states, like Yugoslavia, emerged from conflicting historical currents. A critical examination of the socio-historical multi-directional flows after the chaotic April War of 1941 and the rapid disintegration of monarchical Yugoslavia also encompasses rational knowledge of opposing political and national perspectives dating back to 1918 when it was established, with its problematic events between the two World Wars, their causes, and consequences. The turbulent interwar legacy and the failure to address acute problems within the state influenced the dramatic situation and conflicts in occup
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Ahmetović, Amir. "Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.

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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisi
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CURTIS, PATRICE. "Urban Household Coping Strategies During War: Bosnia-Hercegovina." Disasters 19, no. 1 (1995): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7717.1995.tb00335.x.

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Klempic-Bogadi, Sanja, Margareta Gregurovic, and Sonja Podgorelec. "Migration from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia: Migration patterns of immigrants in Zagreb." Stanovnistvo 56, no. 2 (2018): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1802039k.

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The 2011 population census recorded 4,290,612 residents of Croatia among which 584,947 or 13.7% were born abroad. Even though the most of them were born in Bosnia and Herzegovina (70% or 409,357) no research was conducted about this significant group of immigrants. This paper analyses the migration flows between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia during the last 60 years, especially focusing on demographic data available from diverse secondary sources and data on migration history and transnational activities obtained through empirical study ?The Effects of Immigration from Bosnia and Herzegov
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Mujan, Azem. "Psychological and social processes among refugees-the case of Bosnia and Hercegovina." Scandinavian Journal of Social Welfare 5, no. 4 (1996): 286–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.1996.tb00155.x.

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Varga-Kocsicska, Aleksandra. "Bosznia-Hercegovina: politikai helyzet, gazdasági kihívások és a daytoni békeszerződés lehetséges jövője." Belügyi Szemle 73, no. 3 (2025): 609–46. https://doi.org/10.38146/bsz-ajia.2025.v73.i3.pp609-646.

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Aim: This study seeks to rigorously examine the impact of the decentralized political structures instituted by the Dayton Peace Agreement on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Particular attention is devoted to the dynamics of ethnic-based power-sharing, the underlying causes and ramifications of economic stagnation, and the structural and operational impediments to the execution of political reforms. Collectively, these elements critically shape the country's stability and prospects for sustainable long-term development. Methodology: This research adopts a robust interdisciplinary framework integrating
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Sells, Michael. "Crosses of Blood: Sacred Space, Religion, and Violence in Bosnia-Hercegovina." Sociology of Religion 64, no. 3 (2003): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712487.

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Tomović, Nada. "Građanske i reformske snage u Crnoj Gori prema ratu protiv Bosne i Hercegovine." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 10 (2023): 341–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.341.

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The aim of this paper is to review, based on the available sources, the role of democratic and civic forces in Montenegro which were against sending Montenegrin reservists to war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this topic can be analyzed from different aspects, social, political, national, sociological, international, historical, etc. The objective of this study is to highlight the most notable individuals, groups of intellectuals, political organizations, and other associations that advocated for anti-war policies, their treatment by the authorities, and the humiliation and pe
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Jajčević, Jasmin. "Informbiro crisis and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1948-1956) in historical sources and historiography." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (2021): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.93.

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In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1
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Petrovic, Nebojsa. "Mutual stereotypes of Croats, Bosnjaks and Serbs in the light of two factors theory of prejudice." Sociologija 45, no. 1 (2003): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0301015p.

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Since a number of empirical research have not shown expected correlation between negative stereotypes and prejudices, modern researchers have proposed that stereotypes should not be treated as unidimensional construct. The two factors theory of stereotypes has been proposed. First dimension is competence (superior-inferior), and second is beneficence or morality (good-bad). Only second one has high correlation with prejudices. Our research, conducted on 617 subjects from Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina, shows that mutual negative stereotypes among these three nations are still domin
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Thèses sur le sujet "Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. "Fanatics, mercenaries, brigands ... and politicians : militia decision-making and civil conflict resolution." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36742.

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When do militias---whose power, riches, and legitimacy depend on the continuation of civil wars---accept negotiated settlements? An unexplored and crucial dimension of militia decision-making is the process of militia institutionalization. Militias create institutions to improve their odds of winning the war and project legitimacy internally as well as externally.<br>Militia institutions affect the strategic choice of decision-makers. They create financial and organizational interests that modify the preferences of the militia leadership. The modified preferences increase the win-set of militi
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Vanja, Hamzic. "Människohandel : en modern form av slaveri - Exemplet Bosnien- och Hercegovina." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Thematic Studies, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2962.

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<p>This qualitative study focuses on the investigation of different actor’s ideas concerning gender and womanhood in a post-socialist nation Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this study is to try to provide experiences and attitudes of one not a new, but definitely one constantly changing phenomenon, trafficking in women for sexual exploitation. The qualitative data is mainly collected through nine interviews with people from Bosnian Governments, International organizations and NGOs during my stay in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The causes to trafficking are complex and intertwined but it directly
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Basic, Hana. "Demokratiska begränsningar i Bosnien-Hercegovina år 2018 : En studie utifrån Polyarkins sju institutioner." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-76665.

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This study aims to investigate and identify the democratic restrictions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2018. The country is internationally known for its burdensome history of war in the 1990s, however, Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to be in the process of developing. In addition to having one of the world’s most complicated political systems, the country’s efforts to improve their democracy have not been recognized. Therefore, the question at issue will be operationalized by utilizing the theory of polyarchy composed by Robert Dahl. This theory establishes seven institutions; elected political o
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Lönnberg, Linnea. "At the Endpoint of Violence : A comparative study between the genocide in Bosnia Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgian Abkhazia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341433.

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In an attempt to bridge the gap between theories of violent escalation and those of genocide, this paper theorizes genocide to be a strategic choice by leaders in response to a situation which they perceive to lack alternatives. This situation is expected to evolve out of a violent escalation, more precisely civil war. The empirical test consists of a structured focused comparison of one positive and one negative case; namely the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgia over the region Abkhazia. The finding gives some evidence to the theory, however a more adequate theory nee
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Witoft, Evelina. "UNPROFOR i Srebrenica : En fallstudie av FN-styrkans måluppfyllelse och bieffekter i fallet Srebrenica." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79648.

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The situation in Bosnia and Hercegovina escalated in 1992 and resulted in a war which lasted until 1995, when the end of the war was marked by the signing of the Dayton agreement. The war consisted of conflict between the different groups within the country, with ethnic cleansing as one of the methods being used. In order to keep the peace in the region, the United Nations established the United Nations Protection Force in Yugoslavia. The UNPROFOR were at first meant to keep the peace within Croatia, but as the war broke out in 1992, parts of the force were repositioned to Bosnia. The purpose
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Stefanovski, Ivan. "Raised on streets? The influence of social movements over policy outcomes in South East Europe: the cases of Macedonia, Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86225.

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Khan, Mahmood Nawaz. "Genocide, Territory, and the Geopolitics of International Adjudication: The Judgment of the International Court of Justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11991.

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xi, 189 p.<br>Human rights advocates have championed the establishment of a regime of international legal accountability for grave violations of human rights, including genocide. Despite recent advances in establishing a regime of responsibility for individuals, when the International Court of Justice pronounced its 2007 judgment on the first case of state responsibility for genocide, Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro, it exonerated Serbia of the most serious charges. Key to the Court's judgment was its spatialized definition of genocide as 'destruction in part' and its acceptanc
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Pervan, Melissa. "Power-sharing, only for majorities? : A discourse analysis about the inclusion of minorities in power-sharing arrangements." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412217.

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Power-sharing is introduced in ethnic-divided and ethnic-polarised countries with the aim to prevent and/or end conflicts. The purpose is to include different groups in power-sharing positions. This paper has focused on two of most used power-sharing theories, Centripetalism and Consociationalism, and conducted two case studies in Bosnia and Hercegovina and Nigeria who both have implemented one of these power-sharing arrangements. While previous research has focused on whether power-sharing institutions are effective when wanting to meddle peace, we found that there was absence of research and
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Borelli, Caterina. "La ciudad post-traumática. Marijin Dvor y el monte Trebević, dos espacios urbanos en transición en Sarajevo." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/96403.

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En este trabajo se analizan las transformaciones ocurridas en la ciudad de Sarajevo después de la guerra de 1992-95. En particular se investiga cómo los cambios ocurridos en los últimos 20 años en el nivel macro (eso es: la doble transición, post-socialista y post-bélica) quedan reflejados, por un lado, en la forma exterior que asume la ciudad (por lo tanto su modificación física, nuevos proyectos urbanos) y, por el otro, cómo dichos cambios afectan a las relaciones sociales, sobre todo las tradicionales relaciones entre vecinos. El céntrico barrio de Marijin Dvor, emblemático por la presencia
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Resteigne, Delphine H. R. G. G. "Vers une analyse sociologique des opérations militaires multinationales: regards croisés en Afghanistan, en Bosnie et au Liban." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210260.

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Au cours de ces dernières années, les forces armées de différents pays ont de plus en plus été amenées à travailler sur les mêmes théâtres d’opérations. Cette collaboration militaire multinationale, même si elle n’est pas souhaitée par tous, s’est généralisée à l’ensemble des missions militaires. C’est ce cadre multinational et de spécialisation croissante, mais aussi le caractère interagence à travers les contacts entretenus avec les intervenants civils et les populations locales qui caractérisent les missions actuelles. Et, même si les décisions d’engagement restent fixées en dernier ressort
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Livres sur le sujet "Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Paul, Harris. Cry Bosnia. Canongate, 1995.

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Paul, Harris. Cry Bosnia. Interlink Books, 1996.

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Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. The referendum on independence in Bosnia-Hercegovina: February 29-March 1, 1992. The Commission, 1992.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Second Congress, second session : the crisis in Bosnia-Hercegovina, May 12, 1992. U.S. G.P.O., 1992.

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1949-, Ramet Sabrina P., ed. The Bosnian diaspora: Integration in transnational communities. Ashgate Pub., 2011.

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Donais, Timothy. The political economy of peacebuilding in post-Dayton Bosnia. Routledge, 2005.

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Christophe, Solioz, and Vogel Tobias K, eds. Dayton and beyond: Perspectives on the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Nomos, 2004.

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Mark, Pinson, ed. The muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina: Their historic development from the Middle Ages to the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Distributed for the Center for Middle Eastern Studies of Harvard University by Harvard University Press, 1994.

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John, Costello, ed. Logavina Street: Life and death in a Sarajevo neighborhood. Andrews and McMeel, 1996.

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Charles, Pentland, ed. Bridges to peace: Ten years of conflict management in Bosnia. Queen's University, 2003.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Social movements – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Kostić, Roland. "Education Movements, Power and Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina." In Education as Social Action. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230505605_3.

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Đonlagić Alibegović, Sabina, Vedrana Ajanović, and Lejla Dajdžić. "Enhancing Organizational Resilience Through Corporate Social Responsibility: The Case of Firms in Bosnia and Hercegovina During COVID-19 Pandemic." In Lecture Notes in Networks and Systems. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-46692-2_22.

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Moll, Nicolas. "Spain, Munich, Auschwitz: The Role of Historical Analogies in the Protest Movements in Europe Against the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1992–1995." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-52819-4_12.

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Hoare, Marko Attila. "From Serb Rebellion to Bosnian Revolution, c. December 1941–March 1942." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0004.

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The irretrievable breakdown of Partisan–Chetnik relations in Bosnia-Hercegovina and the beginning of open enmity between the two movements had profound consequences for the practices of both, as each moved away from the centre ground towards their respective political extremes. For the Chetniks, the break with the Partisans involved the progressive abandonment of all pretence at resistance to the occupying powers, the shift to outright alliance with the quisling regime in Serbia on a Great Serb nationalist basis, and the adoption of a more systematically genocidal policy towards the non-Serb p
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Hoare, Marko Attila. "The Great Serb Reaction, c. August–December 1941." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0003.

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The KPJ's careful organization and preparation made it the most important leader of the Serb rebellion in Bosnia-Hercegovina and Croatia in the summer of 1941. It was able to assume this position as a result of the social links that bound its members to the Serb peasants who comprised the overwhelming majority of the rebels. No other political group had prepared for participation in a guerrilla uprising and the KPJ therefore enjoyed a head start over all rivals in its quest for leadership over the latter. There was, however, a latent opposition among wide sections of the conservative, patriarc
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Matić, Dejan. "DRUŠTVENI MEDIJI I POPULISTIČKE POLITIČKE PARTIJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI." In USKLAĐIVANjE pravnog sistema Srbije sa standardima Evropske unije. [Knj. 10]. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/upssx.151m.

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The paper discusses the problem of social media and populist political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The last couple of decades clearly indicate the undoubted growth of traditional and populist movements, both on the left and on the right side of the political spectrum, both in Europe and in the countries of the region. Bearing in mind the growing importance of social media in the communication of political actors with voters in Europe, as well as the considerable influence of populist political actors on political life in the region, the necessity of a valid critical analysis aimed at cl
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Hoare, Marko Attila. "Bosnia-Hercegovina Defeats Great Serbia, c. June 1942–October 1943." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0007.

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Bosnia-Hercegovina was by mid-1942 effectively a patchwork of small fiefdoms. The Ustasha-held towns were islands in a hostile sea. Rebel Bosnia-Hercegovina was a world partitioned, militarily and geographically, between two antithetical movements: the Chetniks and the Partisans. Rural localities were held by Partisans, Chetniks or Muslim militias whose spheres of influence ebbed and flowed. In eastern Bosnia-Hercegovina, the Chetniks were triumphant, their Great Serb ‘state’ appearing to be born, based on their nationally and religiously exclusive, patriarchal and traditionalist rural values.
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Macanović, Nebojša. "SOCIJALNO NEPRILAGOĐENO PONAŠANJE ADOLESCENATA ZA VRIJEME PANDEMIJE VIRUSA KORONE SA OSVRTOM NA VAKCINACIJU U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI." In PRAVNI I DRUŠTVENI ASPEKTI VAKCINACIJE TOKOM PANDEMIJE KOVIDA 19 = LEGAL AND SOCIAL ASPECTS OF VACCINATION DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC. Institute of Comparative Law, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56461/zr_22.cov19vak.06.

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During the corona virus pandemic, the lives of citizens and their activities took place in complex conditions, and due to the state of emergency, children and adolescents found it difficult to endure social isolation. In such circumstances, where movement is restricted due to curfew, young people were forced to spend most of their time at home, isolated and deprived of their usual daily activities and contacts. In such circumstances, where they are limited with movement and communication only with close family members, certain frustrations often occur, which are the result of loneliness and is
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Williamson, George. "Aspects of Identity." In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199265268.003.0007.

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Amodern Example May Help to Clarify some of the issues to be discussed in this chapter. Formerly one of the six republics forming the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), Bosnia- Hercegovina has since 1995’s Dayton Agreement been an uneasy international protectorate, divided into a Croat-Muslim Federation, and the Serbian ‘Republika Srpska’ (RS). Bosnia’s coinage speaks powerfully about the paradoxes of a state created through a bloody war of identity and ethnic cleansing. These two entities—the Federation and the RS— and three communities—Serbian, Croatian, and Bosnian Muslim—disp
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Popek, Krzysztof. "Uninvited Guests. Circassian Migrants in the South Slavic Lands (1860s–mid-1870s)." In Migrations in the Slavic Cultural Space. From the Middle Ages to the Present Day. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2022. https://doi.org/10.18778/8331-033-6.09.

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In the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire became a destination for Muslims fleeing from the newly created and expanding Balkan states, as well as the Black Sea coast and the Caucasus taken over by the Russians. One of the largest groups were the Circassians, whose resistance against the Romanov state collapsed at the turn of the 1850s and 1860s. It resulted in mass departures: the scale of Circassian emigration to the Ottoman Empire has been estimated at between 200,000 and a million people in the second half of the 19th and the first decade of the 20th century. They made their way to Anatolia,
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