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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Soviet Union – Politics and government – 1917-1936 »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 4 juin 2021

Mis à jour le 1 août 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Soviet Union – Politics and government – 1917-1936"

Foglesong, David. "The politics of recognition: ukrainian struggles for support by the United States, 1917-1941." Revue des études slaves 95, no. 1-2 (2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/120ds.

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This article will analyze how Ukrainians and Ukrainian-Americans sought diplomatic recognition of Ukraine by the United States between 1917 and 1941. It will explain why the U.S. government, despite its commitments to the principle of self-determination, did not recognize Ukrainian independence and why it extended diplomatic recognition to the Soviet Union in 1933 despite protests by Ukrainian- Americans about the terrible famine of 1932- 1933. Drawing on new research in the unu- tilized or underutilized papers of leading Ukrainian-Americans, the article will discuss their tactics and examine

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Dubinin, Yu A. "Soviet Politics and Diplomacy in the Far East: Strategies and Alliances on the Eve of and During World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 6 (January 17, 2024): 92–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-92-123.

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This article offers an in-depth analysis of Soviet policy and diplomacy in the Far East during the tumultuous period spanning from the 1920s to the 1940s. These policies were profoundly shaped by two key factors: firstly, the ideological considerations rooted in the political framework established in the USSR following the 1917 revolution, and secondly, the geopolitical dynamics reflecting the evolving global and regional political landscape in the Far East. The ruling Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government faced formidable challenges as they sought to safeguard the nascent Soviet Republic

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Stašulāne, Anita. "ESOTERICISM AND POLITICS: THEOSOPHY." Via Latgalica, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1604.

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Interference of esotericism and politics became apparent especially in the 19th century when the early socialists expected the coming of the Age of Spirit, and narratives about secret wisdom being kept in mysterious sacred places became all the more popular. Thus, the idea of the Age of Enlightenment underwent transformation: the world will be saved not by ordinary knowledge but by some special secret wisdom. In this context, Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) developed the doctrine of Theosophy the ideas of which were overtaken by the next-generation theosophists including also the Russian painter

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Hickey, Michael C. "Local Government and State Authority in the Provinces: Smolensk, February-June 1917." Slavic Review 55, no. 4 (1996): 863–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501241.

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In the last decade, state building and the problems of establishing state authority in the provinces in 1917 have begun to attract historians’ attention. Several works by Russian authors treat state building under the Provisional Government, with emphasis upon organizational activities “at the center.” Daniel T. Orlovsky and Howard J. White (with greater analytical rigor than their Russian counterparts) have studied the work of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the provinces. But none of these works has offered a sustained discussion of the revolution in a single city or province. Local stud

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Minchik, Sergey Sergeevich. "Dmitry S. Polyansky as a regional leader in the memories of Crimeans." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 6, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2019-6-1-41-49.

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Dmitry S. Polyansky (1917-2001) is known as one of the CPSU and USSR leaders. He combined his membership in the Politburo of the Communist Party (1960-1976) with the posts of Russian PM, the Deputy and First Deputy Chairman of the all-union Government, the Soviet Minister of Agriculture (1958-1976). Later Polyansky served a SU ambassador in Japan and Norway (1976-1987). As a politic and state activist he was involved to number of odious events: the transfer of the Crimean Oblast (1954), the defeat of the Anti-Party Group (1957), the “Ryazan aﬀair” (1960), the “Novocherkassk massacre” (1962), t

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Smirnova, Tatiana. "Children's Welfare in Soviet Russia: Society and the State, 1917-1930s." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 36, no. 2 (2009): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/107512609x12460110596905.

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AbstractThe Bolsheviks did not alienate citizens from helping find solutions to the problems afflicting children. Many social actions deemed as "useful" by the Soviet authorities were met with support by the regime. These included the "Week of the Homeless Child", school self-taxation, local societies of the "Friend of the Children", and others. Establishing its control over "useful" public ventures, the Government eventually absorbed them. On the surface, the proliferation of public ventures in the area of children's welfare, such as patronage by industrial enterprises, labor unions and other

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Gilley, Christopher. "Reconciling the Irreconcilable? Left-Wing Ukrainian Nationalism and the Soviet Regime." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.67.

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AbstractThis article examines the attempts by left-wing Ukrainian nationalists to reconcile the seemingly irreconcilable: Ukrainian nationalism and Soviet socialism. It describes how leftist Ukrainian parties active during the Revolution and Civil War in Ukraine 1917–1921 advocated a soviet form of government. Exiled members of the two major Ukrainian parties, the Social Democrats and the Socialist Revolutionaries, then took this position further, arguing in favor of reconciliation with the Bolsheviks and a return to their homeland. After the Entente recognized Polish sovereignty over Eastern

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Adams, Mark B. "The politics of human heredity in the USSR, 1920–1940." Genome 31, no. 2 (January 15, 1989): 879–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/g89-155.

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After the Bolshevik revolution of 1917, Iurii Filipchenko (in Petrograd) and Nikolai Koltsov (in Moscow) created centers of genetic research where eugenics prospered as a socially relevant part of the new "experimental" biology. The Russian Eugenics Society, established in 1920, was dominated by research-oriented professionals. However, Bolshevik activists in the movement tried to translate eugenics into social policies (among them, sterilization) and in 1929, Marxist geneticist Alexander Serebrovsky was stimulated by the forthcoming Five-Year Plan to urge a massive eugenic program of human ar

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Veeder, V. V. "The Lena Goldfields Arbitration: The Historical Roots of Three Ideas." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 47, no. 4 (October 1998): 747–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300062527.

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On 12 February 1930 a near-insolvent English company began arbitration proceedings against a large and hostile foreign State under an ad hoc arbitration clause contained in a written concession agreement signed by both parties. This concession had been granted by the Soviet Union in 1925 in respect of gold mining and other properties previously operated by the English company's Russian subsidiaries until their dispossession by the Soviet Russian government in 1918, following the October 1917 Revolution. In May 1930, after three months, the Soviet Union abruptly withdrew from the arbitration pr

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Boyko, Ihor. "LIFE PATH, SCIENTIFIC-PEDAGOGICAL AND PUBLIC ACTIVITY OF VOLODYMYR SOKURENKO (TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS BIRTH)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 72, no. 72 (June 20, 2021): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2021.72.158.

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The life path, scientific-pedagogical and public activity of Volodymyr Sokurenko – a prominent Ukrainian jurist, doctor of law, professor, talented teacher of the Lviv Law School of Franko University are analyzed. It is found out that after graduating from a seven-year school in Zaporizhia, V. Sokurenko entered the Zaporizhia Aviation Technical School, where he studied two courses until 1937. 1/10/1937 he was enrolled as a cadet of the 2nd school of aircraft technicians named after All-Union Lenin Komsomol. In 1938, this school was renamed the Volga Military Aviation School, which he graduated

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Thèses sur le sujet "Soviet Union – Politics and government – 1917-1936"

Rofi'i, Imam. "Soviet anti-religious policies and the Muslims of Central Asia, 1917-1938." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26320.

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This thesis examines the impact of Soviet anti-religious policies on the Muslims of Central Asia from 1917 to 1938. The long struggle of the Bolsheviks to come to the power, their attempts to perpetuate the Russian hegemony in Central Asia, and the reactions of the Central Asian people towards the new regime will all form part of this thesis. Having successfully brought about the revolution, the Bolsheviks faced many challenges. One the famous slogans of the revolution, recognition of each nationality's right of self determination, boomeranged on the Bolsheviks, with the European proletariat d

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McIvor, Morag Catriona. "Soviet policy towards the new territories of the RSFSR, circa 1939 to 1953." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610572.

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Seward, James W. "The German exile journal Das Wort and the Soviet Union." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4104.

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Das Wort was a literary journal published by German Communist writers and fellow-travelers exiled in Moscow from 1936 to 1939. It was to be a mouthpiece for German literature in exile and to promote the Popular Front policy, which sought to unite disparate elements in non-Fascist Europe in opposition to the Nazis. Das Wort, under the editorship of German Communist writers whose close association with the Soviet Union had been well established in the previous decade, tried to provide a forum for exiled writers of various political persuasions, but was unwavering in its positive portrayal of Sta

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Dura, Kornel B. "Internal determinants of foreign policy domestic politics and foreign policy in the Soviet Union and the United States, 1945-1948." 1995. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2537.

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Livres sur le sujet "Soviet Union – Politics and government – 1917-1936"

Lee, Stephen J. Stalin and the Soviet Union. London: Routledge, 1999.

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A, Rees E., ed. Centre-local relations in the Stalinist state 1928-1941. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2002.

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Robert, Conquest. Inside Stalin's secret police: NKVD politics, 1936-1939. Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1985.

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1938-, Brown Archie, ed. Political leadership in the Soviet Union. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford, 1989.

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Goldman, Wendy Z. Women, the state, and revolution: Soviet family policy and social life, 1917-1936. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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Hildermeier, Manfred. Die Sowjetunion 1917-1991. München: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 2001.

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Barghoorn, Frederick C. Politics inthe USSR. 3rd ed. Boston: Little, Brown, 1986.

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Trotsky, Leon. [Predannai͡a︡ revoli͡u︡t͡s︡ii͡a︡: Chto takoe SSSR i kuda on idet?] = The Revolution betrayed : what is the Soviet Union and where is it going? Cambridge, Mass: Iskra Research, 1993.

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Trotsky, Leon. La revolución traicionada: Qué es y a dónde se dirige la Unión Soviética? Nueva York: Pathfinder, 1992.

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R, James C. L. World revolution, 1917-1936: The rise and fall of the Communist International. New York: Prism Key Press, 2011.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Soviet Union – Politics and government – 1917-1936"

Varga, Beáta. "Az ukrán államiság periodizációja 1918–1920 között." In Fontes et Libri, 273–81. Szeged, Hungary: Szegedi Tudományegyetem, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/btk.2023.sje.24.

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Soviet Russia and Poland concluded the Peace of Riga in March 1921: Poland recognized Soviet Ukraine, but could keep Eastern Galicia and Western Volhynia. With this, the “Ukrainian revolution” ended, and the Peace of Riga buried Ukrainian aspirations for independence. This meant that the situation developed after the Treaty of Andrusovo in 1667 was repeated, since the Poles and the Russians – ignoring the interests of the Ukrainians – once again divided Ukraine between themselves. Ukrainian “revolutions” and Ukrainian efforts to establish statehood thus ended in failure. Between 1917–1920, the Ukrainians temporarily created sovereign “state initiatives,” but the territory of the Ukrainian People’s Republic was not precisely defined and was decreased gradually due to the constant attacks of the Red Army. It included only a part of Eastern Galicia with its capital, without Lviv (Lemberg). The successive governments were in power only for a short time, so they could not consolidate their government system. The fact that the national identity of the Eastern Ukrainians was weaker made it more difficult to achieve independence, which is why a unified position regarding the nature of the Ukrainian state could not be formed in the individual Ukrainian regions and among political parties. The military superiority of Poland and Soviet Russia, as well as the disinterest of the victorious Allies in the existence of a sovereign Ukraine during the First World War also contributed to all of this. In the end, just like in the 17–18th centuries, the development of the Ukrainian nation from 1921 again took place in the bonds of two states: within the Soviet Union and in the reborn Poland. The civil war finally confirmed the federal character of Ukraine, but in the end, in a “Soviet-style”.

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Mayers, David. "Preparing for Moscow." In The Ambassadors and America’s Soviet Policy, 93–107. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195068023.003.0005.

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Abstract Obsessed by statistical indicators of economic growth and unabashed in its disregard for the legal protections normally accorded people living in modern society, Stalin’s dictatorship emerged during the period when the United States withheld recognition from the USSR (1917-1933). These were the years of Soviet phantas-magoria. Cruelties inflicted on the peasantry by White and Red armies, policies of terror practiced by both sides in the civil war, levies on food in the years of War Communism, and epidemics of disease and famine in the early 1920s caused millions of fatalities and crippled the economy. To secure the population a respite and to pump up production (which by 1921 was a fraction of its pre-1914 level), Lenin inaugurated the New Economic Policy (NEP). It allowed for a modest system of private enterprise and spearheaded national recovery by 1926.&gt;Communist party control of politics and the destruction to human values and lives caused by Felix Dzerzhinsky’s ubiquitous security police did not diminish, however. In the struggle for succession following Lenin’s death in January 1924, Stalin defeated by turns his rivals on the left (Trotsky), within the “new opposition” (Leo Kamenev and Gregory Zinoviev), and on the right (Nicholas Bukharin and Alexis Rykov). Such as it was, the NEP respite was (in effect) repealed by Stalin at the All Union Congress of the Communist party in December 1927. There followed the explosion of the First Five-Year Plan. The rapid industrialization, collectivization of agriculture, and decision to “squeeze” the countryside’s wealth to pay for machinery and foreign technology amounted to an attack by Stalin’s government on the population. This massive but lopsided contest between coercive state power and its subjects resulted in countless more fatalities and led to the incarceration, exile, and forced labor of millions of men and women.

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Životić, Aleksandar. "Nikola Pašić and Soviet Russia/Soviet Union (1917–1926)." In Topics of the history of the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe in the 19th–21st centuries, 165–84. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/7576-0495-4.08.

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Revolutionary events in Russia in 1917 led to a break in the relations between the Kingdom of Serbia and Russia. The diplomatic initiatives started immediately after the end of the First World War coincided with the aspirations of the Yugoslav kingdom to normalize relations with the largest and most important Slavic country and the eff orts of the revolutionary authorities of Russia to get out of their isolation and fight for their place in the international community. Although both sides shared the belief that there were no real political obstacles, this step was not taken. The reasons for such behaviour of the Yugoslav government and diplomacy were numerous. On the one hand, ideological rivalry and exclusivity, and on the other, observing the other side through the lens of ideological prejudices, led to the distancing of two extremely close political, military and economic areas. The Soviet determination for a world revolution, the demolition of the existing and the construction of a new social order clashed with the Yugoslav persistence in preserving the existing state. Negotiations on mutual recognition and the establishment of diplomatic relations, which were initiated several times, faced insurmountable difficulties, often related to the very set of international circumstances in which the Yugoslav-Soviet rapprochement would certainly threaten the fragile Yugoslav position and disturb its relations with its traditional allies. Although official recognition did not occur, it was carried out in practice through a series of public and secret bilateral contacts and the joint signing of a series of multilateral acts.

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Puffer, Sheila M., and Daniel J. McCarthy. "History of the USSR and CIS." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 1–18. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3264-4.ch001.

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This chapter provides an overview of the history of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, from the time of its creation as a result of the 1917 Russian Revolution, to its dissolution in 1991. The major emphasis is on economic conditions, with political and social conditions as background. The chapter then discusses The Commonwealth of Independent States, the alliance that included most of the 15 former Soviet republics that became independent countries. Developments in Russia, the largest both geographically and demographically, as well as the most powerful of the CIS countries, are the major focus from 1991 to 2017.

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Rowland, Daniel B. "Muscovy." In God, Tsar, and People, 319–57. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752094.003.0014.

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This chapter reviews the nature of the Russian polity in the early modern period and the nature and function of political thought within that polity. It looks at interpretations of the early modern period that became the subject of government supervision following the 1917 Revolution, which had the effect of imposing a crude Marxist framework on interpretations of Muscovite history and Muscovite political thought. It also cites texts on political subjects that were seen as products of a class war, chiefly between proponents of the centralizing government and supporters of a conservative boyar opposition. The chapter talks about historians in the West that oppose the formerly dominant image of an all-powerful government commanding a powerless, supine society. It analyses the cultural context for political thinking in Muscovy that was neglected by political necessity in the Soviet Union.

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Wight, Martin. "The Communist Theory of International Relations." In International Relations and Political Philosophy, 131–40. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848219.003.0010.

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This essay analyses the distinctive effects of Marxist-Leninist ideology and Communist practice on states ruled by Communist parties and states with non-Communist or ‘bourgeois’ regimes. Communist regimes assert that they are historically destined to triumph over ‘capitalist’ and ‘imperialist’ governments. From 1917 to 1944, the Soviet Union was the sole Communist-governed state. Since 1944 there have been multiple Communist-ruled states. Such states generally have formal state-to-state relations in addition to Communist party-to-party relations. Non-Communist-ruled states may have oppositional relations with domestic and foreign Communist parties as well as formal relations with the foreign ministries of Communist-led states. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union has claimed that its decisions bind all Communist parties, but it has also accepted the primacy of a global gathering of Communist parties. Disputes among Communist parties over doctrine and interests that are theoretically congruent raise questions about the coherence of the ideology. Forming a Communist world-state to suppress national rivalries could offer a solution, but at the cost of abandoning national state sovereignties and the autonomy of specific Communist parties.

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