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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Violence of History »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 14 décembre 2024

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Assayag, Jackie. "Violence de l'histoire, histoires de violence Abderrahmane MOUSSAOUI, De la violence au djihâd." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 49, no. 6 (1994): 1281–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1994.279328.

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Si le discours sur la violence est presque aussi dérisoire que celui qu'on dirige vers ceux qui sont violents, c'est précisément parce que la violence proprement dite se situe hors de tout discours. La fascination indéniable qu'elle exerce la situe du côté du négatif, cet au-delà de la raison une fois franchies les frontières du discours. De fait, une force qui discute, une puissance qui cherche à argumenter, une volonté qui se veut persuasive, renoncent à la violence aussi longtemps qu'elles requièrent l'assentiment. Mais la raison s'achoppe bien souvent à la contrainte physique qui la violen

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2

Finch, Andrew. "Women and violence in the later Middle Ages: the evidence of the officiality of Cerisy." Continuity and Change 7, no. 1 (1992): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000001442.

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La registre de l'officialité de Cerisy contient une immense quantité de données concernant les crimes violents. La principale utilité de ce matériel se situe dans l'aire des agressions. Dans ce domaine des descriptions détaillées permettent de reconstituer le ‘profil’ de la violence mâle ou femelle. Elles démontrent que les femmes étaient capables des mêmes actes de violence envers les hommes, mais que leur exposition à violence était plus limitée ou, en fait, différente. Les femmes étaient particulièrement exposées aux violences sexuelles et ménagères: les suspicions d'avortement et d'infanti

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3

Oyarzún, Pablo. "Law, Violence, History." Critical Times 2, no. 2 (2019): 330–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-7708387.

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Abstract This article offers a reading of the concluding paragraph of Walter Benjamin's “Toward the Critique of Violence.” It discusses Benjamin's assertion that only a philosophical-historical approach can provide the key to a critique of violence in light of his essay's discussion of legal violence, and in light of his discovery of radically different types of violence. Benjamin argues that the legal order remains enclosed in a cycle of law-positing and law-preserving violence. Moreover, the legal order inherits the essential trait of myth and of mythic violence: ambiguity. This article show

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4

Fritsch, Matthias. "History, Violence, Responsibility." Rethinking History 5, no. 2 (2001): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642520110052666.

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Barras, Colin. "History of Violence." New Scientist 241, no. 3223 (2019): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(19)30557-3.

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6

Saldanha, Julian. "Violence in Mission History." Jnanadeepa: Pune Journal of Religious Studies July-Dec 2002, Vol 5/2 (2002): 65–74. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4289111.

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The scope of this article is to highlight the major instances of the exercise of violence to spread the Christian religion, while explaining at the same time the context in which this occurred and how people understood it then. By violence here I understand not only physical violence against persons but also various forms of pressure on people to change their religion. For this purpose it will be convenient to divide mission history into three major periods.

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7

Guerra Manzo, Enrique. "Rostros del habitus violento en Michoacán: los distritos de Coalcomán y Apatzingán, c. 1930-1980." Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea de México, no. 56 (October 4, 2019): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iih.24485004e.2018.56.63790.

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<p>El presente artículo analiza las manifestaciones de un <em>habitus</em> agresivo en diversos espacios de las interacciones sociales en los distritos de Apatzingán y Coalcomán, del suroeste de Michoacán. Postula que entre 1930 y 1980 en la región coexistió una violencia instrumental (agraria, delincuencial y la vinculada al trasiego de enervantes) con una violencia expresiva (pistolerismo, <em>vendettas</em>). Ambas clases de violencia estaban vinculadas a la ineficacia del Estado para brindar seguridad en la región. Ese contexto de inseguridad propició la persi

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8

Minter, Adam. "Machiavelli, Violence, and History." Harvard Review of Philosophy 2, no. 1 (1992): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/harvardreview1992216.

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9

Merlin-Kajman, Helene, and Roxanne Lapidus. "Language, Violence, and History." SubStance 32, no. 1 (2003): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3685691.

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10

Heyraud, Joyce King. "A History of Violence." Psychological Perspectives 49, no. 1 (2006): 156–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00332920600734790.

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11

Evans, David H. "A History of Violence." Canadian Review of American Studies 38, no. 1 (2008): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras.38.1.1.

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12

Oslender, Ulrich. "Another History of Violence." Latin American Perspectives 35, no. 5 (2008): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08321961.

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13

Fernández, Adriana Loureiro. "A History of Violence." World Policy Journal 35, no. 2 (2018): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-7085799.

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14

Cotter, Cédric, and Ellen Policinski. "A History of Violence." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 11, no. 1 (2020): 36–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10015.

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The International Review of the Red Cross, an academic journal produced by the International Committee of the Red Cross (icrc) and published by Cambridge University Press, traces its origins back more than 150 years. Throughout its existence, the publication has featured international humanitarian law (ihl) prominently. Because of this, it is possible to trace how the icrc was communicating publicly about ihl since 1869, allowing researchers to draw conclusions about how that body of law has evolved. In this article, the authors divide the history of the Review into five time periods, looking

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15

KAPILA, SHRUTI. "A HISTORY OF VIOLENCE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 2 (2010): 437–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000156.

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This essay revises the common assumption that non-violence has been central to political modernity in India. The “extremist” nationalist B. G. Tilak, through a foundational philosophical reinterpretation of the Bhagavad Gita, created a modern theology of the Indian “political”. Tilak did so by directly confronting the question of the possibility of the “event” of war and the ethics of the conversion of kinsmen into enemies. Writing in the aftermath of the Swadeshi movement and from a prison cell in Rangoon, Tilak interpreted action as sacrificial duty that created a vocabulary of violence in w

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16

Merlin-Kajman, H. "Language, Violence, and History." SubStance 32, no. 1 (2003): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sub.2003.0019.

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17

Kollmann, Nancy Shields. "The Complexity of History." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 44, no. 1 (2018): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2018.440106.

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This article finds Steven Pinker’s argument for a decline of violence too Eurocentric and generalizing to fit all cases. Study of the early modern Russian criminal law, and society in general, shows that different states can develop radically different approaches to violence when influenced by some of the same factors (in this case Enlightenment values). The centralized Muscovite autocracy in many ways relied less on official violence and exerted better control over social violence than did early modern Europe, while at the same time it supported violence in institutions such as serfdom, exile

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18

Gonzales, Philip J. P. "Violence and the Exception of Christian Revelation." Maynooth Philosophical Papers 10 (2020): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mpp202091612.

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If violence is not the exception but the nomos under which we live, how can one gain a view of violence from outside the regime of violence and the history of its effects? This essay argues that the only way to confront the regime of violence’s history is to have recourse to a Judeo-Christian understanding of revelation and its exceptional non-violent message. A Christocentric philosophy of history, of broadly Augustinian contours, is presented which seeks to confront the nomos of violence with the Logos of peace. The enactment of this Christocentric perspective will be accomplished via a conf

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19

Dwyer, Philip. "Whitewashing History." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 44, no. 1 (2018): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2018.440107.

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In Steven Pinker’s The Better Angels of Our Nature, there is a before and an after. Before the Enlightenment, the world was superstitious, cruel, and violent; after the Enlightenment, the world was rational and more peaceful. Pinker thus reduces violence to a fairly simplistic concept: all violence can be equated with irrationality, unreason, and ignorance. History is never as straightforward as Pinker would have his readers believe, and violence is a much more complex notion that is often driven not by superstition or unreason, but perfectly “rational” motives. This article argues that there

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20

Mota, Rosana Santos, Mariana Matias Santos, Adriana Diniz Rodrigues, Climene Laura de Camargo, Nadirlene Pereira Gomes, and Normélia Maria Freire Diniz. "Profile of pregnant adolescents with history of domestic violence." Rev Rene 14, no. 2 (2013): 385–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15253/2175-6783.20130002000017.

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This quantitative study aims to evaluate pregnant adolescents in relation to socio demographic, gynecological and obstetric aspects and the experience of domestic violence. The subjects were 34 pregnant adolescents who got prenatal care in the city of São Francisco do Conde (Bahia, Brazil). Interviews were conducted. The majority of pregnant adolescents was between 16 and 19 years old and was single, black, non-educated, and financially dependent on parents or husband/partner, having initiated a sexual relationship before the age of 15. More than 40% declared a history of domestic violence. So

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21

Bergman-Carton, Janis. "Christian Boltanski's Dernieres Annees: The History of Violence and the Violence of History." History & Memory 13, no. 1 (2001): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ham.2001.0003.

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22

Aparicio Rodríguez, Víctor. "La violencia política en la historiografía sobre la TransiciónPolitical violence in the historiography on the Transition." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 6 (May 31, 2017): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i6.282.

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El objetivo de este artículo es hacer un balance de la forma en que los principales estudios historiográficos sobre la transición española han abordado la cuestión de la violencia política en dicho proceso histórico. Se suele explicar la transición española como un proceso modélico, en gran parte por el carácter pacífico del mismo. Sin embargo, determinados estudios inciden en la importancia de la violencia política durante la Transición y el impacto que causó en la vida social y política españolas. Ahondar en las diferencias de interpretación sobre la violencia política en los estudios histór

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23

Sa'dan, Masthuriyah. "Reinterpretation of Sexual Violence Theology: Case Study of Amina Wadud’s Tafsir." Jurnal Perempuan 21, no. 2 (2016): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v21i2.94.

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Sexual violence in the history of humankind is a common phenomena. Ironically the object of violence is frequently women. Unfortunately, those violence are legitimated with doctrine. Cases of husband beating wife as nusyuz and other violences are legitimated with holytexts. Muhamad’s personality to his wives even being used as legitimation of theology. This made interpretation becomes bias. Amina Wadud’s tafsir indicated that there is a need to re-evaluate and reinterprete those bias tafsir.

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24

Simakova, Marina. "On the Violence of History." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 18, no. 1 (2019): 250–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2019-1-250-255.

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25

VINALE, ADRIANO. "A (Conceptual) History of Violence." History 101, no. 346 (2016): 362–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.12236.

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26

Azoulay, Ariella. "Potential History: Thinking through Violence." Critical Inquiry 39, no. 3 (2013): 548–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/670045.

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27

Weld, Kirsten. "Writing Political Violence into History." Latin American Research Review 48, no. 2 (2013): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.2013.0023.

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28

Brooke, Nick. "Identity, History, and Political Violence." Political Psychology 39, no. 2 (2018): 495–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pops.12472.

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29

Mailey, Richard. "Archiving Sovereignty: Law, History, Violence." Law & Literature 31, no. 3 (2019): 512–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1535685x.2019.1680035.

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30

Kole, Abhisake. "A History of Structural Violence." Journal of General Internal Medicine 35, no. 5 (2020): 1589–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11606-020-05722-4.

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31

Garnot, Benoît. "La violence et ses limites dans la France du XVIIIe siècle : l'exemple bourguignon." Revue historique o 122, no. 2 (1998): 237–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhis.g1998.122n2.0237.

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Résumé Les archives judiciaires du XVIIIe siècle donnent l'image d'une société où la violence est omniprésente. Mais la prudence devrait s'imposer devant des documents qui ne rendent compte que de situations exceptionnelles. Certes, la violence fait partie des rapports humains, mais elle n'en constitue qu'un stade éphémère, inséré dans un cadre général le plus souvent pacifique. On est bien loin d'un monde qui serait déchiré en permanence par les bagarres et toutes les sortes de violences exercées par des individus frustes et impulsifs.

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32

Ineichen, Bernard. "Cruel creeds, virtuous violence: religious violence across culture and history / Fields of blood: religion and the history of violence / Violence and new religious movements." Mental Health, Religion & Culture 18, no. 4 (2015): 312–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13674676.2015.1042850.

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33

Gabriel, A. "Violence: Biblical Perspectives." Jnanadeepa: Pune Journal of Religious Studies July-Dec 2002, Vol 5/2 (2002): 57–64. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4289106.

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The people of the lands where the biblical traditions took shape lived in tension and conflict with each other almost throughout their history. They constantly experienced violence, injustice and oppression, both from within their society and from external forces. And they yearned for peace, but rarely enjoyed it.

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34

Bergman-Carton. "Christian Boltanski's: Dernières Années: The History of Violence and the Violence of History." History and Memory 13, no. 1 (2001): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/his.2001.13.1.3.

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35

Eitler, Pascal. "Einführung." Body Politics 1, no. 2 (2013): 163–83. https://doi.org/10.12685/bp.v1i2.1435.

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English abstract: This introduction links the history of violence to the history of the body and the history of the self. It emphasizes therefore not the phenomenology and situations but the genealogy and relations of violence, the power of violence to create very different relations between very different people. Therefore, the introduction sets out how a history of violence not only contributes to the history of the state but also shows how violence generated new discourses and practices of the self as well. Within this kind of history of violence, the body is, thus, not seen as a static tar

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36

Kalman, Samuel. "Colonial Violence." Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques 36, no. 2 (2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2010.360201.

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37

Vincent, Mary. "Understanding Violence." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (2020): 285–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000296.

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Any civil war leaves a legacy of partisanship. Divisions persist over time and may be particularly bitter when, as in Spain, a culture of victory survives long after the end of hostilities. Any attempt at reconciliation was postponed, leading to an unusually bifurcated historiography, framed by a perennial interest into who, at base, was responsible for the outbreak of the civil war. The parameters of this debate were set in the 1970s, most notably in works by Stanley Payne and Paul Preston. It has continued in various guises since then, most recently revived by a generation of Spanish scholar

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38

Gerwarth, R. "Cultures of Violence: Interpersonal Violence in Historical Perspective." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 502 (2008): 687–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen170.

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39

Wacquant, Loïc. "Race in the Violence of Violence." Contention 12, no. 2 (2024): 25–34. https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2024.120204.

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I am grateful to my four critics for taking kindly to my intrusion into the social science of race and human brutality in history and for responding to my sketch of “The Checkerboard of Ethnoracial Violence” (Wacquant 2023a) with earnest and productive comments. In the spirit of their articles, I will rejoin to their propositions and then enroll them to suggest further pathways to a better understanding of the specificity and historicity of racialized violence, individual and collective.

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Eke, Kruger, and Mortimer. "““Memory/History, Violence, and Reconciliation: Introduction””." Research in African Literatures 43, no. 1 (2012): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.43.1.65.

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Bassett, Mary T. "A history of US police violence." Lancet 397, no. 10289 (2021): 2039–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(21)01153-3.

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42

Crocker, Jonathan W. "Data-Becoming: History, Violence, and Justice." International Review of Qualitative Research 14, no. 4 (2022): 631–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19408447211049507.

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In this paper, I offer a materialist perspective on data-becoming through a series of (non)living encasements. The living bodies included as examples here (Emmett Till, William T. Simpson, and LaVerne Turner) point to a historical legacy of violence and justice that continues, albeit differently, in different contexts, at different times, and from different social positions. These encasements show that any meanings imbued in data are dependent on when and where it arises, what is intra-acting with it, and in what context. Along these lines, I suggest data is always in-process of becoming somet

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Vellasco, Ivan, and Cristiana Viegas de Andrade. "Crime and Violence in Brazilian History." Crime, Histoire & Sociétés 24, no. 1 (2020): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chs.2687.

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44

Kumar, Sanjay. "History of Electoral Violence in Bihar." Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 4 (2015): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2321-5828.2015.00037.6.

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O'Neal, Rebecca. "Honour, Violence and Emotions in History." Social History 40, no. 2 (2015): 250–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2015.1013710.

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46

Fagan, Jeffrey, and Garth Davies. "The Natural History of Neighborhood Violence." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 20, no. 2 (2004): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986204263769.

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47

Copping, Lee T., Anne Campbell, and Steven Muncer. "Violence, Teenage Pregnancy, and Life History." Human Nature 24, no. 2 (2013): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12110-013-9163-2.

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Pollock, Iain Haley. "An Abridged History of American Violence." African American Review 49, no. 1 (2016): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2016.0003.

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Hartman, Alan G. "Violence and Hopelessness in the Colombian Novels La Virgen de Los Sicarios and Satanás." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 10, no. 2 (2020): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.10.2.48.

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Abstract Colombia is a South American nation that has captured the imagination of the world. It is a land of beautiful colonial cities and towns, famous for coffee production, rich emerald mines, and the literature of José Asunción Silva and Gabriel García Márquez. Colombia’s beauty and rich literary history, however, are often overshadowed by the memory of Pablo Escobar, a notorious drug lord, and numerous deadly guerilla groups. Their roles in the international drug trade made Colombia the top producer and exporter of cocaine, which resulted in terrorism and violence that left the country on

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Muelleman, Robert L., and Patricia Burgess. "Male Victims of Domestic Violence and Their History of Perpetrating Violence." Academic Emergency Medicine 5, no. 9 (1998): 866–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1553-2712.1998.tb02815.x.

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