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1

Albrithen, Abdulaziz A. « Alcoholism and domestic violence in Saudi society ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439474.

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2

Paswan, Krishna. « Non-violent society : A quest ». Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2015. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/5006.

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3

Thaler, Kai M. « Violence and society in post-apartheid Cape Town ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11254.

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Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-182).
High levels of crime and violence continue to plague South Africa after nearly two decades of peace and democratic rule. While collective violence continues to occur in the form of violent protests and community mob justice, the majority of violent incidents in South Africa are instances of individual, interpersonal violence.
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4

Weiss, Elin. « "Women too are violent" : Masculinity and Responsibility in Discourses on Men’s Violence ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-161066.

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Men’s violence against women is a persistent social problem with great individual and societal consequences. Despite governmental measures taken in Sweden to prevent and reduce the prevalence of men’s violence against women, the violence does not appear to decrease. Research questions the efficacy of initiatives aimed at reducing men’s violence against women and suggest that one explanation to why this reduction does not happen is because normative masculinity is used to excuse men’s violence against women and present men as victims of masculinity. In this study, which focuses on men’s violence against women in Sweden, discourse analysis was carried out on a government equality document, on SKL material and on men’s verbal accounts in court cases of gross violation of a woman’s integrity in order to understand if Swedish discourse presents normative masculinity as an excuse for men’s violence against women. The results of discourse analysis of a government equality document and the SKL material revealed that masculinity is presented not so much as the excuse for men’s violence but as thereason for why men are kept from taking responsibility for their violence. The findings showed persistent argumentation for women’s use of violence as well as claims that not all men are violent and that masculinity is an issue that needs to be handled on a societal level. Negative behaviors, due to adhering to normative masculinity, was found to rarely be presented as the responsibility of individual men. Discourse analysis of men’s verbal accounts in cases of gross violation of a woman’s integrity showed that several categories and patterns emerged from these accounts in regards to how masculinity was verbalized and used as a possible excuse for why violence had occurred. Men’s own verbal accounts did not mention masculinity explicitly but presented excuses for the violence which previous research has found to relate to normative masculinity.
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5

McMillan, Lesley Elizabeth Jack. « Organising against a violent society : women's anti-violence organisations in Sweden and the UK ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24962.

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This thesis investigates the experience of the women’s anti-violence movement in Sweden and the UK and its attempts to organise against a violent society. The women’s movement redefined male violence against women from a feminist political perspectives and from the outset was critical of the state for failing to address male violence against women and the re-victimisation of women inherent in the conduct of state agencies. As a result, feminism and the anti-violence movement had to engage with the power it sought to change - the state. From the outset the movement was reluctant to engage with the state in a formalised manner, however the advent of state funding for alternative welfare provision in the form of refuges and crisis centres meant the movement had to reassess its stance. Engaging with the state comes with both costs and benefits for the anti-violence movement. State funding of service provision provides stability for organisations, and engagement with the state can result in significant policy gains. However, there is the inherent risk that formalised relationships, restrictions imposed through state funding, and the individualised therapeutic approach preferred by the state, can have a contradictory effect on the movement by emphasising the social service role, thus lessening rather than expanding efforts for wider social and political change. The anti-violence movement in Sweden and the UK has adopted both the mainstreaming and the disengagement strategy in relation to the state. The research concludes that the process of institutionalisation, detailed in literature, that has characterised the US anti-violence movement, has not occurred in Sweden or the UK. Engagement with the state in terms of funding for service provision does impact upon the movement because it siphons energy away from campaigning for political change and into service provision. However, in Sweden and the UK this has not had the effect of transforming refuges and crisis centres from social movement organisations to ameliorative social service organisations. It also concludes that the relationship between organisational form and feminist ideology is not theoretically powerful, nor is it observable in reality, and women’s anti-violence organisations range along a continuum with organisational structure and ideology not necessarily being consistent. In both countries the anti-violence movement has engaged with the state but at the same time resisted cooption into mainstream social services and has retained a feminist political analysis of violence and anti-violence work.
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6

Pearce, Jenny V. « Violence, power and participation : Building citizenship in contexts of chronic violence ». Institute of Development Studies, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3802.

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Yes
This paper is about civil society participation in two contexts of chronic violence: Colombia and Guatemala. It explores the extent to which civil society organisations can build citizenship in such contexts and simultaneously address violence. It argues that civil society organisations can play a vital role in building citizenship and confronting violent actors and acts of violence. However, in order to address chronic, perpetuating violence and interrupt its transmission through time and space, it is important to clarify the relationship between power and violence. Conventional forms of dominating power correlate with violence. Loss of such power or a bid to gain it can lead to violence, particularly where social constructions of masculinity are affirmed by such behaviour. The paper asks whether the promotion of non-dominating forms of power are needed if we are to tackle the damaging effects on human relationships and progress of willingness to inflict direct physical hurt on the Other. Non-dominating forms of power focus on enhancing everyone¿s power potential and capacity for action and promoting communication. If non-violence and non-dominating power gradually become the social norm, this might enhance citizenship and participation in ways that tackle other forms of violence, such as structural violence.
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7

Cox, Wayne S. « States, social systems and violence : a socio-centric conceptualization of structural violence ». Ottawa, 1990.

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8

Prifti, Fevronia. « Domestic Violence from a sociolegal perspective : A critical analysis of the criminal justice response to domestic violence ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-173355.

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9

Bebber, Brett Matthew. « The Culture of Football : Violence, Racism and British Society, 1968-98 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194186.

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Britain enjoys a rich historical tradition of popular protest and collective action. Due to their public and publicized nature, sporting events have been recognized increasingly as venues in which broader cultural and political meanings are enacted and debated in the postwar period. This project examines how social anxieties about immigration, unemployment, and government repression were represented and contested through violence and eventually racist aggression at football matches. From 1968 to the mid-1970s, violence among fans and with police became expected on a weekly basis within and outside British football stadiums as new forms of spectator allegiance and sports consumption emerged. British football became a contested cultural and institutional site of racisms, violence, masculinities, and national mythologies. Rather than examining football per se, the principal aim of this project is to investigate how this distinct cultural milieu became a site for the British government to enact violence against working-class citizens by manipulating moral anxieties, physical environments, police tactics, and legal prosecution. Whereas many British sociologists have focused on the motivation of crowd behavior and the group dynamics among supporter gangs, this paper looks at the response of the state, local police authorities, and the Home Office and Department of Environment. Politicians concerned with British sport helped to create oppositional, aggressive and disciplinary environments that promoted mutually reciprocating violent environments. Beginning in the late 1970s, spectators not only participated in violence, but also racial abuse, in stadium environments. Several fans protested the emergence of successful black footballers, who came to represent conflicts about immigration, job and housing competition, and race riots in postwar Britain. The environment became a cultural location that several groups recognized as a platform for the contestation and manipulation of racial and class conflict: it garnered activism from the neo-fascist National Front, spawned several anti-racist organizations, captured the attention of the Home Office responsible for public order, and garnered extensive national press coverage. Consequently, the football environment not only mirrored social and political hostilities, but produced them as well.
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10

Pershutkin, Alexander. « Information society and domestic conflicts ». Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.

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11

Moor, Merryl, et n/a. « Silent Violence : Australia's White Stolen Children ». Griffith University. School of Arts, Media and Culture, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070111.172012.

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This thesis makes a significant contribution to the existing knowledge on 'unmarried mothers'. Much of the literature on 'unmarried mothers' has been written by white, male, middle-class professionals who assume that unwed mothers are happy to place their babies for adoption so that they can be free to pursue other interests, meet other men and make a new life. However, after interviewing many of the mothers who gave up their babies in the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s in Australia, I found this was not the case. Many of the mothers had wanted to keep their babies but were forced to relinquish them by their families and the wider society who seemed more intent on upholding nuclear family values than making available the resources needed to keep natural mothers and their babies together. My argument throughout this thesis is that given a choice - a viable economic and socially supported choice - many of the unmarried mothers, typified by those whom I interviewed, would not have parted with their babies. Most mothers interviewed, and presumably many of those in the community at large, have experienced much pain and grief as a result of the separation - a grief which is profound and lasts forever. Using Marxist feminist theories of the state and post-structural theories, my thesis highlights the perceptions and memories of birthmothers about the birthing experience and adoption as experience, process and life consequence. I also argue that the removal of white, working-class babies from their mothers compares in some small way with the removal of the indigenous 'stolen children' in the same period. The removal of Aboriginal children from their homes and cultures has been referred to by some scholars and activists as a form of cultural genocide. While the removal of babies from white, working-class, unwed mothers was different in that it had few racial implications, I argue that the system in place at the time was patriarchal and class-based and as such left the young, unwed women with no options but adoption. The thesis makes a very important and socially significant contribution to our understanding of unmarried mothers in that it presents a largely unwritten history of women. Rich in the voices of unmarried mothers, there are important conceptual, empirical and practical policy implications flowing from the research findings.
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12

Moor, Merryl. « Silent Violence : Australia's White Stolen Children ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365291.

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This thesis makes a significant contribution to the existing knowledge on 'unmarried mothers'. Much of the literature on 'unmarried mothers' has been written by white, male, middle-class professionals who assume that unwed mothers are happy to place their babies for adoption so that they can be free to pursue other interests, meet other men and make a new life. However, after interviewing many of the mothers who gave up their babies in the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s in Australia, I found this was not the case. Many of the mothers had wanted to keep their babies but were forced to relinquish them by their families and the wider society who seemed more intent on upholding nuclear family values than making available the resources needed to keep natural mothers and their babies together. My argument throughout this thesis is that given a choice - a viable economic and socially supported choice - many of the unmarried mothers, typified by those whom I interviewed, would not have parted with their babies. Most mothers interviewed, and presumably many of those in the community at large, have experienced much pain and grief as a result of the separation - a grief which is profound and lasts forever. Using Marxist feminist theories of the state and post-structural theories, my thesis highlights the perceptions and memories of birthmothers about the birthing experience and adoption as experience, process and life consequence. I also argue that the removal of white, working-class babies from their mothers compares in some small way with the removal of the indigenous 'stolen children' in the same period. The removal of Aboriginal children from their homes and cultures has been referred to by some scholars and activists as a form of cultural genocide. While the removal of babies from white, working-class, unwed mothers was different in that it had few racial implications, I argue that the system in place at the time was patriarchal and class-based and as such left the young, unwed women with no options but adoption. The thesis makes a very important and socially significant contribution to our understanding of unmarried mothers in that it presents a largely unwritten history of women. Rich in the voices of unmarried mothers, there are important conceptual, empirical and practical policy implications flowing from the research findings.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Arts, Media and Culture
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13

Rahman, Sabina Begum. « Robin Hood and the Three Estates of Medieval Society ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/15366.

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This thesis examines the representation of the three estates of medieval society in the early Robin Hood ballads, suggesting that they are echoing and stimulating social change away from the tripartite model of feudalism and towards a more equitable, if still hierarchical, social model. It will look particularly at the early texts “Robin Hood and the Monk”, “Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne”, “Robin Hood and the Potter” and “A Gest of Robyn Hode” examining themes of violence, transgression, and fellowship to lead to a conclusion that the ballads are testing current laws and social norms to reveal their inherent weaknesses and to promote an idealised conception of the free common man.
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14

Pritchard, Adam J. « THE RISK OF VIOLENCE AND INTIMATE PARTNER CHOICE WITHIN A RISK SOCIETY ». UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/3.

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This dissertation examines the influence of competing risks in shaping individuals' choices about potential intimate relationships. According to Ulrich Beck's "risk society" theory, the individualization of social risks has direct and measurable consequences for the ways people organize and evaluate potential intimate relationships (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, 1995, 2002, 2004; Giddens, 1994; Lupton, 2006). This study investigates the ways in which subjective or identity-related risks hypothesized by scholars of late modernity shape the perception and the actual risk of dating violence. Empirical research on dating violence identifies many objective “risk factors” related to a person’s chances of experiencing intimate partner violence; however studies investigating perceptions of dating risk from the subject’s perspective sometimes reveal more personal concerns and priorities. To date, no intimate partner violence research explicitly utilizes a conceptualization of risk informed by risk society theories. The present study explores the potential for utilizing risk society concepts in explaining the relationships between perceptions of instrumental risks and identity-related risks, and how these risk perceptions may impact involvement in dating violence.
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15

Shepherd, J. P. « Assault : characteristics of injuries and injured ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/f480b2d5-4744-4983-bd0b-a415fef4659c.

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16

Leopold, Mark. « The roots of violence and the reconstruction of society in north western Uganda ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395226.

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17

Engel, Rebecca Ellen. « The state, society and international interventions in Timor-Leste : creating conditions for violence ? » Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2015. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/22809/.

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International peace and state-building interventions in conflict-affected states have been on the rise for decades. This research identifies and examines the mechanisms used by the international community in Timor-Leste and assesses the implications of their use for a nationally negotiated political settlement. This research considers the following mechanisms: the establishment of a UN transitional authority, use of aid conditionality and provision of technical assistance, and suggests that the interplay between highly complex intra-East Timorese relationships and expectations with very prescriptive and pervasive international interventions contributed to a deformed and dysfunctional political settlement. Three interrelated sub-themes are explored in support of this hypothesis: international development partners interrupted and appropriated the political settlement negotiation process; international development partners failed to analyse Timor-Leste's context-specific political economy and conflict dynamics; and 'technocratic' policy advice was used to erode the state's ability to act as an agent of development. The mechanisms used by the international community produced outcomes that distanced the population from the state and rapidly altered the structure of the economy without a transition strategy. The international community must therefore assume some responsibility for the resultant political crisis and violence in 2006. Within the context of increasing international focus on conflict-affected states, evidence from Timor-Leste provides a unique lens that demonstrated how donors can negatively impact the trajectory of political settlements by using inappropriate mechanisms. This research comprises an innovative effort to bring together wide-ranging East Timorese perspectives and diverse literatures to construct a nuanced explanation of how international actions influence key dynamics of power. Drawing on the author's extensive experience living and working in Timor-Leste, it bridges existing gaps between disciplines and seeks to provide an explanatory construct that can be of use to policy-makers and practitioners in other conflict-affected states.
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18

Brown, Karen N. « An exploratory analysis of violence and threats against lawyers / ». Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2073.

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Mitchell-Kamalie, Lilian. « The application of bibliotherapy with primary school children in a violent society ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2002. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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The problem upon which this study is based, is to determine the importance of bibliotherapy to children who are exposed to daily violence in society. Exposure to daily violence have detrimental consequences for these children which result in that it is a traumatic experience for them, that could affect personality development and interpersonal relations. This reseach is done within the context of a school situated in a violence society which provide the ideal oppurtunity to reach such children. The school provides an atmosphere which is conducive to reading and verbalisation.
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Peric, Sabrina Ana. « Silver Bosnia : Precious Metals and Society in the Western Balkans ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11612.

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In 1992, several thousand residents from northern Bosnia's Prijedor region were detained in the Omarska concentration camp, which was created and run on the site of an iron mine by the mine's own engineers, labourers and management. Often overlooked in discussions about the ethnoreligious nature of the Balkan conflict is the fact that Omarska's workers relied heavily on their technical knowledge (of organic compounds, geology and terrain, machinery) to generate new ways of concentrating and executing prisoners.
Anthropology
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21

Nkounga, Francois Joseph. « Men’s violence against women in Nordic countries : A qualitative case study of men’s violence against women in close relationships in Sweden ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-161007.

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Sweden like other Nordic countries are cited as models in terms of gender equality in the world. In addition, they played a significant role in the process of changing the Declaration on eradication of discrimination against women (CEDAW) into a binding Convention. However, the report Captured Queen on men’s violence against women published by Brottsoffer-myndigheten (The Crime Victim Compensation and Support Authority) in 2001 showed the extend of this issue of society in Sweden. The purpose of this thesis is to explore how the situation of men’s violence against women in close relationships in Sweden is presented today since the publication of the report Captured Queen in 2001.The theoretical framework consists of the feminist perspectives and concept of hegemonic masculinities. Qualitative method and secondary materials were used to gain a deeper understanding of the issue of men’s violence against women in close relationships in Sweden. The main findings of this thesis show that men’s violence against women in close relationships is a real social problem in Sweden. There is no specific profile of violent men against women in Sweden, since they come from all social classes, backgrounds and of all ages. Men’s violence against women can be explained by the result of inequalities between men and women in social structures. It is this social and collective domination of women by men that facilitate the individual domination of a man over his partner. Therefore, factors such as alcohol consumption cannot be the determinant cause of men’s violence against women. Nonetheless, alcohol consumption constitutes a factor that can promote or increase the likelihood of violence. The latest Swedish sexual assault legislation based on consent entered in force the first July 2018 cannot significantly reduce the extent of this social phenomenon, since social structures in Sweden are based on patriarchal considerations where men dominate over women.
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Willems, Bastiaan Pieter Valentijn. « Violence in defeat : the Wehrmacht and late-War society in East Prussia, 1944-1945 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25939.

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During the battles for East Prussia in the final year of the Second World War, the ruthless conduct of German troops resulted in vast material and personal damage. By focusing on the besieged ‘Festung Königsberg’ in the spring of 1945, this dissertation argues that the violence that transpired in Germany in 1945 can only be understood by devoting sustained attention to local actors and factors. By combining social history and military history approaches, the research restores agency to the German army, the Wehrmacht, as an active participant in the radicalisation of the German home front. This case study demonstrates that due to the fragmentation of Germany, the decisions and orders of Wehrmacht commanders had a disproportionately large impact at a local level. The radical nature of these decisions was the direct result of the commanders’ violent experiences during the preceding years, while the barbarised mindset of the rank-and-file encouraged the rigorous enforcement of military authority. The dissertation’s findings contribute to four themes within the historiography of the Second World War. First, it contributes to the recent debate surrounding the German Volksgemeinschaft by drawing attention to the limits of loyalty to the regime, and the actors and events that prompted this fidelity to shift. Secondly, by analysing a large number of unused archival sources, it provides the first in-depth urban history of everyday life in Königsberg during its 1945 siege. Thirdly, it challenges the conventional historiographical view in which fanatical Party officials were the main perpetrators of late-war violence by emphasising the significance of the Wehrmacht as a key actor. Even though large numbers of German troops operated in close proximity to German civilians, their conduct has hardly been considered as an explanation of the events of 1945. Lastly, this dissertation combines and transcends the different perspectives on German domestic and martial law, suggesting that the two were ever more closely intertwined as the war progressed, resulting in a shift of behavioural patterns. The focus on Königsberg and its immediate surroundings has allowed for a re-examination of late-war society, being the first to focus attention on the triadic relationship of Wehrmacht, Party, and civilian population.
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Wasserman, Zia. « The importance of reparations for victims of conflict-related sexual violence : challenges facing the International Criminal Court ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20802.

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Sexual violence perpetrated during armed conflict is a notoriously prolific, yet oft neglected phenomenon. It used to merely be considered an inevitable by-product of war, yet recently sexual violence has come to be described as a 'weapon of war'. This refers to the deliberate and tactical intentions of the perpetrators, and alludes to the fact that sexual violence has been and continues to be an inherent aspect of conflicts. Fortunately, with increased global attention on this issue, there have been numerous developments in international humanitarian law as well as the field of criminal justice, which serve to recognise and condemn the prevalence of wartime sexual violence. That is, rape and other forms of sexual violence have been categorised as international crimes falling within the jurisdiction of international criminal tribunals and courts dealing with conflict situations. Furthermore, there have been several convictions of persons indicted for such crimes. These advances must be applauded, yet there remains a troubling omission: the provision of reparations to the victims of wartime sexual violence. Though the international tribunals and courts are statutorily empowered to award such reparations, there seems to be lapse in this regard. This is critically problematic considering the many harmful consequences of conflict-related sexual violence, namely: physical and medical issues, emotional and psychological issues, social exclusion and stigmatisation, as well as resultant monetary issues. Without a concomitant award of reparations attached to the conviction of a perpetrator of wartime sexual violence, victims are not able to experience true justice. The focus of this paper therefore rests on the challenges of the official court system - specifically that of the ICC - in providing reparations to victims of conflict-related sexual violence. With these in mind, it is recommended that a separate forum be created to deal exclusively with the provision of reparations.
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Macaulay, Fiona. « Private Conflicts, Public Powers : Domestic Violence in the Courts in Latin America ». Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2936.

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No
During the last two decades the judiciary has come to play an increasingly important political role in Latin America. Constitutional courts and supreme courts are more active in counterbalancing executive and legislative power than ever before. At the same time, the lack of effective citizenship rights has prompted ordinary people to press their claims and secure their rights through the courts. This collection of essays analyzes the diverse manifestations of the judicialization of politics in contemporary Latin America, assessing their positive and negative consequences for state-society relations, the rule of law, and democratic governance in the region. With individual chapters exploring Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela, it advances a comparative framework for thinking about the nature of the judicialization of politics within contemporary Latin American democracies.
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Svensson, Linnéa. « Violence against women with temporary residence permit : An analysis of judgements from the Migration Court ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-150598.

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The Swedish government has an equality goal that men´s violence against women must stop, the government has also signed several international obligations to eliminate discrimination and violence against women. The number of people that moves to Sweden due to family ties is steadily increasing and research has shown that foreign born women have an increased risk of being exposed to male partner violence. How the question about violence against women with temporary residence permit is handled in the alien law has been criticised by women’s organisations and in a government inquiry for being oppressive towards women. The aim in this thesis is to examine how the alien law is applied in the practical work and since the Migration Court generally is the final instance that decides in cases regarding continued residence permit, 16 judgments from the Migration Court are analysed. The aim is to examine how violence against women with temporary residence permit is handled by the Migration Court, which discourses about violence and immigrant women that can be identified in the judgements and how this relate to the gender equality goal to eliminate violence against women. To analyse the judgements discourse analysis is used, to analyse how the law is applied a dogmatic approach and a critical perspective is also partly used. The analysis of the judgments suggest that the interpretation of the alien law is more generous than the legislator might has intended, however the assessments in the judgements varies, especially the question of the duration of the cohabitation. The consequence is that the interpretation of the alien law is unpredictable. Findings also suggest that a woman´s credibility is dependent on that she has made the violence probable. Two discourses are identified “the seeking help discourse” that shows that a lot of responsibility is placed on the individual woman to seek help and protection. And “the discourse of the invisibility of the violence” which points to that if the woman has any other reasons to be granted a residence permit, the Migration Court in many cases fail to discuss or even mention the claimed violence or violation, which creates a notion about what the Court values. It can be stated from this study that how the Migration Court handles the question about men´s violence against women is not compatible to national obligations and to that Swedish government gender equality goal about ending men´s violence against women.
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Todhunter, Robbin G. « The relationship between religious and spiritual factors and the perpetration of intimate personal violence ». ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/687.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a multifaceted social issue that affects the Christian faith community as it does the secular community. Though the literature reflects some understanding of general correlates and possible antecedents to IPV within the Christian community, the impact of religious and spiritual factors tends to be homogenized and is often misjudged. Allport's theory of intrinsic and extrinsic religious orientation provided a platform for investigating Christian male-perpetrated IPV. This quantitative study utilized survey design and measured the impact of 10 select religious and spiritual factors on the probability of physical or sexual IPV perpetration. Archival data from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health were used and included male participants ages 18 to 26 who nominally classified themselves as Catholic, Protestant, or Christian. Data were analyzed using binary logistic regression and results indicated that IPV perpetration could not be predicted from the 10 religious or spiritual factors. Given the geographic breadth and the size of the sample utilized, not finding a predictive model suggests there may be a lack of consistency in religious and spiritual orientation in these young males and elucidated analysis problems resulting from multicollinearity and the use of ordinal data. Though a predictive model for Christian male-perpetrated IPV was not found, the results of this study can contribute to social change by challenging existing ecclesiastical paradigms regarding which religious or spiritual factors, if any, impact Christian male-perpetrated IPV and which religious and spiritual factors should be addressed in faith-based batterers' programs targeting young adult males.
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Dillon, Hollie Nicole. « Family Violence and Divorce : Effects on Marriage Expectations ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/998.

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Family violence and divorce can have influential effects on marital expectations. The present study analyzes the effects of gender, family violence, and divorce on marital expectations. Participants were 293 students enrolled in an introductory psychology course at a southeastern university. The mean age of the participants was 19.67 with 62.5 % being female and 37.5% being male. Participants completed the Conflict Tactics Scale to assess the presence of violence in the participant’s family of origin. Participants were also assessed on their parent’s marital status and, if applicable, their age at the time of divorce. This information was gathered via a demographic questionnaire in order to group participants into intact and non-intact groups based on their family of origin data. Participants also completed the Marriage Expectation Scale, which assesses future marital expectations by mean scores. A participant’s score may indicate pessimistic, realistic, or idealistic marital expectations. Results did not indicate that family violence or divorce had an effect on the participant’s marital expectations. Results did indicate statistically significant findings that revealed that men and women differed on marital expectations. Critiques of the present study as well as implications for future research are discussed.
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Park, Jae Bong Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. « Preventing ethnic violence in Indonesia : civil society engagement in Yogyakarta during the economic crisis of 1998 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & ; Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40314.

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This thesis examines the engagement of civil society in Yogyakarta to prevent ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. The thesis explains why and how the people of Yogyakarta avoided ethnic violence, particularly anti-ethnic Chinese riots, during the heightened socio-economic crisis of 1998. The thesis investigates interactions between civil society actors, local traditional leaders and grassroots people in Yogyakarta in preventing ethnic violence. I argue that various actions of civil society organisations in Yogyakarta were instrumental in preventing ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. This argument runs counter to the popular Yogyanese myth that Sultan Hamengku Buwono X (HB X) played a dominant role in preventing ethnic violence during the economic crisis of 1998. The thesis will highlight some local mechanisms that have greatly contributed to the prevention of ethnic and religious violence in Yogyakarta. The findings are as follows: (1) Civil society in Yogyakarta including Non-government organisations, interfaith dialogue organisations, intellectuals, student organisations, religious leaders, and business associations played a key role in managing the socio-economic crisis through the provision of staple food packages, arranging coordination meetings, and organising vigilante teams. In contrast, unlike the popular myth, Sultan HB X's role was limited. (2) Local inter-ethnic civil society organisations such as Paguyuban Mitra Masyarakat Yogyakarta (Association of the Fellowship of Yogyakarta Society), Komite Kemanusiaan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Humanitarian Committee) and Tim Relawan Yogyakarta (Yogyakarta Volunteer Team) functioned as platforms of communication and coordination between Chinese and indigenous Indonesians, and Muslims and Christians. With the help of these inter-ethnic civil society organisations, the Chinese community and their business associations in Yogyakarta actively engaged in dispensing staple food packages. (3) Local Islam-affiliated organisations in Yogyakarta such as the LKiS, MUI, NU, Muhammadiyah, and the PPP also played a significant role in managing heightened tensions. They cooperated with other non-Islamic civil society organisations in encouraging ethnic and religious pluralism and restraining primordial sentiment during the economic crisis of 1998.
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Sundqvist, Max. « A life free from violence : The legacy of Belem do Para in Latin America ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-161063.

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The inter american convention to eradicate all violence against women (also known as Convención de Belém do Pará, signed in 1994 ) was the first international treaty which purpose is to assure women a life free from physical, psychological and/or other forms of violence. In that sense, it actually turns the debate of men’s violence against women into a human rights debate. In this paper I will analyze how Latin American countries are coping with their obligations from Convención de Belém do Pará from a comparative legal studies perspective. I will discuss how gendered violence, femicides and attempted femicide is addressed in the national legal codes of fou Latin American countries. I will use a comparative legal method and attempt to point to historical, social, cultural and political explanations behind legislation in these countries in the aftermath of Belem Do Para. Finally, I will point to that I find that there are several key areas that are neglected currently in Latin America’s legislations. Firstly, prevention is not given enough room in current legislations. Furthermore, specifically vulnerable groups (i.e. sex workers, minorities, poor women, rural women et cetera) are not in any country provided with special protection. Also, the judiciary dealing with violence against women in Latin America, mainly lack special preparation to investigate and advice on gendered violence in general, and deadly gendered violence (femicides) in particular. Nevertheless, the overall development of inclusion of legislation targeting femicides is positive, and further steps to expand the current protection should be encouraged throughout the region.
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Edvardsson, Linda. « Crimes of Honour – Females' Right for Support in the Multicultural Society ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22443.

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This research demonstrate how crimes of honour functions and consequently could lay the path in which females do need help and support in order to escape from (or manage) their environment of oppression. Thus, females all over the world are violated in the name of honour and every year around 5,000 women and girls are murdered in the name of honour by her relatives. The exact number how many that is affected by crimes of honour could only be guessed, due to, we only see the registered crimes. Nevertheless, this phenomenon is still evident within multicultural societies as in Sweden. Hence, those females that do not want to live in oppression or expose themselves to violence and crimes such as murder, instead escape and as a result necessitate protection and societal aid. The legal and practical support targeting these victims must therefore be known. The aim with this research is to highlight this support in an empirical research. In addition, various theoretical and legal perspectives explain a broader understanding of the phenomenon of crimes of honour; in which relevant regulations of the Swedish jurisdiction and the Human Rights are dispositional. The empirical research takes departure from semi-structured interviews with eight local agents in the city of Malmö (Sweden), and also, an interview with a woman affected by crimes of honour was conducted in order to highlight strengths and weaknesses of the local support. The result demonstrates that both the legal and practical support has its affirmative elements; however this support is also limited. For instance, victims of honour crimes lack information how to access this support. Moreover, the Swedish Penal Code do not have any uttered criminal classification about this sorts of violence, leading to the lack of registration unless not considered being a crime according to the Swedish Penal Code. Since crimes of honour affects many people’s lives and exists in many different shapes, conducts and societies it is required that the right kind of support is carried out; whereas the importance of local agents taking responsibility must be acknowledged.
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Davies, Bria Nicole. « Online Dialogue in Response to Disclosures of Intimate Partner Violence ». BYU ScholarsArchive, 2020. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/8610.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) impacts the lives of millions of individuals, devastating survivors, and damaging families. Many survivors are unsure of how to get help, and many have limited access to resources. In recent years, those affected by IPV have turned online for answers and support, including forums such as Reddit, to anonymously disclose their experiences. This study examined the dialogue online between survivors of violence and those who respond to their posts on Reddit. The aim is to better understand the kinds of conversations and responses that are occurring in online communities discussing IPV. Analysis of the domestic violence subreddit highlighted positive conversations focused on helping survivors as commenters offered support, advise, understanding, education, access to resources and additional information to aid survivors in receiving help.
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Barrow, Sarah Elizabeth. « Peruvian cinema, national identity and political violence, 1988-2004 ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2007. http://eprints.lincoln.ac.uk/2584/.

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The role of national cinema in shaping, reflecting and contesting a complex national identity that is the site of conflict and struggle is the central interest of this study of contemporary Peruvian cinema, 1988-2004. This project examines the relationship between cinema, state and identity in Peru, with a specific focus on the representation of the political violence between the state and Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) that began in 1980. It looks in particular at portrayals of important events, characters and consequences of the bloody conflict that for a time threatened to destabilize the nation entirely. It considers these representations in the context of a time of great change for Peruvian society and of transition for Peruvian national cinema, and addresses the relationship between developments in film policy and the formation of Peruvian national identity in cinema. As such, it draws on debates about the nature and function of national cinemas, as well as on discussions between artists, cultural theorists and sociologists about the evolution of peruanidad since the declaration of independence from Spain in the early nineteenth century. Once the main elements of the cinematic and social crises have been explored and established in Chapters Two and Three, the remainder of the project consists of three sets of chronologically ordered analyses of individual films that somehow defied the national cinema crisis, and that provoked debate on both the conflict itself, and on broader questions pertaining to the relationship between national identity and violence. The conclusion considers these films as an interlinked body of cinematic works that share similar themes and concerns. It summarises the issues they tackle, the ideological and formal approaches they take to those issues, the potential social and cultural impact, and their contribution to the crystallization of a Peruvian national identity at the start of the twenty-first century.
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Coles, Gregory E. « Developing ethical leadership in youth to reduce violence among them a resource for the church and society / ». Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.

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Younger, RaMon B. « The Effects of Domestic Violence : The Male Victims Perspective ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1257.

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Domestic violence from a male victim's perspective is something that is not discussed in society very much because information is very limited and incidents are often unreported. Research was done on this aspect of domestic violence to see how the types of abuse have had an impact on the victim from a physical and emotional perspective. The secondary data used for this study were from the Violence and Threats of Violence Against Women and Men in the United States, 1994-1996. Eight thousand men were selected to participate in the survey. The question of whether domestic violence is a problem was examined by race. It was determined that there was a relationship between these 2 variables with an actual significance of .000.
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Thomas-Davis, Lekesha Levette. « The Lived Experiences of Counselors Who Work With Female Intimate Partner Violence Victims ». ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6137.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a global health concern that affects victims, families, and the communities. Master's level counselors, who work in mental health settings, are in key positions to provide identification and intervention services to female victims of IPV with mental health issues. This study explored the lived experiences of master's level counselors who worked with female victims of IPV to gather a deeper meaning into the values, attitudes, and beliefs that master's level counselors hold in working with female victims of IPV. This study was conducted as a hermeneutic phenomenological study through a feminist poststructuralist lens to guide the research. The 5 participants in the study obtained a master's degree from a CACREP accredited counseling program and have worked with female victims of IPV. Semistructured interview questions were used to collect the data. The data were analyzed using first and second cycle coding. NVivo 12 software was used to organize the data. Key findings indicated that participants valued their work with victims of IPV but believed that there were not enough resources available to properly assist clients. Participants also acknowledged that they did not receive training in their master's programs to equip them to successfully work with victims of IPV. The results of this research study may inform counselor education programs by increasing awareness of needed improvements in training and education of master's level counselors may improve overall treatment provided to this population. Improved treatment may decrease the number of health concerns, in turn decreasing the number of emergency room visits and improving the overall family dynamic.
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Petrovic, Vanja. « A silent sin ? : An investigation into the provision of community based non-governmental support services for male victims of sexual violence in South Africa ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/25399.

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This minor dissertation examines the status quo of services provision by community based victim support services for male victims of sexual violence in South Africa. Given the scale of gender-based violence in South Africa it comes as no surprise that research and debates around sexual violence have predominately focused on women as victims and men as perpetrators. In this minor dissertation the neglect of men as potential and actual victims of sexual violence are problematized. In the discussion I explore the issues at stake, assess the status of male victims and investigate the kinds of services available to sexually violated men in the country. The research methods utilised include the following: a review of the international and national academic literature regarding male sexual victimisation; a review of relevant legislation and policies in South Africa; a review of media coverage on male rape and male sexual victimisation; content analysis of community based service providers' web sites and interviews with service providers. Despite the tendency to use gender neutral language in some official discourses (legislation, policy documents or service providers' official presentations and communications) to stipulate that everyone can be a victim of sexual violence irrespective of gender, male victims remain hidden from view. The interviews, however, showed a sound acknowledgement within the service providers that male sexual violence is a problem in the country that has to be taken seriously and acted upon. Services are available to men, but the design, delivery of services and training of professionals working with male victims differ from organisation to organisation. The visibility of those services, however, remains a question. By way of conclusion a list of recommendations for more effective service delivery to male victims of sexual violence is provided, which highlight the need for more 1) advocacy and awareness raising, 2) more evidence-based research, 3) funding), 4) training of professionals working with survivors of sexual violence and 5) cooperation between stakeholders.
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Loar, Chris F. « Savage violence technology, civility, and sovereignty in British fiction, 1682-1745 / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893651&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Lindskog, Anna. « The Invisibility of Economic Violence in Swedish Legal and Gender Equality Policy Discourse ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-173353.

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Jombart, Juliette. « Les violences numériques en droit pénal ». Thesis, Université de Lille (2018-2021), 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021LILUD018.

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La numérisation de la société invite le pénaliste à réfléchir sur le concept de violences numériques. En effet, si l’attrait du droit pénal pour les violences est ancien, il est renouvelé à la lumière du numérique. En l’absence de concept de violences numériques en droit pénal, l’appréhension de ces dernières paraît de prime abord délicate. La thèse démontre cependant une appréhension par adaptation et par spécialisation. L’adaptation du droit pénal au profit des violences numériques s’est réalisée au moyen d’une dématérialisation jurisprudentielle et législative des infractions. La spécialisation des violences numériques exige quant à elle une conceptualisation de ces violences. La thèse tend donc à rechercher une spécialisation équilibrée des violences numériques afin d’éviter l’écueil de l’hyperspécialisation. Une fois les violences numériques appréhendées et conceptualisées, la question de leur traitement se pose inévitablement. Le traitement des violences numériques nécessite la mise en place de règles dérogatoires de compétence territoriale de la loi pénale française et un déclenchement facilité des poursuites pénales. Mais le traitement nécessite également une adaptabilité des mesures, notamment en ce qui concerne l’accès à la preuve numérique. En outre, l’élaboration d’une politique de lutte contre les violences numériques tendant à une meilleure détection de celles-ci est préconisée
The digitalisation of society invites the criminal lawyer to reflect on the concept of digital violence. Indeed, if the attraction of criminal law for violence is old, it is renewed in the light of digital technology. In the absence of a concept of digital violence in criminal law, the apprehension of the latter seems delicate at first sight. However, the thesis demonstrates an understanding by adaptation and specialisation. The adaptation of criminal law to the benefit of digital violence has been achieved by means of a dematerialisation of offences in case law and legislation. The specialisation of digital violence requires a conceptualisation of this violence. The thesis therefore seeks a balanced specialisation of digital violence in order to avoid the pitfall of hyperspecialisation. Once digital violence is understood and conceptualised, the question of how to deal with it inevitably arises. The treatment of digital violence requires the implementation of derogatory rules of territorial jurisdiction of French criminal law and an easier initiation of criminal proceedings. But the treatment also requires the adaptability of measures, particularly with regard to access to digital evidence. In addition, the development of a policy to combat digital violence aimed at better detection is recommended
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Salam, Shené, et Tamara Redha. « Min pappa har dödat min syster ! : En kvalitativ studie om hedersförtryck och dess påverkan på unga kvinnor i Sverige ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Sociologi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-43624.

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This qualitative study aims to examine women's understanding and perception of the concept of honor and their handling of honor culture. The purpose of the study is also to investigate in what way honor oppression has affected women's social relationships. The study is based on Bourdieu's theories of symbolic violence and social capital, but also on the theoretical concept of intersectionality. The study uses a qualitative method where the empirical material was collected through five interviews with women aged 22 - 30 years living in Stockholm. In the interviews, the women shared their stories and narratives. The results have been summarized in three different identified themes, which are honor, vulnerability and social relations. The results show that women have experienced honor culture and oppression as controlling and limiting, hence they have chosen to start a new life without the influence of their parents. Due to this, their social lives have been limited and forced the women to break many social ties. The conclusion of this study indicates that low integration of the fathers is of importance for the problems that arise which leads to the formation of a superior and subordinate relationship between the daughters and the fathers.
Denna kvalitativa studie syftar till att undersöka kvinnors förståelse och uppfattning av begreppet heder och deras hantering av hederskultur. Studiens syfte är även att undersöka på vilket sätt hedersförtryck har påverkat kvinnornas sociala relationer. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna för studien grundar sig i Bourdieus teorier om det symboliska våldet och det sociala kapitalet. Vidare analyseras empirin även med hjälp av det teoretiska begreppet intersektionalitet.   Studien grundar sig i en kvalitativ metod där det empiriska materialet samlats in genom 5 stycken kvalitativa intervjuer med unga kvinnor i åldrarna 22 - 30 år som bor i Stockholm. I intervjuerna har kvinnorna delat med sig av sina historier och berättelser. Resultatet har sammanfattats i tre olika teman vilket är heder, utsatthet och sociala relationer. Resultatet visar att kvinnorna har upplevt hederskultur och förtryck som kontrollerande och begränsande, därav har de valt att påbörja ett nytt liv utan föräldrarnas inverkan. Deras sociala liv har på grund av detta begränsats och gjort kvinnorna tvungna till att bryta många band. Slutsatsen i denna studie visar att låg integration hos papporna har en stor betydelse för problemen som uppstår och leder till att det bildas en över- och underordnad relation mellan döttrar och fäder.
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Buczynski, Jennifer Ann. « Fictional representations of trauma in Elias Canetti’s novel Auto-da-Fé ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008062.

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This dissertation examines Elias Canetti‟s novel, Auto-da Fé, in an attempt to show how it depicts the manifestations of violence and the effects of traumaon the individual and on modernist society. This analysis of Auto-da Fé concentrates on the representation of trauma on a fictional level at a time when Europe was experiencing political, social and economic upheaval after the First World War. Auto-da Fé provides an intense emphasis on the psychological effects of trauma on the characters; thereby reflecting the turmoil of this period. An analysis of Canetti‟s novel, in the light of trauma, reveals an enigmatic testimony not only to the nature of violent events, but of the way trauma resists simple comprehension. I argue that this gives rise to complexities within the narration by tracing the insistently recurring words and symbols which point to an interpretation beyond the thematic content of the text, namely one which repetitively bears witness to hidden wounds within individual consciousness. The titles of the three parts of Auto-da-Fé reflect a condition of somatic and sychosomatic dislocation: “A Head without a World”, “Headless World”, and “The World in the Head”. My argument is that the fictional trauma in Canetti‟s novel contains several characters who suffer from a breach of the self and the inability to comprehend society. The inability to fit into society results in the protagonist creating an isolated refuge in order to protect himself from the outer world. However, his alienation exacerbates his physical and emotional dislocations and ultimately leads to his destruction.
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42

Aigbomian, Häll Sara. « Gendered law as a tool to approach intimate partner violence : A socio-legal study of the Swedish Social Services Act in practice ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-179528.

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Weiner, Jodi Lynne. « The relationship between early family experience and courtship violence ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/794.

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Reid, Darren. « Walking the line of fire : violence, society, and the war for the Kentucky and Trans-Appalachian Frontier, 1774-1795 ». Thesis, University of Dundee, 2011. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/009181ef-1ba7-4ee4-ac26-c204cb64afb9.

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One of the most understudied frontiers, the Kentucky frontier was also one of the most violent. For twenty years this region was affected by a bloody war that came to involve the new settler population, numerous Indian tribes, the British, and the American government. More than a border war, the battle for Kentucky and the trans-Appalachian west came to define the communities which grew up in its midst, altering world views, attitudes, and compounding prejudices. It is the purpose of this thesis to accomplish two goals: first, this work will tackle the lack of recent scholarship on this region by providing a detailed history of the Kentucky frontier during the American Revolution and its subsequent period. The second goal of this thesis is to study, analyse and understand how the violence generated by the war with the Indians helped to shape settler society. By thinking of violence not purely as the result of other, more potent social forces – racism, economic fears, competition for land – it is possible to study and understand its formative impact upon early American society. From the short term development of vendetta fuelled warfare to the long term impact this war had upon relations between white and Native America, the war for the trans-Appalachian west saw violence taking on a particularly important, particularly formative role.
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Fernelius, Felicia. « DOMESTIC VIOLENCE THE SWEDISH MODEL- A CRITICAL ANALYSIS : - In order to change something, one must admit that a change is needed in the first place ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-163336.

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Riffler, Vera Paulina. « Transformative justice, violence and crime, and civil society in post transition South Africa : a case study of the Khayelitsha Commission ». Thesis, University of York, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20508/.

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Post-transition countries are often challenged by increasing levels of violence and crime, inequality, and weak institutions. In consequence, calls have been made for a holistic model that addresses broader transformation in post-transition societies through the use of transformative justice. By addressing socio-economic and local needs, and establishing effective channels for genuine participation, transformative justice aims to contribute to a more positive and social form of peace; that is, through tackling the structural causes of conflict and the entrenched systems of inequality. However, transformative justice is a fairly new concept and lacks empirical research and practice. The thesis aims to advance the conceptualisation of transformative justice through making both empirical and theoretical contributions. It will do this by probing and applying its main elements to a case study and researching the state of post-transition South Africa with a particular focus on structural inequalities, violence and crime, and civil society activism. Moving from a case study of local needs and civil society responses to violence and crime in Khayelitsha, South Africa, the research interrogates transformative justice’s claim to contribute to tackling structural inequalities as the causes of violence and crime. The research elaborates on how inequality, in terms of accessing justice and security, is a result of the structural inequalities that impact people’s needs and responses in relation to violence and crime. In consequence, local security and justice approaches range from the preventive to the punitive, and even include violent measures. Moreover, the thesis finds that there is a continued divide between the world of rights and retribution in Khayelitsha. Finally, the research shows how the heterogeneous landscape of local civil society actors who are active in the field of justice and security, both limit and contribute to the implementation of a successful transformative justice approach.
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Weiß, Franziska. « Germany’s position on the protection of migrant women against domestic violence : in the context of the debate on the ratification of the Istanbul Convention 2016/2017 ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-177556.

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Tucker, Dagny. « Mainstreaming Culture(s) of Sustainability : The Civic Society, Business and Design Imperative ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/420860.

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This work identifies the gap between and – describes the characteristics of – the necessary link between peace and sustainability. Through the lens of the following constructs; a) political-economic and civic society; b) historical context and contemporary forces behind ingrained ideologies of capitalism and consumption; c) current and emerging business models and d) the imperatives of climate change, this work develops insights and tests strategies for processes through which well-being economies and sustainable culture(s) are more fully able to emerge in support long-term positive peace.
Este trabajo identifica la brecha entre y - describe las características de - el vínculo necesario entre paz y sostenibilidad. A través de la lente de las siguientes construcciones; Político-económico Y la sociedad cívica; El contexto histórico y las fuerzas contemporáneas detrás de las ideologías arraigadas del capitalismo Y el consumo; Modelos empresariales actuales y emergentes y los imperativos del cambio climático, este trabajo desarrolla ideas y prueba estrategias para procesos a través de los cuales las economías y la (s) cultura (s) sostenible (es) son más capaces de emerger en apoyo de una paz positiva a largo plazo.
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Börjesson, Isabell. « Democracy and Gender Equality in South Africa : A Case Study about South Africa's consolidation of democracy with the perspective of gender equality ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90860.

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Natal-Gopin, Maria. « Effect of Intimate Partner Violence on Children of Puerto Rican Women ». ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4161.

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Intimate partner violence [IPV] is a preventable and costly societal issue that has reached epidemic proportions. Women are often the victims of IPV, and millions of children are exposed to it annually. The purpose of this study was to explore experiences of Puerto Rican mothers and their perceptions of how IPV exposure may have impacted their children using resilience theory. Data were collected via audiotaped individual interviews with 9 Puerto Rican mothers who endured an array of escalating IPV, often exacerbated by the perpetrators use of alcohol or drugs, and had IPV-exposed children aged 6 -11 years. Data analysis integrated content and thematic procedures. Interview data was transcribed, read, audited and coded based on compelling statements, quotes, and sentences made by the participants. The coded clusters were further evaluated, reduced to significant statements, then grouped into themes that captured the essence of the participants lived experiences and of the group. The mothers separated because they feared for their lives and the effect of IPV on the children. Once separated the mothers felt isolated, lived in shelters which were unconducive to childrearing, and had challenges navigating the system. They perceived their IPV-exposed children exhibited a multitude of behaviors including PTSD but that most were showing signs of resilience. Their IPV was perpetrated by males who were mostly the biological fathers of their children who used controlling behaviors towards the kids. The potential positive social change impact of this study is to empower Puerto Rican mothers to disclose IPV and to better inform health care providers regarding the impact of IPV on children aged 6 -11 years in an effort to increase the health, well-being, and resiliency of this vulnerable population.
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