Articles de revues sur le sujet « Venetian Prints »

ABSTRACTThis article analyses the relationship between imperial expansion and popular visual culture in late seventeenth-century Venice. It addresses the impact of the military on the marketplace of print and examines the cultural importance of commercial printmaking to the visualization of colonial motifs during the 1684–99 war with the Ottoman Empire. Through a broad array of single-sheet engravings and illustrated books encompassing different visual typologies (e.g. maps, siege views, battle scenes, portraits of Venetian patricians, and representations of the Ottomans), the article re-examines key questions about the imperial dimensions of Venetian print culture and book history. In particular, it shows how warfare and colonial politics militarized the communication media, and highlights the manner in which prints engaged metropolitan viewers in the Republic's expansionist ventures. In so doing, the analysis demonstrates how the printing industry brought the visual spectacle of empire onto the centre stage of Venetian cultural life.

AbstractThe information we have about Jan van Scorel's presence, work and contacts in Venice around 1520-21 comes from Karel van Mander and a number of paintings, some of them dated. Of the van Scorel paintings in Venetian collections mentioned by Marcantonio Michiel, this article places the recently found Crossing of the Red Sea chronologically in the artist's 'Venetian' oeuvre. The painting is reminiscent of the triptych in Obervellach, dated 15 19. In terms of technique, colouring and figuration it is less dependent on Venetian painting than Tobias and the Angel in Düsseldorf, dated 1521. With regard to a number of compositional and iconographical elements, on the other hand, Scorel's Crossing seems to draw on Titian's large woodcut of the same subject. The Amsterdam painter Lambert Sustris went to Venice about fifteen years after van Scorel. In the 1540s he settled in Padua. Sustris is chiefly known for his portraits and for his landscapes with religious and mythological themes, some of which are of outstanding quality. They unite the northern and Venetian, notably Titian, traditions in a suggestive manner, often featuring antiquary and Raphaclesque elements. In this article new arguments are presented in favour of Peltzer's assumption that Sustris was a pupil of van Scorel's, probably around 1530. In that connection the Sermon of John the Baptist (Utrecht, Centraal Museum), formerly regarded as van Scorel's work and bearing a signature commencing with the letter L and otherwise illegible, is attributed here to Sustris. Sustris may also have designed two frieze-like prints with hunting representations, which exhibit Scorelian traits in the landscape and elsewhere. The powerful influences of classical art and Raphael on the figures and composition apparently stem from Sustris' sojourn in Rome. In view of the fact that these prints are clearly devoid of the 'venetianized' style on which Sustris embarked shortly before 1540, the artist's designs probably predate his move to the Venetian Republic.

The Venetian printmaker Giacomo Franco produced several engravings for the 1597 coronation of Morosina Morosini, the wife of doge Marin Grimani (1595-1605). Focusing on three of these prints in which a bird's-eye view of the city is framed with illustrations of the festivities, this essay explores relations between space, gender, allegory and costume as they were manifested in this rare female procession. An examination of the pictorial conventions used by Franco and other artists to depict the event suggests that Morosina's coronation functioned both to resist existing codes of gender but also to reassert female patrician status.

AbstractIn 1956 Ilaria Toesca published an article in Bolletino d'Arte on a group of 19th-century drawings of North European origin cntitled : 'Alcuni disegni delle gallerie di Venezia. The drawings in question were by the Englishman William Young Ottley and the Dutchmen David Pierre Giottin Humbert de Superville and Hcndrik Voogd. I confine my remarks to the latter, who lived in Rome from 1788 until his death in 1839. The drawings come from the bequest of the Milan art-lover Giuseppe Bossi, with whom Voogd had a good business relationship. Discussing a signed drawing by Voogd, Toesca attributed 21 other drawings to him. The signature on the Venetian sheet is not the only proof of Voogd's authorship. Further evidence is provided by the circumstance that it is a preliminary study for a worked-up wash drawing in Hamburg (Kunsthalle) and also that it was preceded by a sketch in the Amsterdam Historical Museum. The topographical particulars of these three drawings arc discussed here. The attribution of the other 21 drawings is made 'dubitativamente' by Toesca. In my opinion her doubts are justified. Neither stylistically nor technically do they bear a resemblance to the rest of Voogd's oeuvre. The fact that the motifs (landscapes, cattle, studies of trees and plants) do occur in Voogd's work probably led to the attribution. The back of one of the drawings is inscribed 'Londonio'. The sale catalogue of Bossi's bequest (1818) lists both the Voogd drawing and work by Londonio. Francesco Londonio (1723-1783) was a Milan engraver and draughtsman who is chiefly known for his prints. Various print rooms in Europe possess work by him. It appears that the drawings attributed to Voogd are really preliminary studies by Londonio which he used for his oeuvre of prints. Indeed, some of the motifs in a series of etchings in the Rijksprentenkabinet in Amsterdam derive from the Venetian drawings. I therefore conclude that the Gallerie dell'Accademia in Venice own only one (signed) drawing by Hendrik Voogd, purchased by Bossi personally from the artist during his second visit to Rome (1810), and that the name of the true artist - Francesco Londonio - was lost when the sheets were removed from the original collector's albums.

Abstract. The expansion of the Ottoman Empire became an all-European military problem after the 1526 battle of Mohács and the fall of the Kingdom of Hungary A huge zone of defence was constructed between the Habsburg and Ottoman powers, dividing the former country. The first map of the country (Lazarus, 1528) was printed to serve Habsburg, imperial and Christian propaganda. The printed maps in the first half of the 16th century were compiled by humanist scholars (Lazius, 1556), and their representations of the stage of the Turkish wars were circulated in European atlases (Ortelius, 1570). Although proper military maps were rare in the Renaissance, the systematic, military-purpose mapping of the border fortifications indicates a Habsburg military cartography. The cartographic workshop of the Angelinis, an Italian family of military architects in Vienna, produced systematic collections of plans, views and chorographic maps in the 1570s. Map historians rarely consider the transfer of cartographic information between different modes and audiences. In this paper, the exchanges between Renaissance humanistic, military and commercial mapping are studied by map examples. Emphasizing the functional and representational changes the cartographic processes implied we focus on the connections between the contemporary, public and printed and the secret and manuscript cartographies. To expand the scope of the study a cross-cultural example, the representations of the 1566 siege of Sziget on Venetian prints and Ottoman topographical miniatures are compared. The Ottoman-Habsburg conflict, the series of the Turkish wars in Rumelia in 16th century exemplifies an appropriate context for the early-modern cartography of Hungary as a transitional and contested war zone.

The mission of the English Project (www.englishproject.org) is to explore and explain the English language in order to educate and entertain the English speaker, and 2015 was the year of punctuation for the Project because 6 February 2015 was the 500th anniversary of the death of Aldus Manutius. Aldus was a Venetian printer who shaped the comma, invented the semicolon and created italic fonts. He may have been the greatest punctuator of all time. We ‘punctuated’ the year by looking in turn at the full stop, the semicolon, the colon, the comma, the slash, the hyphen, the parenthesis, the exclamation, the apostrophe, the quotation mark and the question mark. Those twelve provide the fundamentals of English language punctuation, and all of them do more than one job. If we had a complete and unambiguous set of punctuation marks, we might need as many as 50, but the writing world does not want the trouble of such precision. In just same way, the writing world has never accepted the need for 44 separate letters to match the 44 separate sounds of the English language. Providing a separate grapheme (letter) for every phoneme (sound) is the linguist's business. Punctuation marks are ambiguous therefore. They suggest rather than define. They rely on context and the quick wittedness of the reader. If precision is needed, there are proofreader's marks. Merriam-Webster lists 42 of them, but proofreading is a special practice. Punctuation marks are a special set of symbols, and of symbols and signs there is no end. Punctuation marks are regularly appropriated by the devisers of computer languages. Punctuation marks can become logotypes – ‘a single piece of type that prints a word’. The exclamation mark can be made to work like &, $, or @. There are fuzzy edges to the subject of punctuation.

AbstractDuring his sojourn in England, from 1573 to 1581, Cornelis Ketel received numerous portrait commissions, but did not paint many allegories. Van Mander gives a brief description of only one of them: Kracht door Wijsheid en 1 óorzichtzgheid overwonnen (Strength Conquered by Wisdom and Prudence, o.c. note 1, fol. 275 14-20). In 1986 an Allegory dating from the period in question (1580) appeared on the market. In a decor of captured weapons, it shows three nude men subjugated by a woman and tied up with snakes [figs. 1, 2). A number of circumstances preclude the conclusive identification of this painting as the one described by Van Mander: a) the woman with the snake might be Prudence, but Wisdom is missing; the reason for this might be that the canvas has been cropped, as is indicated by the absence of cusping; b) the attitude of Strength, the muscular man wearing a loincloth, is more consistent with the characteristics of Fury as described by Virgil, Cartari and Ripa (notes 7-9). A biblical source for this theme is Ecclesiastes 9:15-18, where Wisdom is rated higher than Strength and weapons of war. All sources associate Fortitude/ Fury with acts of war, so that a political connotation cannot be ruled out. In the Duke of Buckingham's collection was another allegory by Ketel representing victorious Virtues. This painting was not as tall as the work of 1580 published here (notes 13-19). The Duke of Buckingham's painting cannot be identified with the one for the Amsterdam jeweller Jan van Wely (Van Mander, fol. 275 r43 -275v30), as that painting was still in the collection of his family in 1670 (notes 17, 18). Iconographically, there is a remarkable correspondence with a work by Frans Floris, the subject of which has not been satisfactorily accounted for either (fig. 3, note 20). Pending a definitive identification, it seems to represent Fortitude/Mars/Fury rendered powerless by the loss of his weapons, and conquered by the female personifications of Wisdom and/or Prudence. Ketel was stylistically influenced not only by Floris (fig. 5, notes 23-25) but also by prints after Maarten van Heemskerck and Michelangelo (figs.6, 7). There is something of the Venetian style in the manner of painting. Ketel was acquainted with this style from an altar-piece by Dirck Barents, in the St. Janskerk in Gouda (note 29). It should be stressed that Ketel was unable to find a market for his allegories in England (cf. note 30), as may also be deduced from Van Mander. At the Tate Gallery's exhibition Dynasties 1530- 1630 (1995/96, note 32), Ketel's Allegory of 1580 contrasted starkly with the other exhibits: at the time when he was in England, the delicate subtlety of painters like Hilliard and Oliver was more to the British taste. Their manner was a far cry from Ketel's boldly painted allegory with its large figures. Not until some fifty years later, when the Venetian School, Rubens and Van Dyck were gaining ground, was Ketel duly appreciated in England.

Father Ghewond Alishan: Poet and Historian of Bright Armenia The article is an attempt to present the legacy of the Venetian Mechitarist, Father Ghewond Alishan (1820-1901) and show him as an armenologist, poet and propagator of Armenian patriotism. In addition, the author examines Alishan’s correspondence (the collection of letters is currently being prepared for print), which offers a special, more personal perspective on Alishan and the Venetian monastery on the island of San Lazzaro, where he spent most of his life.

In November 1490, Bernardino Rizo da Novara issued the earliest printed anonymous portolano. Several months later, a print privilege was issued at the request of Andrea Badoer, a merchant. With the support of a newly published database of Venetian privileges, it is contended that Badoer sponsored the print and possibly provided the text of the portolano.

Venetian printmakers in the sixteenth century were enthusiastic participants in what became a project of civic self-promotion as they looked beyond the local market to an international one. In response to the fascination of foreigners who marvelled at the city's singular topography and its reputation for liberty and licentiousness, the bird's-eye view and images of local social types – such as the doge and courtesan – became transmuted into icons of the city's urban identity. The medium and modes of representation used to reproduce the republic's social and physical organization on paper are crucial here, for it was the repetition and sedimentation of visual conventions that forged iconicity. Venice was redefined as a centre in which all the world could be seen. And the mechanisms for this redefinition, as this article argues, emerged, in part, out of print, for it was because the city could be seen from the eye of a bird, on paper as an image, by foreigners – that it could be re-envisioned from the outside in.

The documents relating to Giordano Bruno's eight-year long trial for heresy at the hands of first the Venetian and then the Roman Inquisition, and to his execution in the Campo dei Fiori in Rome on 17 February 1600, have been gradually coming to light since Bruno's first Italian biographer, Domenico Berti, started to publish them in 1876. They were finally gathered together over a number of years in the second half of the twentieth century, and expertly edited, by one of Italy's most prestigious historians, Luigi Firpo, who did not live to see the results of his work in print.

In 1989, at St Mark’s Basilica in Venice, John Eliot Gardiner conducted and recorded Claudio Monteverdi’s Marian Vespers, published in 1610. Despite the print’s dedication to Pope Paul V, the three-year gap between the print being issued and Monteverdi taking up the post of maestro di cappella at St Mark’s and the considerable stylistic diversity of the pieces contained in that print, Gardiner considers Monteverdi’s Vespers as one coherent whole, for which the Venetian basilica was the target venue. Gardiner’s project has undoubtedly played a major role in how present-day audiences conceive of the 1610 Vespers. It has thus made a permanent mark on contemporary musical culture, as evidenced by the numerous reissues of the 1989 album and, most of all, productions by other musicians that associate the 1610 Vespers with St Mark’s. This article discusses the concept of ‘Monteverdi’s Vespers’ as represented in contemporary record releases of the composer’s works. This concept refers both to Monteverdi’s Vespro della Beata Vergine, published in 1610, and to various modern compilations of his works which musicians, musicologists and producers refer to as ‘Vespers’. The great wealth of Vespers-related pieces held in libraries and archives still considerably outweighs the number of performances and recordings of those works. Monteverdi’s Vespers, on the other hand, make up the majority of existing recordings of seventeenth-century polyphonic Vespers and thus constitute a key point of reference. I analyse around 500 albums (not only with Vespers music) released between 1952 and 2019, focussing on their iconographic and typographic content, as well as their graphic designs, in an attempt to show how the modern vision of this repertoire came to be formed and what persons and places are associated with this current in the history of early music recording.

A couple of forays to the temperate to subalpine regions of the western Himalaya uncovered two new species: Russula rajendrae and R. petersenii. Russula rajendrae (subg. Russula sec. Russula subsect. Russula), is characterized by a pale red to venetian pink or pastel red colored pileus with grayish yellow patches in the center, a white spore print, an acrid taste, and cystidia with variably shaped apices (capitate, rounded, moniliform, appendiculate or pointed) whereas, Russula petersenii (subg. Russula sec. Paraincrustatae subsect. Integrae), is characterized by a white pileus with pale yellow to light yellow patches and a concolorous stipe, white to yellowish white lamellae with 3 series of lamellulae, a white spore print, an acrid taste, basidiospores with isolated warts (sparsely connected in places), and different types of cystidial apices. Macro- and micromorphological descriptions together with illustrations and phylogenetic inferences are presented for both species. Allied taxa (endemic and extralimital) are also compared.

While the anonymous Viaggio da Venetia al Sancto Sepolchro et al Monte Sinai, first published in Venice in 1518, was the most popular Holy Land guidebook in Renaissance Italy, the historical origins of the book have never been fully understood. From four illustrated versions of an earlier manuscript guide, the Libro d’Oltramare (1346–50), one can hypothesize about both the text and its author. The ultimate prototype for the Viaggio da Venetia was very likely one or more of these illustrated manuscripts, and the original author of both the text and illustrations was the Franciscan pilgrim Niccolò da Poggibonsi. Despite the eventual erosion of his name from the printed versions of the guidebook, the assertiveness and originality of the author parallels the production of other vernacular literature in mid-fourteenth-century Italy. Unlike Latin guidebooks of previous centuries, the intent to include illustrations that re-create the pilgrimage experience and the unprecedented descriptiveness of the prose together suggest that the book can be considered the foundational text for the genre of the illustrated pilgrimage guidebook.

This paper presents new data related to Dositej Obradović’s stay in Italy and the travels he undertook while he was there. In the period between 1769 and 1780 Obradović visited Trieste, Venice, Padua, Ferrara, Bologna, Florence, Pistoia, Lucca, Pisa, Livorno and Messina and later described these travels in his autobiography The Life and Adventures (1783). Although he is rather sketchy in his descriptions, we nonetheless discover that he became acquainted with a number of interesting fi gures of the day and was witness to contemporary events and phenomena: he tells us, for example, about the provveditore with whom he sailed to Venice and about the Rules of Health promulgated by the Venetian Republic in connection with the plague which was then raging. He also testifi es to the diet of the Venetian navy and the order issued by Catholic authorities prohibiting Orthodox priests from other countries from performing services in Dalmatia. The canale navile, in Bologna was also the object of Obradović’s attention. This artifi cial hydraulic system was a navigable channel making it possible to sail from Venice to Bologna(!) in the past. His descriptions of the heavily travelled road between Bologna and Florence and of the earthquake in Messina which took place after his departure for Chios are also interesting historical accounts of the period.

AbstractThe correspondence between the radical Venetian pro-female polemicist and nun Arcangela Tarabotti (1604–52) and the Copernican French astronomer Ismaël Boulliau (1605–94) — here published for the first time — shows how one of Tarabotti's most controversial works made it to press. She had long and unsuccessfully sought in Italy and in France to print the work, which was, puzzlingly, published two years after her death in Holland. It was subsequently placed on the Index of Forbidden Books. Charting the explosive work's journey to France and its later arrival and reception in Holland, the Tarabotti-Boulliau correspondence provides a case study in the circulation of unorthodox ideas in seventeenth-century Europe. By showing Tarabotti's firm inscription in the well-connected scientist's intellectual circle, the letter exchange furthermore contributes to our expanding notions of women's participation in the Republic of Letters, while also suggesting a confluence of radical scientific and social views.

A number of scholars have begun to explore the activities of music-printers in sixteenth-century Italy. The first music-print produced by movable type was issued by Ottaviano Petrucci in 1501, and by the 1540s improvements in printing techniques, and particularly the introduction of single-impression printing, had set music-printing on a firm commercial footing, first and foremost in Venice, the centre of the printing trade on the peninsula. The two chief Venetian music-printers in the mid-century, Antonio Gardano and Girolamo Scotto, headed commercial enterprises the organisation of which merits close study by economic historians. But the activities of these and other music-printers must also be examined for their effect on contemporary musical culture. Through their editorial policies and commercial strategies, printers such as Gardano and Scotto had an undeniable influence on the composition and dissemination of music in this period, creating and defining a market or markets for their wares which increasingly directed the activities of contemporary composers.

The St George Abbey was founded on an island near Perast by the Benedictine Monastic Order by the beginning of the 11th century. From the mid-13th century, the community of Kotor had the right of patronage over the abbey, which allowed the patriciate of Kotor to elect abbots as well as have a say in numerous monastery affairs, including propriety rights. Therefore, on November the 2nd 1530, Minor Council of Kotor named Pompejus de Pasqualibus, a nobleman from Kotor, the abbot of the St George Abbey. After the official consent from Rome and Venice, father Pompejus took over the abbey. Soon after, a gruesome crime took place on the island, a crime unseen in the history of the Kotor church. On the Feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross, May 3rd 1535, a group of Perast locals, armed with sticks and daggers, broke into the abbey and killed abbot Pasqualibus at the altar as he was saying Pater Noster. Nikola Krosic, the chaplain of the St George Abbey, and a few others tried to stop the murderers, but to no avail. The killers went on to humiliate the body of the deceased by throwing it out of the church and dumping it into a nearby pit, which added to the resentment, especially among the patriciates of Kotor. Three days later, on the Feast of the Ascension, the bishop of Kotor, Luka Bizanti, publicly excommunicated the killers and their men in the cathedral, while Pope Paul III forbade all service at the church where the crime had been committed. The interdict wasn?t recalled until 1546. In the decree of excommunication, Bishop Luka Bizanti emphasized the fact that father Pompejus hadn?t said or done anything to provoke the killers. What are the reasons of such an outpour of mass anger among dozens of Perast locals? Around that time, for several decades, Perast, a village founded on St George?s fief, started to improve its economy as a result of the expansion of ship-building and trading. More and more inhabitants of Perast started to sail and take part in the trade, especially on the rye and salt market. They had the support of the Venetian authorities, which caused envy among the inhabitants of Kotor, who considered Perast a part of their district. The tendency to achieve a full emancipation from the community of Kotor included church interests as well. After a gradual weakening of church life on the island, the St George church took on the role of a parish church under the patronage of Kotor. Perast locals were evidently dissatisfied with the idea of their parish priest being a noble Pasqualibus of Kotor, whose descent and position were representative of everything they despised and fought against. The motive of the murder was a trivial one - father Pompejus refused to hold service at the St Church on the Feast of the Holy Cross, which deeply insulted the people of Perast. The exceedingly long process of turning the Benedictine abbey into a parish church and a sepulchral chapel of Perast reached its peak on November the 17th1634 with the edict of the Venetian Senate taking the right of patronage away from the community of Kotor. From then on, ius patronatus belonged to the Venetian Senate, while the choice of the abbot, the parish priest of Perast in fact, was left to the locals.

The ‘Venetian’ composer Agostino Steffani and the Modenese diplomat Giuseppe Riva became acquainted at Hanover in 1719. Steffani had first resided there between 1688 and 1703, when he served the Hanoverian Duke Ernst August and his son Georg Ludwig as a musician and special envoy (he went to Vienna, for example, to negotiate the elevation of Hanover to an electorate, a distinction approved by the emperor in 1692). He had been ordained a Catholic priest at Munich in 1680, received a sinecure appointment as an abbot in 1683 and been made an apostolic prothonotary by 1695. His diplomatic and evangelical achievements on behalf of the church were recognized in 1706, when he was named Bishop of Spiga, and 1709, when he was appointed Apostolic Vicar of North Germany. His home in 1703–9 was in Düsseldorf, where he served as chief councillor to Johann Wilhelm, the Catholic Elector Palatine, but in November 1709 he returned to Hanover, a Lutheran city in Lower Saxony nearer the centre of his extensive vicariate.

In his play on Pietro Aretino (1492-1556), the Norwegian dramatist and novelist Hans E. Kinck (1865-1926) focuses on his character's relationship to the body and use of young women, in particular the young girl, Perina. A writer of great repute among his contemporaries Aretino is today known for his letters, plays, scandalous dialogues and pornographic sonnets in which grotesque images of the body are frequent. Kinck turns the Italian letterato both into a tragic victim of his own drives and a ruthless victimizer, although he in the process must avoid many aspects of Aretino's writing and character that it would be impossible to reproduce in print at the time, but in so doing he both rejects and redescripts metaphors for the body and writing we recognize from Rabelais, Shakespeare, and Nashe. Aretino's famed obesity and incessant appetite become metaphors for Aretino's struggle for fame and immortality, but are also signs of the fetishization and expenditure of young girls in Early Modern Venetian society, and in the Europe of Kinck's own time. This reading "against the grain" tries to ease out the actuality of the play and the reason for the different data Kinck gives for Perina's age in the play and in En Penneknegt (1911).

The article is devoted to the publication history of two poetic gnomologies (collections of maxims) as part of the collection “Anfologion” published in 1660 at the Moscow Print Yard. This collection house primarily published works translated from the Modern Greek Venetian editions, which presented new versions of monuments of hagiography and Byzantine patristic heritage, theological treatises and poetic works of medieval Christian authors. Some translations were made by the publisher — director (spravshchik) of the Printing House Arseny Grek. Among his translations there were also collections of poetic maxims Chapters… from the book Paradise and Tetrastichae sententiae by Gregory Nazianzen. Until now these texts were known in Slavic translation only from the Moscow edition of 1660. The article provides information about the previously unknown translation of both gnomologies, found in a Western Russian manuscript of the early 17th century. The study of the texts showed that one of them ( Chapters… from the Book Paradise ) was published in Anfologion in this translation, and the newly found translation of the maxims of Gregory Nazianzen was used by Arseny Greek to work on his text. The author expresses a hypothesis about the origin of the newly found translation of two gnomologies from the literary circles of the Ostrog Book publishing Center, and its possible attribution to Cyprian, the author, publisher and translator directly related to the works of the Ostrog printing house and the printing house of the Derman Monastery. Newly found translations are published in the Appendix.

The article analyses the relationship between the building site of the Holy House of Loreto and the Eastern Adriatic in view of the stories about the Sanctuary’s foundation and historical documents, which show a strong presence of Schiavoni, organized from 1476 as an ethnic confraternity with their own priests, canons, and a hospital for the pilgrims. Having examined the role of bishops such as Francesco Morosini, Bishop of Poreč, and Giovanni Venieri from Recanati, Archbishop of Ragusa, the author focuses on the architects Marino di Marco Cedrino and Pietro Amorosi, documented in Loreto between 1470 and 1474 and between 1487 and 1512, respectively. Both were active as masters at the building site of the Basilica of Loreto and have been traditionally considered as originating from “Dalmatia”. However, an in-depth analysis of the sources concerning the two masters, including some newly discovered documents, have made it possible to prove different origins for both: Venetian for Cedrino and Lombard for Amorosi. Notwithstanding these results, Loreto can still be considered as an “Illyrian” building site: in fact, this sanctuary was one of the major engines of artistic contacts between the two shores of the Adriatic. These contacts concerned the transport and working of Istrian stone for the church and the apostolic palace, which involved a great number of architects, stonemasons, sculptors, and ship owners from the mid-15th until the end of the 16th century. In Rovinj, suitable supervisors and trusted stonemasons were in charge of the first selection and the first working of the stone. For the transport from Rovinj to Loreto, the architect of the Holy House, Giovanni Boccalini from Carpi (1555-1580) had a specially built ship for transporting wheat, oil, and other agricultural products of the Holy House to be sold in Istria in exchange for stone, which is a typical entrepreneurial strategy.

The Sächsische Landesbibliothek – Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Dresden (SLUB), holds one of the world’s largest collections of sacred and secular works by the Italian composer Baldassarre Galuppi, “il Buranello”, whose operatic music was very popular in the mid-1750s with the Saxon elector and Polish king August III and other members of his court. This impressive collection of Galuppiana includes numerous copies of liturgical works from the copying house of the Venetian priest and notorius forger Iseppo (Giuseppe) Baldan. Recently, several compositions falsely attributed to Galuppi by Baldan have turned out to be the works of Antonio Vivaldi, including an excellent setting of Dixit Dominus (RV 807). This article demonstrates that the Galuppi-Baldan manuscripts were sent in several batches from Venice to Warsaw (and not Dresden, as originally thought) during the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), when August III resided in the Polish capital. The Saxon prime minister count Heinrich von Brühl and his musically gifted daughter Maria Amalia also stayed in Warsaw during this period, as did Brühl’s secretary and musical director Friedrich August von Koenig, who arranged for the purchases from Galuppi and Baldan. The fact that operas were also being sent from Rome to Warsaw during the war shows that the nobility in the Polish capital was up-to-date with all the latest Italian music. Reports of performances of Galuppi’s music in Warsaw is presented through official documents and letters written by Friedrich August de Rossi, secretary of Italian affairs at the Saxon-Polish court. This includes a description of a serenate performed at the fifty-seventh birthday of Brühl in August 1757, and evidence is provided which strongly suggests that the music, the so-called “Endimione” serenate, was specially composed by Galuppi for this occasion. Finally, details of the musical manuscripts being sent from Warsaw to Dresden in 1763 and the cataloguing of the collection is presented, in addition to an account of a previously unknown visit of Galuppi to the Saxon capital in 1765.

Introducing Thyeste: Tragedia da Seneca (1547), the Venetian writer Lodovico Dolce (1508–68) defines the art of translating a book as an experience that lives in the “perspective of the becoming [...] because in order to translate, it is necessary for us to take another language or (if possible) another human nature.” This article presents three case studies where the nexus between Ludovico Ariosto’s Ovidianism and Dolce’s Ariostism becomes an example of the stylistic and editorial relationship between word and image, as well as a paradigmatic explanation of the dynamics and strategies of reception in the early age of print. The aims of this exercise are the following: (1) to investigate the important mediation of Ariosto’s epic-chivalric model for the translation of the classics into vernacular and for the “canonization” of texts through their publication; (2) to study the man-to-man combat between Dolce’s writing, Ariosto’s pattern, and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, and the way it develops from the Stanze nella favola di Venere e Adone (1545) to the thirty cantos of the poem Le Trasformazioni (1553); (3) to analyze the history of the illustrations in Ariosto’s Cinque canti from the perspective of the interaction between words and images, modes of writing and reading, and modes of invention and reception. En présentant Thyeste. A tragedy from Seneca (1547), l’écrivain vénitien Lodovico Dolce (1508– 1568) définit l’art de traduire un ouvrage comme une expérience de transformation puisque traduire implique d’adopter une autre langue, voire (si possible) une autre nature humaine. Cet article présente trois études de cas dans lesquelles la juxtaposition de l’ovidisme de L’Arioste et de l’ariostisme de Dolce devient l’exemple d’une relation stylistique et éditoriale entre le mot et l’image, ainsi qu’un cadre paradigmatique pour comprendre les dynamiques et les stratégies de la réception durant les débuts de l’imprimerie. Cette étude a trois objectifs : 1) explorer l’importance du modèle épique et chevaleresque de L’Arioste pour la traduction des classiques en langue vernaculaire et pour la « canonisation » de ces œuvres par leur publication ; 2) examiner le combat au corps entre l’écriture de Dolce, le modèle de L’Arioste et les Métamorphoses d’Ovide, ainsi que le développement menant des Stanze nella favola di Venere e Adone (1545) aux trente chants du poème Le Trasformazioni (1553) ; 3) analyser l’histoire des illustrations des Cinquecantide L’Arioste du point de vue de l’interaction entre mots et images, des modes d’écriture et lecture, ainsi que des modes d’invention et de réception.

The conflict between Rascia and Dioclea began in the reign of King Bodin of Dioclea (1081-1099) and it was brought to an end during the rule of Stephen Nemanja, Grand Zhupan of Serbia about 1185. The historical sources, primarily the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, give no indication of the causes of this conflict, nor do they explain why Byzantium found it necessary to intervene from time to time in Dioclea or Rascia. Although the family relations of the Rasican and Dioclean dynasties frequently provoked one state to interfere into the internal affairs of the other, they were certainly not the main generator of this century-long conflict. Since it was a process of long duration, it is quite likely that the main cause of the war between Rascia and Dioclea had to do with economic considerations, and the paper discusses this possibility. The rulers of Dioclea wanted to secure the raw materials for the maritime towns, primarily Cataro, which they had acquired around the middle of the eleventh century, and they sought to achieve that by conquest and the expansion of their influence in the inland regions ? in Travounia, Bosnia and Rascia. On the other hand, Serbia had become rapidly more powerful in the early twelfth century, and its rulers sought to impose their control on these maritime towns as nearest centres of commerce and production. During this contest, Byzantium interfered only when the geostrategic stability in the broader territory of the Balkan Peninsula seemed to be brought into question and when Dioclea or Rascia established closer links with the Venetians, Hungarians or Normans, thus jeopardizing its interests. Byzantium looked upon Rascia and Dioclea as its western outposts and was therefore anxious to have a reliable ruler in Rascia, so that it could control the Nis ? Branicevo ? Belgrade route to Hungary. Similarly, a dependable ruler in Doclea was a guarantor of the safety of the theme of Dyrrachion and of unimpeded communication with the remaining Byzantine possessions in the middle part of Dalmatia.

As the former capital of Dalmatia, Zadar abounded in monuments produced during the 17th and 18th century, especially altars, statues, and paintings. Most of this cultural heritage had been lost by the late 18th and the first decades of the 19th century, when the former Venetian Dalmatia was taken over by Austrian administration, followed by the French and then again by the Austrian one. Many churches were closed down, their furnishings were sold away or lost, and the buildings were either repurposed or demolished. One of them had been home to two hitherto unpublished angels-putti located on the top of the inner side of the arch in the sanctuary of Zadar’s church of Our Lady of Health (Kaštel) at the end of Kalelarga (Fig. 1). Both marble statues were obviously adjusted and then placed next to the marble cartouche with a subsequently added inscription from 1938, which tells of a reconstruction of the church during the time it was administered by the Capuchins. The drapery of the right angel-putto bears the initials I. G., which should be interpreted as the signature of the Venetian sculptor Giuseppe Groppelli (Venice, 1675-1735). This master signed his full name as IOSEPH GROPPELLI on the base of a statue of St Chrysogonus, now preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art in Zadar (Fig. 2). Same as the signed statue of St Anastasia by master Antonio Corradini (Fig. 3), it used to form part of the main altar in Zadar’s monumental church of St Donatus, desacralized in 1798. Recently, two more angels have been discovered, inserted in the tympanum of the main altar in the church of Madonna of Loreto in Zadar’s district of Arbanasi, the one to the right likewise bearing the initials I. G. (Fig. 4). Undoubtedly, these two artworks were once part of a single composition: the abovementioned former altar in the church of St Donatus, transferred to the cathedral in 1822 and reconstructed to become the new altar in the chapel of St Anastasia. Giuseppe and his younger brother, Paolo Groppelli, led the family workshop from 1708, producing and signing sculptures together. Therefore, the newly discovered statues produced by Giuseppe are a significant contribution to his personal 174 Damir Tulić: Nepoznati anđeli Giuseppea Groppellija u Zadru... Ars Adriatica 6/2016. (155-174) oeuvre. It is difficult to distinguish between his statues and those by his brother, but it is generally believed that Paolo was a better artist. It is therefore important to compare the two sculptures, as they are believed to have been made independently. Paolo’s statue of Our Lady of the Rosary (1708) was originally located in the former Benedictine church of Santa Croce at Giudecca in Venice, and acquired early in the 19th century for the parish church of Veli Lošinj. If one compares the phisiognomy of the Christ Child by Paolo to that of Giuseppe’s signed sculpture of angel-putto in Zadar, one can observe considerable similarities (Figs. 5 and 6). However, Paolo’s sculptures are somewhat subtler and softer than Giuseppe’s. The workshop of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli has also been credited with two large marble angels on the main altar of the parish church in Concadirame near Treviso, as they show great similarity in style to the angels in Ljubljana’s cathedral, made around 1710 (Figs. 7, 8, 9, and 10). The oeuvre of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli can also be extended to two kneeling marble angels at the altar of the Holy Sacrament in the Venetian church of Santa Maria Formosa, with their marble surface somewhat damaged (Figs. 11 and 12). Coming back to the former main altar in Zadar’s church of St Donatus, it should be emphasized that it was erected following the last will of Archbishop Vettore Priuli (1688-1712), that contains a clearly expressed desire that the altar should be decorated as lavishly as possible. As the construction contract has been lost and the appearance of the altar remains unknown, it can only be supposed what it may have looked like (Fig. 13). It is known that the altar included an older, 13th-century icon of Madonna with the Child, which was later transferred to the Cathedral and is today preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art. Scholars have presumed that the altar may had the form of a triumphal arch, with pillars enclosing the pala portante with an older icon and statues placed lateraly. However, it can also be presumed that the executors of the archbishop’s last will, canons Giovanni Grisogono and Giovanni Battista Nicoli, found a model for the lavish altar in Venice, in the former altar of the demolished oratory of Madonna della Pace. That altar had been erected in 1685 and included an older Byzantine icon of Madonna with the Child. It was later relocated to Trieste and its original appearance remains unknown, but can be reconstructed on the basis of its depiction on the medal of Doge Alvise IV Mocenigo (1764), preserved in the parish church of Plomin (Fig. 14). This popular solution undoubtedly served as a model for the main altar in the church of Madonna delle Grazie at Este (Fig. 15), constructed between 1692 and 1697. Today’s appearance of the chapel of St Anastasia does not reveal much about its previous altars (Fig. 16). A recently discovered document at the State Archive of Zadar sheds a new light on the hypothesis that the old main altar was transferred from St Donatus in 1822 and became, with minor revisions, the new altar of St Anastasia, demolished in 1905. According to a contract from 1821, the saint’s altar was designed by Zadar’s engineer and architect Petar Pekota, and built by parish priest Giovanni Degano by using segments from older altars, including that of St Donatus. The painting ordered for the new altar, Martyrdom of St Anastasia by Giuseppe Rambelli from Forli (Fig. 17), is the only surviving part of the 19thcentury altar. The overall reconstruction of the chapel of St Anastasia took place between 1903 and 1906, according to a project of architect Ćiril Metod Iveković, which intended to have the chapel covered in mosaics ordered from Venice. However, during the reconstruction works, remnants of 13th-century frescos were discovered in the apse and the project had to be altered. The altar from 1822 was nevertheless demolished and a new marble mensa was built, with a new urn for the saint’s relics, made in the Viennese workshop of Nicholas Mund, as attested by receipts from 1906 (Fig. 18). A hundred years after the intervention, another one took place, in which the marble altar was disassembled and replaced by a new one, made of glass and steel, yet bearing the old marble urn of Bishop Donatus.

<p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>Selimiye Square, placed in the historical Selimiye neighborhood within the walled city of Nicosia, has become an important center, shaped with the architectural heritage of different cultures throughout the history of Cyprus. The creation of the square began with the building of the St. Sophia Cathedral of the Lusignan Period, at the beginning of the 1200s, and it developed as a religious center with the addition of St. Nicholas Church and the Archbishopric right after. Although not much development in the texture, a guest house built for travelers and pilgrims (The Venetian House) and the meeting place built for the priests of the cathedral (Chapter House), continued the process of creation of the square and the religious quality of the texture. During the Ottoman Period, which was an important era for the historical urban texture of Nicosia, Turkish Architecture, a new architectural style, was added to the surroundings of Selimiye Square. St. Sophia Cathedral was turned into a mosque with the addition of minarets, the Archbishopric and the building next to it were turned into Traditional Turkish Houses with alterations and additions, and St. Nicholas Church was turned into Bedesten (covered bazaar). With the addition of Sultan Mahmut Library and the Big and Small Medrese (madrasah), educational and business functions were added to the religious center; thus the creation of a historical environment and the boundaries of the square became clarified. The boundaries of the square were completed during the British Period with the construction of houses towards the west of the square and it gained the identity of a meeting place for the social activities of the city. During this period, the square was opened for vehicle traffic, and its texture, its religious and business center character were preserved. The periods of the Republic of Cyprus and the following Cyprus Turkish Administration years were a stagnant period for the creation and development of the square. During this period, the square was used as a place of ceremonies with the erection of the Fighters Monument in the east of the library. The buildings around the square underwent functional changes during the TRNC period, from 1983 to today, but the texture preserved its importance with its religious, educational, and business activities. With the new arrangements in 2001 within the scope of the pedestrianization project, an important meeting place was created for the social activities of the city. Thus, becoming an important center for the tourism and social life of the city with the mosque, cultural center, museum, folk arts atelier, restaurants, and bars, which all exist within this historical texture. </p><p><strong>ÖZ</strong></p><p>Lefkoşa Suriçi’nde, tarihi Selimiye Mahallesi’nde yer alan Selimiye Meydanı; Kıbrıs’ın tarihindeki farklı kültürlerin mimari mirasları ile biçimlenen önemli bir merkez olmuştur. Lüzinyanlar Dönemine ait St. Sophia Katedrali’nin, 1200’lü yılların başında burada inşa edilmesiyle başlayan meydan oluşumu, hemen sonrasında St. Nicholas Kilisesi ve Başpiskoposluk Binasının eklenmesi ile buranın bir dini merkez olarak gelişmesini yönlendirmiştir. Venedikliler Döneminde, dokuda fazla bir gelişme olmamakla birlikte, seyyahlar ve hacılar için yapılan misafirhane binası (Venedik Evi) ve katedralin rahipleri için yapılan toplantı binası (Chapter House), dokunun dini merkez niteliği ile meydanın oluşum sürecini devam ettirmiştir. Lefkoşa tarihi kent dokusunun gelişimi için önemli olduğundan, Selimiye Meydanı için de bir değişim dönemi olan Osmanlı Döneminde, Selimiye Meydanı çevresine yeni bir mimari olan Türk Mimarisi kazandırılmıştır. St. Sophia Katedrali, eklenen minarelerle camiye, Başpiskoposluk binası ve yanındaki bina, tadilât ve ilâvelerle Geleneksel Türk Evi’ne, St. Nicholas Kilisesi de Bedesten’e dönüştürülmüştür. Sultan Mahmut Kütüphanesi ile Büyük ve Küçük Medrese binalarının dokuya eklenmesiyle de dini merkeze eğitim ve ticaret işlevleri de katılımış; böylece tarihi çevre oluşumu ve meydan sınırları belirginleşmeye başlamıştır. İngiliz Döneminde, meydanın batı yönüne inşa edilen konutlarla meydan sınırları tamamlanmış ve kentin sosyal etkinlikleri için toplanma alanı kimliğini kazanmıştır. Bu dönemde meydan, araç trafiğine açılmış, çevre dokusu, dini ve eğitim merkezi özelliğini korumuştur. Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti ve sonrasındaki Kıbrıs Türk Yönetimi Dönemleri, meydan oluşumu ve gelişimi için durgun bir dönem olmuştur. Bu dönemde, kütüphanenin doğu tarafına inşa edilen Mücahitler Anıtı ile meydan, tören alanı olarak da kullanılmıştır. 1983 yılından günümüze kadar olan KKTC Döneminde, meydan çevresindeki yapılar işlev değiştirmiş, fakat doku yine dini, ticari ve eğitim faaliyetleri ile önemini korumuştur. Yayalaştırma projesi kapsamında 2001 yılında meydanda yapılan yeni düzenleme ile kentin sosyal etkinlikleri için önemli bir buluşma alanı oluşturulmuş, tarihi dokuda yer alan cami, kültür merkezi, müze, halk sanatları atölyesi, lokanta, bar gibi işlevlerle de kentin turizmi ve sosyal yaşamı için önemli bir merkez olarak yaşam bulmuştur.</p>

Manfrin’s gallery in Venice has been one of the most famous private collections assembled in the Venetian Republic at the end of the eighteenth century, becoming a must-to-see for visitors and artists during the following century. Recent literature addressed mainly his painting collection, shedding light on its history and dispersal, while less attention has been paid to his library and print cabinet, both formed and increased from the last years of Settecento onwards. New documentary sources allow us to explore more in detail the taste for ancient and modern prints and the contents of the library, which was physically incorporated into the last room of the painting gallery and whose importance for the presence of art history publications, illustrated books and volumes of prints, was pointed out in the guides of contemporary writers and critics such as Giannantonio Moschini and Francesco Zanotto. This essay covers a lacuna in the studies on Venetian collecting during the period comprised between the fall of the Republic and the establishment of the Austrian government, providing a preliminary survey of what was until now a missing chapter in the reconstruction of the cultural ‘tradition’ that Girolamo Manfrin and his son Pietro tempted to obtain in the Venetian society of the time.

Abstract This article uses the strange and marvellous as a heuristic device to study the relationship between emotions, media and politics in early modern Venice. In particular, it examines how printed news about the marvels of the Levant mediated Venice’s encounters with its colonial subjects and imperial rivals, and analyses the role of wonder and imagination in the creation of an imperial community of feelings. The article argues that a focus on the affective politics of the marvellous can shed new light on the emotional dimensions of the early modern Venetian public sphere and its links with war and empire-building.

Anders Toftgaard: “Perhaps even this distress it will some day be a joy to recall”. On Giacomo Castelvetro’s manuscripts in The Royal Library, Copenhagen. In exile from his beloved Modena, Giacomo Castelvetro (1546–1616) travelled in a Europe marked by Reformation, counter-Reformation and wars of religion. He transmitted the best of Italian Renaissance culture to the court of James VI and Queen Anna of Denmark in Edinburgh, to the court of Christian IV in Copenhagen and to Shakespeare’s London, while he incessantly collected manuscripts on Italian literature and European contemporary history. Giacomo Castelvetro lived in Denmark from August 1594 to 11 October 1595. Various manuscripts and books which belonged to Giacomo Castelvetro in his lifetime, are now kept in the Royal Library in Copenhagen. Some of them might have been in Denmark ever since Castelvetro left Denmark in 1595. Nevertheless, Giacomo Castelvetro has never been noticed by Danish scholars studying the cultural context in which he lived. The purpose of this article is to point to Castelvetro’s presence in Denmark in the period around Christian IV’s accession and to describe two of his unique manuscripts in the collection of the Royal Library. The Royal Library in Copenhagen holds a copy of the first printed Italian translation of the Quran, L’Alcorano di Macometto, nel qual si contiene la dottrina, la vita, i costumi et le leggi sue published by Andrea Arrivabene in Venice in 1547. The title page bears the name of the owner: Giacº Castelvetri. The copy was already in the library’s collections at the time of the Danish King Frederic III, in the 1660’s. The three manuscripts from the Old Royal collection (GKS), GKS 2052 4º, GKS 2053 4º and GKS 2057 4º are written partly or entirely in the hand of Giacomo Castelvetro. Moreover, a number of letters written to Giacomo Castelvetro while he was still in Edinburgh are kept among letters addressed to Jonas Charisius, the learned secretary in the Foreign Chancellery and son in law of Petrus Severinus (shelf mark NKS (New Royal Collection) 1305 2º). These letters have been dealt with by Giuseppe Migliorato who also transcribed two of them. GKS 2052 4º The manuscript GKS 2052 4º (which is now accessible in a digital facsimile on the Royal Library’s website), contains a collection of Italian proverbs explained by Giacomo Castelvetro. It is dedicated to Niels Krag, who was ambassador of the Danish King to the Scottish court, and it is dated 6 August 1593. The title page shows the following beautifully written text: Il Significato D’Alquanti belli & vari proverbi dell’Italica Favella, gia fatto da G. C. M. & hoggi riscritto, & donato,in segno di perpetua amicitia, all ecc.te.D. di legge, Il S.r. Nicolò Crachio Ambas.re. del Ser.mo Re di Dania a questa Corona, & Sig.r mio sempre osser.mo Forsan & haec olim meminisse iuvabit Nella Citta d’Edimborgo A VI d’Agosto 1593 The manuscript consists of 96 leaves. On the last page of the manuscript the title is repeated with a little variation in the colophon: Qui finisce il Significato D’alquanti proverbi italiani, hoggi rescritto a requisitione del S.r. Nicolo Crachio eccelente Dottore delle civili leggi &c. Since the author was concealed under the initials G.C.M., the manuscript has never before been described and never attributed to Giacomo Castelvetro. However, in the margin of the title page, a 16th century hand has added: ”Giacomo Castelvetri modonese”, and the entire manuscript is written in Giacomo Castelvetro’s characteristic hand. The motto ”Forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit” is from Vergil’s Aeneid (I, 203); and in the Loeb edition it is rendered “Perhaps even this distress it will some day be a joy to recall”. The motto appears on all of the manuscripts that Giacomo Castelvetro copied in Copenhagen. The manuscript was evidently offered to Professor Niels Krag (ca. 1550–1602), who was in Edinburgh in 1593, from May to August, as an ambassador of the Danish King. On the 1st of August, he was knighted by James VI for his brave behaviour when Bothwell entered the King’s chamber in the end of July. The Danish Public Record Office holds Niels Krag’s official diary from the journey, signed by Sten Bilde and Niels Krag. It clearly states that they left Edinburgh on August 6th, the day in which Niels Krag was given the manuscript. Evidently, Castelvetro was one of the many persons celebrating the ambassadors at their departure. The manuscript is bound in parchment with gilded edges, and a gilded frame and central arabesque on both front cover and end cover. There are 417 entries in the collection of proverbs, and in the explanations Giacomo Castelvetro often uses other proverbs and phrases. The explanations are most vivid, when Castelvetro explains the use of a proverb by a tale in the tradition of the Italian novella or by an experience from his own life. The historical persons mentioned are the main characters of the sixteenth century’s religious drama, such as Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary I, Elizabeth, James VI, Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, and his son, Thomas Howard, 4th Duke of Norfolk, Gaspard de Coligny and the Guise family, Mary Stuart, Don Antonio, King of Portugal, the Earl of Bothwell and Cosimo de’ Medici. The Catholic Church is referred to as “Setta papesca”, and Luther is referred to as “il grande, e pio Lutero” (f. 49v). Giovanni Boccaccio and Francesco Petrarca are referred to various times, along with Antonio Cornazzano (ca. 1430–1483/84), the author of Proverbi in facetie, while Brunetto Latini, Giovanni Villani, Ovid and Vergil each are mentioned once. Many of the explanations are frivolous, and quite a few of them involve priests and monks. The origin of the phrase “Meglio è tardi, che non mai” (52v, “better late than never”) is explained by a story about a monk who experienced sex for the first time at the age of 44. In contrast to some of the texts to be found in the manuscript GKS 2057 4º the texts in GKS 2052 4º, are not misogynist, rather the opposite. Castelvetro’s collection of proverbs is a hitherto unknown work. It contains only a tenth of the number of proverbs listed in Gardine of recreation (1591) by John Florio (1553?–1625), but by contrast these explanations can be used, on the one hand, as a means to an anthropological investigation of the past and on the other hand they give us precious information about the life of Giacomo Castelvetro. For instance he cites a work of his, “Il ragionamento del Viandante” (f. 82r), which he hopes to see printed one day. It most probably never was printed. GKS 2057 4º The manuscript GKS 2057 4º gathers a number of quires in very different sizes. The 458 folios in modern foliation plus end sheets are bound in blue marbled paper (covering a previous binding in parchment) which would seem to be from the 17th century. The content spans from notes to readyforprint-manuscripts. The manuscript contains text by poets from Ludovico Castelvetro’s generation, poems by poets from Modena, texts tied to the reformation and a lot of satirical and polemical material. Just like some of Giacomo Castelvetro’s manuscripts which are now in the possession of Trinity College Library and the British Library it has “been bound up in the greatest disorder” (cf. Butler 1950, p. 23, n. 75). Far from everything is written in the hand of Giacomo Castelvetro, but everything is tied to him apart from one quire (ff. 184–192) written in French in (or after) 1639. The first part contains ”Annotationi sopra i sonetti del Bembo” by Ludovico Castelvetro, (which has already been studied by Alberto Roncaccia), a didactic poem in terza rima about rhetoric, “de’ precetti delle partitioni oratorie” by “Filippo Valentino Modonese” , “rescritto in Basilea a XI di Febraio 1580 per Giacº Castelvetri” and the Ars poetica by Horace translated in Italian. These texts are followed by satirical letters by Nicolò Franco (“alle puttane” and “alla lucerna” with their responses), by La Zaffetta, a sadistic, satirical poem about a Venetian courtisane who is punished by her lover by means of a gang rape by thirty one men, and by Il Manganello (f. 123–148r), an anonymous, misogynistic work. The manuscript also contains a dialogue which would seem to have been written by Giacomo Castelvetro, “Un’amichevole ragionamento di due veri amici, che sentono il contrario d’uno terzo loro amico”, some religious considerations written shortly after Ludovico’s death, ”essempio d’uno pio sermone et d’una Christiana lettera” and an Italian translation of parts of Erasmus’ Colloquia (the dedication to Frobenius and the two dialogues ”De votis temere susceptis” and ”De captandis sacerdotiis” under the title Dimestichi ragionamenti di Desiderio Erasmo Roterodamo, ff. 377r–380r), and an Italian translation of the psalms number 1, 19, 30, 51, 91. The dominating part is, however, Italian poetry. There is encomiastic poetry dedicated to Trifon Gabriele and Sperone Speroni and poetry written by poets such as Torquato Tasso, Bernardo Tasso, Giulio Coccapani, Ridolfo Arlotti, Francesco Ambrosio/ Ambrogio, Gabriele Falloppia, Alessandro Melani and Gasparo Bernuzzi Parmigiano. Some of the quires are part of a planned edition of poets from Castelvetro’s home town, Modena. On the covers of the quires we find the following handwritten notes: f. 276r: Volume secondo delle poesie de poeti modonesi f. 335v: VII vol. Delle opere de poeti modonesi f. 336v; 3º vol. Dell’opere de poeti modonesi f. 353: X volume dell’opre de poeti modonesi In the last part of the manuscript there is a long discourse by Sperone Speroni, “Oratione del Sr. Sperone, fatta in morte della S.ra Giulia Varana Duchessa d’Urbino”, followed by a discourse on the soul by Paulus Manutius. Finally, among the satirical texts we find quotes (in Latin) from the Psalms used as lines by different members of the French court in a humoristic dialogue, and a selection of graffiti from the walls of Padua during the conflict between the city council and the students in 1580. On fol. 383v there is a ”Memoriale d’alcuni epitafi ridiculosi”, and in the very last part of the manuscript there is a certain number of pasquinate. When Castelvetro was arrested in Venice in 1611, the ambassador Dudley Carleton described Castelvetro’s utter luck in a letter to Sir Robert Cecil, stating that if he, Carleton, had not been able to remove the most compromising texts from his dwelling, Giacomo Castelvetro would inevitably have lost his life: “It was my good fortune to recover his books and papers a little before the Officers of the Inquisition went to his lodging to seize them, for I caused them to be brought unto me upon the first news of his apprehension, under cover of some writings of mine which he had in his hands. And this indeed was the poore man’s safetie, for if they had made themselves masters of that Magazine, wherein was store and provision of all sorts of pasquins, libels, relations, layde up for many years together against their master the Pope, nothing could have saved him” Parts of GKS 2057 4º fit well into this description of Castelvetro’s papers. A proper and detailed description of the manuscript can now be found in Fund og Forskning Online. Provenance GKS 2052 4ºon the one side, and on the other side, GKS 2053 4º and GKS 2057 4º have entered The Royal Library by two different routes. None of the three manuscripts are found in the oldest list of manuscripts in the Royal Library, called Schumacher’s list, dating from 1665. All three of them are included in Jon Erichsen’s “View over the old Manuscript Collection” published in 1786, so they must have entered the collections between 1660 and 1786. Both GKS 2053 4º and GKS 2057 4º have entered The Royal Library from Christian Reitzer’s library in 1721. In the handwritten catalogue of Reitzer’s library (The Royal Library’s archive, E 15, vol. 1, a catalogue with very detailed entries), they bear the numbers 5744 and 5748. If one were to proceed, one would have to identify the library from which these two manuscripts have entered Reitzer’s library. On the spine of GKS 2053 4º there is a label saying “Castelvetro / sopra Dante vol 326” and on f. 2r the same number is repeated: “v. 326”. On the spine of GKS 2057 4º, there is a label saying “Poesie italiane, vol. 241”, and on the end sheet the same number is repeated: “v. 241”. These two manuscripts would thus seem to have belonged to the same former library. Many of the Royal Library’s manuscripts with relazioni derive from Christian Reitzer’s library, and a wide range of Italian manuscripts which have entered the Royal Library through Reitzer’s library have a similar numbering on spine and title page. Comparing these numbers with library catalogues from the 17th century, one might be able to identify the library from which these manuscripts entered Reitzer’s library, and I hope to be able to proceed in this direction. Conclusion Giacomo Castelvetro was not a major Italian Renaissance writer, but a nephew of one of the lesser-known writers in Italian literature, Ludovico Castelvetro. He delivered yet another Italian contribution to the history of Christian IV, and his presence could be seen as a sign of a budding Italianism in Denmark in the era of Christian IV. The collection of Italian proverbs that he offered to Niels Krag, makes him a predecessor of the Frenchman Daniel Matras (1598–1689), who as a teacher of French and Italian at the Academy in Sorø in 1633 published a parallel edition of French, Danish, Italian and German proverbs. The two manuscripts that are being dealt with in this article are two very different manuscripts. GKS 2052 4º is a perfectly completed work that was hitherto unknown and now joins the short list of known completed works by Giacomo Castelvetro. GKS 2057 4º is a collection of variegated texts that have attracted Giacomo Castelvetro for many different reasons. Together the two manuscripts testify to the varied use of manuscripts in Renaissance Italy and Europe. A typical formulation of Giacomo Castelvetro’s is “Riscritto”. He copies texts in order to give them a new life in a new context. Giacomo Castelvetro is in the word’s finest sense a disseminator of Italian humanism and European Renaissance culture. He disseminated it in a geographical sense, by his teaching in Northern Europe, and in a temporal sense through his preservation of texts for posterity under the motto: “Perhaps even this distress it will some day be a joy to recall”.