Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « South Africa. – Dept. of Home Affairs – Evaluation »

IntroductionTasmania hangs from the map of Australia like a drop in freefall from the substance of the mainland. Often the whole state is mislaid from Australian maps and logos (Reddit). Tasmania has, at least since federation, been considered peripheral—a region seen as isolated, a ‘problem’ economically, politically, and culturally. However, Tasmania not only cleaves to the ‘north island’ of Australia but is also subject to the gravitational pull of an even greater land mass—Antarctica. In this article, we upturn the political conventions of map-making that place both Antarctica and Tasmania in obscure positions at the base of the globe. We show how a changing global climate re-frames Antarctica and the Southern Ocean as key drivers of worldwide environmental shifts. The liquid and solid water between Tasmania and Antarctica is revealed not as a homogenous barrier, but as a dynamic and relational medium linking the Tasmanian archipelago with Antarctica. When Antarctica becomes the focus, the script is flipped: Tasmania is no longer on the edge, but core to a network of gateways into the southern land. The state’s capital of Hobart can from this perspective be understood as an “Antarctic city”, central to the geopolitics, economy, and culture of the frozen continent (Salazar et al.). Viewed from the south, we argue, Tasmania is not a problem, but an opportunity for a form of ecological, cultural, economic, and political sustainability that opens up the southern continent to science, discovery, and imagination.A Centre at the End of the Earth? Tasmania as ParadoxThe islands of Tasmania owe their existence to climate change: a period of warming at the end of the last ice age melted the vast sheets of ice covering the polar regions, causing sea levels to rise by more than one hundred metres (Tasmanian Climate Change Office 8). Eleven thousand years ago, Aboriginal people would have witnessed the rise of what is now called Bass Strait, turning what had been a peninsula into an archipelago, with the large island of Tasmania at its heart. The heterogeneous practices and narratives of Tasmanian regional identity have been shaped by the geography of these islands, and their connection to the Southern Ocean and Antarctica. Regions, understood as “centres of collective consciousness and sociospatial identities” (Paasi 241) are constantly reproduced and reimagined through place-based social practices and communications over time. As we will show, diverse and contradictory narratives of Tasmanian regionality often co-exist, interacting in complex and sometimes complementary ways. Ecocritical literary scholar C.A. Cranston considers duality to be embedded in the textual construction of Tasmania, writing “it was hell, it was heaven, it was penal, it was paradise” (29). Tasmania is multiply polarised: it is both isolated and connected; close and far away; rich in resources and poor in capital; the socially conservative birthplace of radical green politics (Hay 60). The weather, as if sensing the fine balance of these paradoxes, blows hot and cold at a moment’s notice.Tasmania has wielded extraordinary political influence at times in its history—notably during the settlement of Melbourne in 1835 (Boyce), and during protests against damming the Franklin River in the early 1980s (Mercer). However, twentieth-century historical and political narratives of Tasmania portray the Bass Strait as a barrier, isolating Tasmanians from the mainland (Harwood 61). Sir Bede Callaghan, who headed one of a long line of federal government inquiries into “the Tasmanian problem” (Harwood 106), was clear that Tasmania was a victim of its own geography:the major disability facing the people of Tasmania (although some residents may consider it an advantage) is that Tasmania is an island. Separation from the mainland adversely affects the economy of the State and the general welfare of the people in many ways. (Callaghan 3)This perspective may stem from the fact that Tasmania has maintained the lowest Gross Domestic Product per capita of all states since federation (Bureau of Infrastructure Transport and Regional Economics 9). Socially, economically, and culturally, Tasmania consistently ranks among the worst regions of Australia. Statistical comparisons with other parts of Australia reveal the population’s high unemployment, low wages, poor educational outcomes, and bad health (West 31). The state’s remoteness and isolation from the mainland states and its reliance on federal income have contributed to the whole of Tasmania, including Hobart, being classified as ‘regional’ by the Australian government, in an attempt to promote immigration and economic growth (Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development 1). Tasmania is indeed both regional and remote. However, in this article we argue that, while regionality may be cast as a disadvantage, the island’s remote location is also an asset, particularly when viewed from a far southern perspective (Image 1).Image 1: Antarctica (Orthographic Projection). Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons, Modified Shading of Tasmania and Addition of Captions by H. Nielsen.Connecting Oceans/Collapsing DistanceTasmania and Antarctica have been closely linked in the past—the future archipelago formed a land bridge between Antarctica and northern land masses until the opening of the Tasman Seaway some 32 million years ago (Barker et al.). The far south was tangible to the Indigenous people of the island in the weather blowing in from the Southern Ocean, while the southern lights, or “nuyina”, formed a visible connection (Australia’s new icebreaker vessel is named RSV Nuyina in recognition of these links). In the contemporary Australian imagination, Tasmania tends to be defined by its marine boundaries, the sea around the islands represented as flat, empty space against which to highlight the topography of its landscape and the isolation of its position (Davies et al.). A more relational geographic perspective illuminates the “power of cross-currents and connections” (Stratford et al. 273) across these seascapes. The sea country of Tasmania is multiple and heterogeneous: the rough, shallow waters of the island-scattered Bass Strait flow into the Tasman Sea, where the continental shelf descends toward an abyssal plain studded with volcanic seamounts. To the south, the Southern Ocean provides nutrient-rich upwellings that attract fish and cetacean populations. Tasmania’s coast is a dynamic, liminal space, moving and changing in response to the global currents that are driven by the shifting, calving and melting ice shelves and sheets in Antarctica.Oceans have long been a medium of connection between Tasmania and Antarctica. In the early colonial period, when the seas were the major thoroughfares of the world and inland travel was treacherous and slow, Tasmania’s connection with the Southern Ocean made it a valuable hub for exploration and exploitation of the south. Between 1642 and 1900, early European explorers were followed by British penal colonists, convicts, sealers, and whalers (Kriwoken and Williamson 93). Tasmania was well known to polar explorers, with expeditions led by Jules Dumont d’Urville, James Clark Ross, Roald Amundsen, and Douglas Mawson all transiting through the port of Hobart. Now that the city is no longer a whaling hub, growing populations of cetaceans continue to migrate past the islands on their annual journeys from the tropics, across the Sub-Antarctic Front and Antarctic circumpolar current, and into the south polar region, while southern species such as leopard seals are occasionally seen around Tasmania (Tasmania Parks and Wildlife). Although the water surrounding Tasmania and Antarctica is at times homogenised as a ‘barrier’, rendering these places isolated, the bodies of water that surround both are in fact permeable, and regularly crossed by both humans and marine species. The waters are diverse in their physical characteristics, underlying topography, sea life, and relationships, and serve to connect many different ocean regions, ecosystems, and weather patterns.Views from the Far SouthWhen considered in terms of its relative proximity to Antarctic, rather than its distance from Australia’s political and economic centres, Tasmania’s identity undergoes a significant shift. A sign at Cockle Creek, in the state’s far south, reminds visitors that they are closer to Antarctica than to Cairns, invoking a discourse of connectedness that collapses the standard ten-day ship voyage to Australia’s closest Antarctic station into a unit comparable with the routinely scheduled 5.5 hour flight to North Queensland. Hobart is the logistical hub for the Australian Antarctic Division and the French Institut Polaire Francais (IPEV), and has hosted Antarctic vessels belonging to the USA, South Korea, and Japan in recent years. From a far southern perspective, Hobart is not a regional Australian capital but a global polar hub. This alters the city’s geographic imaginary not only in a latitudinal sense—from “top down” to “bottom up”—but also a longitudinal one. Via its southward connection to Antarctica, Hobart is also connected east and west to four other recognized gateways: Cape Town in South Africa, Christchurch in New Zealand; Punta Arenas in Chile; and Ushuaia in Argentina (Image 2). The latter cities are considered small by international standards, but play an outsized role in relation to Antarctica.Image 2: H. Nielsen with a Sign Announcing Distances between Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities and Antarctica, Ushuaia, Argentina, 2018. Image Credit: Nicki D'Souza.These five cities form what might be called—to adapt geographer Klaus Dodds’ term—a ‘Southern Rim’ around the South Polar region (Dodds Geopolitics). They exist in ambiguous relationship to each other. Although the five cities signed a Statement of Intent in 2009 committing them to collaboration, they continue to compete vigorously for northern hemisphere traffic and the brand identity of the most prominent global gateway. A state government brochure spruiks Hobart, for example, as the “perfect Antarctic Gateway” emphasising its uniqueness and “natural advantages” in this regard (Tasmanian Government, 2016). In practice, the cities are automatically differentiated by their geographic position with respect to Antarctica. Although the ‘ice continent’ is often conceived as one entity, it too has regions, in both scientific and geographical senses (Terauds and Lee; Antonello). Hobart provides access to parts of East Antarctica, where the Australian, French, Japanese, and Chinese programs (among others) have bases; Cape Town is a useful access point for Europeans going to Dronning Maud Land; Christchurch is closest to the Ross Sea region, site of the largest US base; and Punta Arenas and Ushuaia neighbour the Antarctic Peninsula, home to numerous bases as well as a thriving tourist industry.The Antarctic sector is important to the Tasmanian economy, contributing $186 million (AUD) in 2017/18 (Wells; Gutwein; Tasmanian Polar Network). Unsurprisingly, Tasmania’s gateway brand has been actively promoted, with the 2016 Australian Antarctic Strategy and 20 Year Action Plan foregrounding the need to “Build Tasmania’s status as the premier East Antarctic Gateway for science and operations” and the state government releasing a “Tasmanian Antarctic Gateway Strategy” in 2017. The Chinese Antarctic program has been a particular focus: a Memorandum of Understanding focussed on Australia and China’s Antarctic relations includes a “commitment to utilise Australia, including Tasmania, as an Antarctic ‘gateway’.” (Australian Antarctic Division). These efforts towards a closer relationship with China have more recently come under attack as part of a questioning of China’s interests in the region (without, it should be noted, a concomitant questioning of Australia’s own considerable interests) (Baker 9). In these exchanges, a global power and a state of Australia generally classed as regional and peripheral are brought into direct contact via the even more remote Antarctic region. This connection was particularly visible when Chinese President Xi Jinping travelled to Hobart in 2014, in a visit described as both “strategic” and “incongruous” (Burden). There can be differences in how this relationship is narrated to domestic and international audiences, with issues of sovereignty and international cooperation variously foregrounded, laying the ground for what Dodds terms “awkward Antarctic nationalism” (1).Territory and ConnectionsThe awkwardness comes to a head in Tasmania, where domestic and international views of connections with the far south collide. Australia claims sovereignty over almost 6 million km2 of the Antarctic continent—a claim that in area is “roughly the size of mainland Australia minus Queensland” (Bergin). This geopolitical context elevates the importance of a regional part of Australia: the claims to Antarctic territory (which are recognised only by four other claimant nations) are performed not only in Antarctic localities, where they are made visible “with paraphernalia such as maps, flags, and plaques” (Salazar 55), but also in Tasmania, particularly in Hobart and surrounds. A replica of Mawson’s Huts in central Hobart makes Australia’s historic territorial interests in Antarctica visible an urban setting, foregrounding the figure of Douglas Mawson, the well-known Australian scientist and explorer who led the expeditions that proclaimed Australia’s sovereignty in the region of the continent roughly to its south (Leane et al.). Tasmania is caught in a balancing act, as it fosters international Antarctic connections (such hosting vessels from other national programs), while also playing a key role in administering what is domestically referred to as the Australian Antarctic Territory. The rhetoric of protection can offer common ground: island studies scholar Godfrey Baldacchino notes that as island narratives have moved “away from the perspective of the ‘explorer-discoverer-colonist’” they have been replaced by “the perspective of the ‘custodian-steward-environmentalist’” (49), but reminds readers that a colonising disposition still lurks beneath the surface. It must be remembered that terms such as “stewardship” and “leadership” can undertake sovereignty labour (Dodds “Awkward”), and that Tasmania’s Antarctic connections can be mobilised for a range of purposes. When Environment Minister Greg Hunt proclaimed at a press conference that: “Hobart is the gateway to the Antarctic for the future” (26 Apr. 2016), the remark had meaning within discourses of both sovereignty and economics. Tasmania’s capital was leveraged as a way to position Australia as a leader in the Antarctic arena.From ‘Gateway’ to ‘Antarctic City’While discussion of Antarctic ‘Gateway’ Cities often focuses on the economic and logistical benefit of their Antarctic connections, Hobart’s “gateway” identity, like those of its counterparts, stretches well beyond this, encompassing geological, climatic, historical, political, cultural and scientific links. Even the southerly wind, according to cartoonist Jon Kudelka, “has penguins in it” (Image 3). Hobart residents feel a high level of connection to Antarctica. In 2018, a survey of 300 randomly selected residents of Greater Hobart was conducted under the umbrella of the “Antarctic Cities” Australian Research Council Linkage Project led by Assoc. Prof. Juan Francisco Salazar (and involving all three present authors). Fourteen percent of respondents reported having been involved in an economic activity related to Antarctica, and 36% had attended a cultural event about Antarctica. Connections between the southern continent and Hobart were recognised as important: 71.9% agreed that “people in my city can influence the cultural meanings that shape our relationship to Antarctica”, while 90% agreed or strongly agreed that Hobart should play a significant role as a custodian of Antarctica’s future, and 88.4% agreed or strongly agreed that: “How we treat Antarctica is a test of our approach to ecological sustainability.” Image 3: “The Southerly” Demonstrates How Weather Connects Hobart and Antarctica. Image Credit: Jon Kudelka, Reproduced with Permission.Hobart, like the other gateways, activates these connections in its conscious place-branding. The city is particularly strong as a centre of Antarctic research: signs at the cruise-ship terminal on the waterfront claim that “There are more Antarctic scientists based in Hobart […] than at any other one place on earth, making Hobart a globally significant contributor to our understanding of Antarctica and the Southern Ocean.” Researchers are based at the Institute for Marine and Antarctic Studies (IMAS), the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), and the Australian Antarctic Division (AAD), with several working between institutions. Many Antarctic researchers located elsewhere in the world also have a connection with the place through affiliations and collaborations, leading journalist Jo Chandler to assert that “the breadth and depth of Hobart’s knowledge of ice, water, and the life forms they nurture […] is arguably unrivalled anywhere in the world” (86).Hobart also plays a significant role in Antarctica’s governance, as the site of the secretariats for the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR) and the Agreement on the Conservation of Albatrosses and Petrels (ACAP), and as host of the Antarctic Consultative Treaty Meetings on more than one occasion (1986, 2012). The cultural domain is active, with Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery (TMAG) featuring a permanent exhibit, “Islands to Ice”, emphasising the ocean as connecting the two places; the Mawson’s Huts Replica Museum aiming (among other things) to “highlight Hobart as the gateway to the Antarctic continent for the Asia Pacific region”; and a biennial Australian Antarctic Festival drawing over twenty thousand visitors, about a sixth of them from interstate or overseas (Hingley). Antarctic links are evident in the city’s natural and built environment: the dolerite columns of Mt Wellington, the statue of the Tasmanian Antarctic explorer Louis Bernacchi on the waterfront, and the wharfs that regularly accommodate icebreakers such as the Aurora Australis and the Astrolabe. Antarctica is figured as a southern neighbour; as historian Tom Griffiths puts it, Tasmanians “grow up with Antarctica breathing down their necks” (5). As an Antarctic City, Hobart mediates access to Antarctica both physically and in the cultural imaginary.Perhaps in recognition of the diverse ways in which a region or a city might be connected to Antarctica, researchers have recently been suggesting critical approaches to the ‘gateway’ label. C. Michael Hall points to a fuzziness in the way the term is applied, noting that it has drifted from its initial definition (drawn from economic geography) as denoting an access and supply point to a hinterland that produces a certain level of economic benefits. While Hall looks to keep the term robustly defined to avoid empty “local boosterism” (272–73), Gabriela Roldan aims to move the concept “beyond its function as an entry and exit door”, arguing that, among other things, the local community should be actively engaged in the Antarctic region (57). Leane, examining the representation of Hobart as a gateway in historical travel texts, concurs that “ingress and egress” are insufficient descriptors of Tasmania’s relationship with Antarctica, suggesting that at least discursively the island is positioned as “part of an Antarctic rim, itself sharing qualities of the polar region” (45). The ARC Linkage Project described above, supported by the Hobart City Council, the State Government and the University of Tasmania, as well as other national and international partners, aims to foster the idea of the Hobart and its counterparts as ‘Antarctic cities’ whose citizens act as custodians for the South Polar region, with a genuine concern for and investment in its future.Near and Far: Local Perspectives A changing climate may once again herald a shift in the identity of the Tasmanian islands. Recognition of the central role of Antarctica in regulating the global climate has generated scientific and political re-evaluation of the region. Antarctica is not only the planet’s largest heat sink but is the engine of global water currents and wind patterns that drive weather patterns and biodiversity across the world (Convey et al. 543). For example, Tas van Ommen’s research into Antarctic glaciology shows the tangible connection between increased snowfall in coastal East Antarctica and patterns of drought southwest Western Australia (van Ommen and Morgan). Hobart has become a global centre of marine and Antarctic science, bringing investment and development to the city. As the global climate heats up, Tasmania—thanks to its low latitude and southerly weather patterns—is one of the few regions in Australia likely to remain temperate. This is already leading to migration from the mainland that is impacting house prices and rental availability (Johnston; Landers 1). The region’s future is therefore closely entangled with its proximity to the far south. Salazar writes that “we cannot continue to think of Antarctica as the end of the Earth” (67). Shifting Antarctica into focus also brings Tasmania in from the margins. As an Antarctic city, Hobart assumes a privileged positioned on the global stage. This allows the city to present itself as central to international research efforts—in contrast to domestic views of the place as a small regional capital. The city inhabits dual identities; it is both on the periphery of Australian concerns and at the centre of Antarctic activity. Tasmania, then, is not in freefall, but rather at the forefront of a push to recognise Antarctica as entangled with its neighbours to the north.AcknowledgementsThis work was supported by the Australian Research Council under LP160100210.ReferencesAntonello, Alessandro. “Finding Place in Antarctica.” Antarctica and the Humanities. Eds. Peder Roberts, Lize-Marie van der Watt, and Adrian Howkins. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. 181–204.Australian Government. 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Thesis (MAgricAdmin)--Stellenbosch University, 2005.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study evaluated farmworker equity-sharing schemes administered by the Worcester regional office of the Department of Land Affairs in the Western Cape. The objectives were to investigate the performance of farmworker equity-sharing schemes against recent literature, to evaluate the motivation for the establishment of these schemes and whether they served the purpose for which they were established. Through investigating the role these schemes play in improving the farmworkers ' livelihood, the study investigated the changes farmworkers experienced on the farm since the establishment of the schemes. The perceptions of farmworkers regarding the schemes were also investigated. The study found that at all the farms evaluated there was a lack of formal training to all the levels of farmworkers, including committee members and shareholder workers. These farms did not have the funds to finance training programmes for their farmworkers. Poor training impeded farmworkers to utilise their skills and participate in decision making on the farm. Contrary to the objectives of financial participation and farmworker equity-sharing schemes, most of these schemes did not achieve the broad objectives of the participation schemes such as empowering their workers. Living and working conditions seem to have improved on most of the farms although some farms seem to have experienced no change at all. The ESTA Laws could be the cause of the improvements in housing and working conditions but not the implementation of the farmworker equity-sharing schemes. Respondents did not seem to experience discrimination due to gender. Financially the schemes are not performing well. This is evident from the number of schemes that were liquidated due to financial problems and for which financial statements could not be obtained. These schemes face various institutional and structural challenges, which includes financial challenges.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het plaaswerker-aandeelhouerskemas wat deur die Worcesterstreekskantoor van die Departement van Grondsake in die Wes-Kaap bestuur word, geëvalueer. Die oogmerke van die studie was om die verrigting van plaaswerkeraandeelhouerskemas teenoor onlangse literatuur te ondersoek, om die motivering vir die vestiging van hierdie skemas te evalueer en te bepaal of hulle wel die doel dien waarvoor hulle gevestig is. Deur die rol van hierdie skemas in die verbetering van plaaswerkers se bestaan te ondersoek, het die studie ook ondersoek ingestel na die veranderinge wat sedert die vestiging van die skemas deur plaaswerkers ervaar is. Die plaaswerkers se persepsies van die skemas is ook ondersoek. Die studie het bevind dat daar by al die plase wat betrek is 'n tekort aan formele opleiding aan al die vlakke van plaaswerkers was, met inbegrip van komiteelede en aandeelhouer-werkers. Hierdie plase het nie oor die fondse beskik om opleidingsprogramme vir hulle plaaswerkers te finansier nie. Swak opleiding strem plaaswerkers in die toepassing van hulle vaardighede en in hulle deelname aan besluitneming op die plaas. In stryd met die doelwitte van finansiële deelname en plaaswerker-aandeelhouerskemas het hierdie skemas nie in hulle doel geslaag nie. Woon- en werksomstandighede op die meeste plase het blykbaar sedert die vestiging van die skemas verbeter, alhoewel sommige plase skynbaar geen vemaderinge ondergaan het nie. Die Wet op die Uitbreiding van Sekerheid op Verblyfreg kan 'n verklaring vir die verbetering in behuising en werksomstandighede wees, en nie noodwendig die implementering van die plaaswerker-aandeelhouerskemas nie. Respondente het volgens alle aanduidings nie diskriminasie op grond van geslag ondervind nie. Die skemas presteer finansieel nie goed nie. Dit is duidelik uit die getal skemas wat as gevolg van finansiële probleme gelikwideer is en waarvoor finansiële state nie verkry kon word nie. Hierdie skemas staar verskeie institusionele en strukturele uitdagings in die gesig, waaronder ook finansiële uitdagings.

The study investigated the possibility of developing a monitoring and evaluation tool to capacitate the South African Department of Home Affairs towards the sustainability of its mobile unit project. As South Africa has a history of gross discrepancies in the appropriation of services by the citizenry, a fleet of 117 mobile trucks was deployed as part of the 2004 Turnaround Strategy. The chosen structural-functionalist theoretical vantage point informed a quantitative baseline survey in which the views of thirty eight respondents in six provinces and across various ranks were gauged. The majority expressed positive views about the sustainability of the mobile units beyond project phase. They expressed confidence in the goals, relevance and realistic nature of the mobile units. In the SWOT analysis, the respondents expressed more strengths and opportunities than weaknesses and threats. These findings form the baseline for the development of the intended M&E framework.
M.A. (Sociology)

M.A. (Public Management and Governance)
“Water will be the scarce resources in the 21st century.” This vision was brought to the South African Government’s attention after the Water Research Commission (WRC) conducted extensive research as illustrated in the WRC’s Annual report for 2007/8. According to the WRC, the research aimed to enlighten decision and policy makers to take precautionary measures that will help guarantee that water resources are “protected, used, developed, conserved, and managed in a sustainable manner”. Hence, the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry (DWAF) has started developing the Water Resource Classification System to mitigate the anticipated challenge envisioned. Among others, the WRC’s findings guided the development of this policy. On the other hand, the South African Constitution, 1996 states that, “people have the right to environment which is not harmful to the citizen”. Other legislation, such as the National Environmental Management Act (1998), the National Water Act, 1998 and the Water Services Act, 1997 echoed the same sentiment. The National Water Act, 1998 served as basis for a National Water Resources Strategy as a framework to guide the entire Water Resource Classification System policy process (Chapter 2: Part 1 of the National Water Act, 1998. Section 195 (e) of the South African Constitution, 1996, highlights that “people’s needs must be responded to, and the public must be encouraged to participate in the policy making”. Thus, the role of stakeholder participation in the DWAF Water Resource Classification System (WRCS) was chosen as a topic for investigation to inform policy makers as well as to identify policy defects. The research project aimed to evaluate the level of stakeholder participation in developing policy, as well as identifying and assessing the nature, influence and levels of their participation. It was established that broad stakeholder participation was a critical success factor during this policy development process. However, the WRCS was finalised based only on the information gathered from a few stakeholders. It should be noted that when water classification was undertaken the environmental issues were considered in such a way that the classification process does not in one way or another compromise the environment in general and is not detrimental to ecosystems in particular. According to the National Water Act, 1998, water is classified in three categories, namely minimally, moderately and heavily. In other countries water is treated as just another natural resource, but in South Africa water is treated as government’s scarce resource. This study investigated the importance of stakeholder participation as a key to policy development in a democratic state and concluded that better participation would have enhanced citizen ownership and shaping the policy concerned.

Contemporary South Africa prides itself on having a Bill of Rights. For 84 years (1910 to 1994) public administration regulated the general welfare and lives of inhabitants in the finest detail, while being subject to almost only the whims and political objectives of the governing authority. On 27 April 1994 the 1993 Constitution introduced a constitutional obligation and radical change to the manner in which public administration must be exercised. Today, still an infant in experience relating to a bill of rights, public administration must be exercised with the Bill of Rights as an integral part of this inhabitant / governing authority interaction. The primary aim of this study is to attempt to describe the manner in which public administration was exercised, firstly, during constitutional dispensations prior to 1994 and, secondly, since public administration became subject to constitutionally entrenched fundamental rights. The empirical investigation is aimed at exploring and analysing the extent to which public administration has realised the constitutional obligation in practice. The results of the empirical investigation highlighted, primarily, that the majority of the officials that participated in the survey do not know of the Bill of Rights, and that half of those who do know of the Bill have little knowledge of its provisions. More than half of the respondents lack awareness of section 195 of the 1996 Constitution, which states that public administration must be governed by democratic principles enshrined in the Constitution. Barely one tenth of respondents were informed of the significance of the Bill and its role regarding public administration. The majority of respondents have not of their own accord studied the Bill and the Bill does not have the desired effect on the manner in which public administration is exercised. Two thirds of respondents have mixed perceptions as to whether to serve the interests of inhabitants above the political objectives of the governing authority and less than a quarter of respondents give recognition to the Bill when rendering public services. It seems as if South African public administration has a long way to go in adhering to its constitutional obligation in practice.
Public Administration
D. Litt et Phil.(Public Administration)