Articles de revues : « Voting – Germany »

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Patton, David F. « Protest Voting in Eastern Germany ». German Politics and Society 37, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.

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Viatkin, Ilia. « Spatial Realignment of German Voters and Germany’s Regional Cleavage ». Politikon : The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 45 (29 juin 2020) : 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.45.2.

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This article seeks to explain the increase in the German Green party votes in 2019 European elections through the East-West cleavage. Using the 2018 German General Social Survey data, it identifies and compares the Green Party electorate in both regions in terms of conventional and supposed determinants of Green voting. Results of the multivariate analysis equally support both models, indicating left-wing voters as the main source of the Greens’ electoral gains across Germany. However, while in the East the Greens were supported primarily by the electorate of the Social Democratic party dissatisfied with the activity of this party, Western Germans exhibited a trend of left-leaning voters’ backlash against the rise of the radical right party Alternative for Germany through Green voting. This realignment is explicated by the persistent specifics of German regional party politics combined with intrinsic value distinctions of their dwellers, and recent shifts in party-voters ties.

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Wuhs, Steven, et Eric McLaughlin. « EXPLAINING GERMANY’S ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY ». German Politics and Society 37, n^o 1 (1 juin 2019) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370101.

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Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.

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Wuhs, Steven, et Eric McLaughlin. « Explaining Germany's Electoral Geography ». German Politics and Society 37, n^o 1 (1 mars 2019) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.370101.

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Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.

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Maurer, Stephan E. « Voting Behavior and Public Employment in Nazi Germany ». Journal of Economic History 78, n^o 1 (mars 2018) : 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000037.

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This article analyzes whether the German National Socialists used economic policies to reward their voters after coming to power in 1933. Using newly-collected data on public employment from the German censuses in 1925, 1933, and 1939 and addressing the potential endogeneity of the NSDAP vote share in 1933 by way of an instrumental variables strategy based on a similar party in Imperial Germany, I find that cities with higher NSDAP vote shares experienced a relative increase in public employment: for every additional percentage point in the vote share, the number of public employment jobs increased by around 2.5 percent.

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Hansen, Michael A., et Jonathan Olsen. « Pulling up the Drawbridge ». German Politics and Society 38, n^o 2 (1 juin 2020) : 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380205.

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The most recent scholarship on the Alternative for Germany (AfD) indicates that citizens primarily cast a vote for the party based on anti-immigrant or xenophobic attitudes. Nevertheless, prominent figures from the AfD suggest that many Germany citizens with immigrant backgrounds vote for it—an argument that has been picked up by the media. In this article, we investigate the most likely potential constituency of immigrants that might support the AfD: ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union, so-called Russian-Germans. Using the 2017 Immigrant German Election Study (imges), we find that these ethnic German migrants from the former Soviet Union indeed voted for the AfD in relatively large numbers when compared to the overall population. Furthermore, when predicting vote choice, we find that the main predictor of voting for the AfD among Russian-Germans is not political ideology but rather a simple hostility towards new refugees. Crucially, migrants with a Soviet background are more likely to vote for the AfD if they hold the position that there should be no economic or political refugees allowed into the country.

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Davidson-Schmich, Louise K. « The Origins of Party Discipline : Evidence from Eastern Germany ». German Politics and Society 24, n^o 2 (1 juin 2006) : 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681894.

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In Germany, the Bundestag and the Landtage (state parliaments) in the old Länder (states) have such consistently high levels of party discipline that there is not enough variance to determine the cause of this behavior. The creation of five new democratic state legislatures after the fall of the German Democratic Republic, however, provides a unique opportunity to investigate the origins of party voting. I test which of three hypothesized institutional mechanisms for this practice—the need to keep an executive in office, efficiency incentives, or electoral concerns—was primarily responsible for the emergence of party discipline in the new Länder. The evidence indicates that the need to support the executive branch is the primary cause of party voting. This finding helps explain both the unexpected rise of western German-style party discipline in the eastern states following unification, well as the persistence of the seemingly outdated practice of party discipline in contemporary Germany as a whole.

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Lewis-Beck, Michael S. « Comparative Economic Voting : Britain, France, Germany, Italy ». American Journal of Political Science 30, n^o 2 (mai 1986) : 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111099.

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Eith, Ulrich. « New Patterns in the East ? Differences in Voting Behavior and Consequences for Party Politics in Germany ». German Politics and Society 18, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2000) : 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486516.

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On 9 November 1989, the government of the German DemocraticRepublic decided to open the Berlin Wall, effectively signaling thecollapse of the socialist system in East Germany. The subsequenttransformation of the country’s political structures, and in particularthat of its political parties, took place in two phases. In the firstphase, directly after the fall of the wall, the GDR’s political systemunderwent a radical democratic and pluralistic overhaul withoutWest German involvement—although the existence of a second Germanstate, the Federal Republic of Germany, naturally influencedthe goals, strategies, and scope of action of the actors concerned.

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Debus, Marc, Mary Stegmaier et Jale Tosun. « Economic Voting under Coalition Governments : Evidence from Germany ». Political Science Research and Methods 2, n^o 1 (8 octobre 2013) : 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.16.

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This article analyzes the impact of economic voting in federal elections for the German parliament. It combines theories of coalition politics and cabinet decision making—like prime ministerial government, collective cabinet decision making and ministerial discretion—with theoretical approaches on voting behavior to test which cabinet actor voters reward for improved economic conditions. The empirical results, which are based on data from German national election studies from 1987–2009, show that the party of the chancellor (and, thus, the strongest coalition party) benefits most from a positive evaluation of economic policy outcomes. There is, however, no consistent empirical evidence that the coalition parties collectively benefit from perceived positive economic performance. Therefore the findings demonstrate that economic voting occurs in German parliamentary elections, but is targeted specifically toward the chancellor's party.

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Arendt, Florian, et Narin Karadas. « Implicit and explicit attitudes toward Germany as news-choice predictors among Muslims with migration backgrounds living in Germany ». Communications 45, n^o 4 (26 novembre 2020) : 440–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2019-2067.

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AbstractThe present study investigated whether implicit and explicit attitudes predict news choice among Muslims with migration backgrounds living in Germany. We used both attitude constructs to predict a selection bias for news about the same event stemming from the host country (Germany) vs. from other countries. Using a survey (N = 1,107), we found that favorable implicit and explicit attitudes toward Germany increased a participant’s tendency to select German news. Each attitudinal construct predicted a unique variance in news choice. Using a subsample of Turkish citizens living in Germany who participated in the Turkish constitutional referendum 2017 (N = 241), we found that the attitude-based selection bias predicted their voting. We discuss implications for selective-exposure research and processes of integration.

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Garnett, Holly Ann. « Early Voting : Comparing Canada, Finland, Germany, and Switzerland ». Election Law Journal : Rules, Politics, and Policy 18, n^o 2 (juin 2019) : 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/elj.2018.0489.

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Alós-Ferrer, Carlos, et Ðura-Georg Granić. « Two field experiments on Approval Voting in Germany ». Social Choice and Welfare 39, n^o 1 (11 juin 2011) : 171–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-011-0550-5.

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Häge, Frank M. « Political conflict in Bismarck’s Germany : An analysis of parliamentary voting, 1867–1890 ». Party Politics 25, n^o 2 (12 avril 2017) : 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817702058.

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Imperial Germany is a prominent historical case in the study of Western Europe’s political development. This article investigates the number and content of political conflict dimensions from the foundation of the modern German state in 1867 to the end of Bismarck’s reign as Chancellor in 1890. Methodologically, it applies dimension-reducing statistical methods to a novel data set of content-coded parliamentary roll call votes. The analysis suggests that the emergence of the Catholic Centre Party in 1871 permanently transformed the conflict space from a single liberal-conservative divide to a two-dimensional space that distinguished positions on socio-economic issues and regime matters, respectively. The fact that positions on redistributive and regime issues were not aligned implies that theories stressing economic inequality as a driver for regime change are of limited applicability. Instead, the case of Imperial Germany highlights the importance of cross-cutting non-economic societal cleavages and the role of societal and political organizations in drawing attention to and perpetuating these divisions.

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Müller-Török, Robert. « The Principles Established by the Recommendation CM/Rec(2017)5 on Standards for E-voting Applied to Other Channels of Remote Voting ». Masaryk University Journal of Law and Technology 13, n^o 1 (30 juin 2019) : 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/mujlt2019-1-1.

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E-voting is highly suspicious to many citizens and institutions. Past pilot implementations ended before Supreme Courts and mostly not in favour of e-voting. Beside these political and legal battles regarding e-voting, postal voting seems to be commonly accepted and not in question. Motivated by a landmark ruling of the Austrian Constitutional Court in 2016, which led to the revocation of the run-off elections result due to irregularities with postal voting, this paper analyses whether current postal voting regulations and standards in Germany comply to the principles established by the latest Council of Europe (CoE) recommendation on standards for e-voting. Both voting channels are channels for remote voting, hence principles established for one channel must, in the view of the author, also be fully applicable for the other channel. This paper applies the standards set by the recommendation to e-voting to the more commonly used remote voting channel postal voting and concludes that most of these standards cannot be met.

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Klein, Markus. « Wer wählt „Die PARTEI“ ? Eine empirische Analyse am Beispiel der Europawahl 2019 ». Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, n^o 3 (2021) : 596–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-3-596.

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The party “Die PARTEI” was founded in 2004 by editorial staff of the satirical magazine TITANIC and represents a cross-border satirical project: The PARTEI satirizes and caricatures the existing parties and their personnel, while at the same time participating as a real party in real elections . However, it does not show any serious political aspirations . Based on data from official election statistics and on survey data, this article examines the question of who votes for the PARTEI: It shows that PARTEI voters are primarily young men up to the age of 35, who are often still studying and are somewhat more likely to come from East than West Germany . They are interested in politics, dissatisfied with the current state of German democracy, and politically left-wing . Their voting decision in favour of the PARTEI is primarily a vote of no confidence in the political and economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany . PARTEI voters prefer voting for a satirical party instead of casting an invalid vote .

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Hoerner, Julian M., Alexander Jaax et Toni Rodon. « The long-term impact of the location of concentration camps on radical-right voting in Germany ». Research & ; Politics 6, n^o 4 (octobre 2019) : 205316801989137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168019891376.

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Of all atrocities committed by state actors in 20th century Europe, the systematic killings by Nazi Germany were arguably the most severe and best documented. While several studies have investigated the impact of the presence of concentration camps on surrounding communities in Germany and the occupied territories in terms of redistribution of wealth and property, the local-level impact on voting behaviour has not yet been explored. We investigated the impact of spatial proximity to a concentration camp between 1933 and 1945 on the likelihood of voting for far-right parties in the 2013 and 2017 federal elections. We find that proximity to a former concentration camp is associated with a higher vote share of such parties. A potential explanation for this finding could be a ‘memory satiation effect’, according to which voters who live in close proximity to former camps and are more frequently confronted with the past are more receptive to revisionist historical accounts questioning the centrality of the Holocaust in the German culture of remembrance.

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Hunklinger, Michael, et Niklas Ferch. « Trans* voting : demand and supply side of trans* politics in Germany ». European Journal of Politics and Gender 3, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2020) : 389–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510820x15780296516691.

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Trans* people and trans* issues have been part of the scientific literature for over a decade, though framed most of the time under umbrella terms such as ‘LGBT’ or ‘LGBTIQ*’ and often without further consideration regarding trans*-specific issues. In this article, we take an emancipatory approach and focus on trans* people as political subjects. For the first time, we thus present data on the political preferences, attitudes and voting behaviour of trans* people in Germany, and put them in relation to the parties’ manifestos for the 2017 German general election (the 2017 Bundestagswahl). We discuss our findings in the theoretical context of trans* citizenship and trans* visibility. This approach positions trans* people as citizens in the centre of analysis and adds to our understanding of the citizenship of minority groups in our modern societies.

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Sachweh, Patrick. « Social Integration and Right-Wing Populist Voting in Germany ». Analyse & ; Kritik 42, n^o 2 (1 novembre 2020) : 369–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2020-0015.

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Abstract Electoral support for right-wing populist parties is typically explained either by economic deprivation or cultural grievances. Attempting to bring economic and cultural explanations together, recent approaches have suggested to conceptualize right-wing populist support as a problem of social integration. Applying this perspective to the German case, this article investigates whether weak subjective social integration-or subjective social marginalization, respectively-is associated with the intention to vote for the AfD. Furthermore, it asks whether the strength of this association varies across income groups. Based on original survey data from 2017, the results show that indicators of weak subjective social integration-feeling socially excluded, being anxious about one’s status, and distrusting others-increase the likelihood of voting for the AfD. Moreover, weak subjective social integration increases right-wing party support particularly among the middle-class. Thus, next to fears of downward mobility, feelings of subjective social marginalization emerge as a pathway to right-wing populism for the middle-class.

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Zakharova, Evgenia A. « Socio-Economic Factors of Citizens’ Voting Behavior in Germany ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n^o 467 (1 juin 2021) : 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/467/15.

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Taylor, Greg. « Constitutional Restrictions on Touch-Screen Voting Computers in Germany ». Election Law Journal : Rules, Politics, and Policy 9, n^o 4 (décembre 2010) : 443–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/elj.2010.9411.

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Jeffery, Charlie, et Daniel Hough. « The Electoral Cycle and Multi-Level Voting in Germany ». German Politics 10, n^o 2 (août 2001) : 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/772713264.

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Bullenkamp, Jens, et Burkhardt Voges. « Voting behaviour of chronic mentally ill outpatients in Germany ». European Psychiatry 11 (janvier 1996) : 385s. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0924-9338(96)89245-5.

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Lehmann, Sibylle H. « The German Elections in the 1870s : Why Germany Turned from Liberalism to Protectionism ». Journal of Economic History 70, n^o 1 (mars 2010) : 146–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050710000082.

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In 1878 the liberal parties lost enough votes to lose the majority in the parliament which they had defended in the general election just one year before. In this article, the questions of where the voters came from and why the voting changed so crucially within one year are reexamined. The analysis uses a new set of data and makes use of King's algorithm, a tool provided by modern political science. The main finding of this article is that the change towards protectionism was not caused by new, but by floating voters from the agricultural sector.

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Tekin, Caner. « “Foreign Worker” Perspectives between German Trade Unions and Turkish Worker Organisations after the Recruitment Ban : Evidence from the Migrant Activism in Frankfurt ». Migration Letters 20, n^o 1 (31 janvier 2023) : 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v20i1.2871.

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With the foreign worker recruitment ban in Federal Germany on 23 November 1973, the public featured one of the most controversial debates on how long the former guest workers would stay, and whether Federal Germany was a country of immigration. Between German trade unions and foreign workers these questions also remained contested during the 1970s. This paper looks into these contestations and explores conceptions of the former “guest workers” represented by the German trade unions and migrant organisations from the recruitment stop (1973) until the decade’s end. It discusses activities by Turkish worker organisations in Frankfurt, which were led by union functionaries and had charters promoting unionism, and compares them with the programmatic positions of the German Trade Union Confederation from the same timeframe. Although the period featured disagreements on the above questions, migrant activism at the local level suggests growing cooperation between trade unions and migrant groups as well as emerging agreements on the common migration issues, most importantly the foreign workers’ return option, their family migration and voting rights in German local elections.

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Bullenkamp, Jens, et Burkhard Voges. « Voting Preferences of Outpatients With Chronic Mental Illness in Germany ». Psychiatric Services 55, n^o 12 (décembre 2004) : 1440–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.55.12.1440.

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Clarke, Harold D., et Guy D. Whitten. « Hard choices in hard times : Valence voting in Germany (2009) ». Electoral Studies 32, n^o 3 (septembre 2013) : 445–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.05.005.

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Schoen, Harald, et Siegfried Schumann. « Personality Traits, Partisan Attitudes, and Voting Behavior. Evidence from Germany ». Political Psychology 28, n^o 4 (août 2007) : 471–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9221.2007.00582.x.

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van Manen, Mirjam J. G., Michael Kreuter, Bernt van den Blink, Ute Oltmanns, Karin Palmowski, Eva Brunnemer, Simone Hummler et al. « What patients with pulmonary fibrosis and their partners think : a live, educative survey in the Netherlands and Germany ». ERJ Open Research 3, n^o 1 (janvier 2017) : 00065–2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1183/23120541.00065-2016.

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Pulmonary fibrosis greatly impacts patients and their partners. Unmet needs of patients are increasingly acknowledged; the needs of partners often remain unnoticed. Little is known about the best way to educate patients and partners. We investigated pulmonary fibrosis patients' and partners' perspectives and preferences in care, and the differences in these between the Netherlands and Germany. Additionally, we evaluated whether interactive interviewing could be a novel education method in this population.Patients and partners were interviewed during pulmonary fibrosis patient information meetings. In the Netherlands, voting boxes were used and results were projected directly. In Germany, questionnaires were used.In the Netherlands, 278 patients and partners participated; in Germany, 51. Many participants experienced anxiety. Almost all experienced misunderstanding, because people do not know what pulmonary fibrosis is. All expressed a need for information, psychological support and care for partners. Use of the interactive voting system was found to be pleasant (70%) and informative (94%).This study improves the knowledge of care needs of patients with pulmonary fibrosis and their partners. There were no major differences between the Netherlands and Germany. Interactive interviewing could be an attractive method to acquire insights into the needs and preferences of patients and partners, while providing them with information at the same time.

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Grdešic, Marko. « Spatial Patterns of Thermidor : Protest and Voting in East Germany's Revolution, 1989-1990 ». German Politics and Society 34, n^o 2 (1 juin 2016) : 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340202.

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This article engages in a spatial analysis of the link between protest and voting during the Wende, East Germany’s revolution of 1989. Are the same places that protested more also the places that decided the revolution’s fate by supporting CDU’s ticket of quick reunification? The revolution is approached through the conceptual metaphor of Thermidor, a conservative backlash to the revolution’s initial radical impulse. Spatial methods are used to investigate the local-level relationships between protest and voting. The article finds a weak link between protest and voting, which suggests that something akin to Thermidor occurred in East Germany. While certain towns initiated the revolution with their protests, other localities stepped in at a later stage and finished the revolution by voting for reunification, the revolution’s main outcome. The article pays special attention to the divide between East Germany’s north (Berlin, Brandenburg and Mecklenburg-West Pomerania) and south (Saxony and Thuringia).

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Friese, Malte, Matthias Bluemke et Michaela Wänke. « Predicting Voting Behavior with Implicit Attitude Measures ». Experimental Psychology 54, n^o 4 (janvier 2007) : 247–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1618-3169.54.4.247.

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Abstract. Implicit measures of attitudes are commonly seen to be primarily capable of predicting spontaneous behavior. However, evidence exists that these measures can also improve the prediction of more deliberate behavior. In a prospective study we tested the hypothesis that Implicit Association Test (IAT) measures of the five major political parties in Germany would improve the prediction of voting behavior over and above explicit self-report measures in the 2002 parliamentary elections. Additionally we tested whether general interest in politics moderates the relationship between explicit and implicit attitude measures. The results support our hypotheses. Implications for predictive models of explicitly and implicitly measured attitudes are discussed.

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Sairinger, Lukas. « „Mehr Demokratie wagen?!“ Zur Absenkung der Altersgrenze für das aktive Wahlrecht zum Deutschen Bundestag ». Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 53, n^o 2 (2022) : 365–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2022-2-365.

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Lowering the voting age for federal elections in Germany from 18 to 16 years has been discussed for several years . Numerous political forces endeavor to give minors the opportu- nity to participate in democratic decision-making by lowering the voting age . The coalition agreement between SPD, Greens, and FDP also contains plans for lowering the voting age to 16 . In addition to sociological aspects, there are, however, notable questions from the point of view of the constitutional law that must be considered . Various comparison bases for age limits within the whole legal system must be carefully examined, especially regard- ing the suitability for justifying a lowering of the voting age . It should be noted that this ought to be justified independently of any basis for comparison; it should be exclusively based on the democratic ability of citizens to participate in the communication process between citizens and parliament . This assessment is the sole responsibility of the constitu- tion-amending legislature .

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Lubbers, M. « Explaining the Trend in Extreme Right-Wing Voting : Germany 1989-1998 ». European Sociological Review 17, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2001) : 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/17.4.431.

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Kaase, Max. « Is There Personalization in Politics ? Candidates and Voting Behavior in Germany ». International Political Science Review 15, n^o 3 (juillet 1994) : 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251219401500301.

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Lachance, Sarah. « Policy signals and strategic voting for minor parties : Evidence from Germany ». Electoral Studies 81 (février 2023) : 102577. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2022.102577.

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Mancosu, Moreno. « Interpersonal communication, voting behaviour and influence in an election campaign : The 2009 German elections ». Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 46, n^o 3 (24 novembre 2017) : 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/ozp.1893.vol46iss3.

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Interpersonal influence—the process by which people change their idea according to the ideas of others—is a crucial mechanism that forges political agreement among citizens. By using data from the 2009 German Longitudinal Election Study short-term campaign panel, it will be tested how this strategy contributes to changing citizens’ ideas in the proximity of the 2009 Bundestag elections in Germany. Results of fixed-effect logistic regression models confirm the findings in previous literature, showing evidences consistent with influence effects. It is also suggested that the social circle of discussants alters the way in which people are influenced. Propensities to change vote choice, in fact, are boosted by the exposure to disagreeable strong ties, such as relatives and spouse/partner.

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Rich, Timothy, et Mallory Treece. « Losers’ and Non-voters’ Consent : Democratic Satisfaction in the 2009 and 2013 Elections in Germany ». Government and Opposition 53, n^o 3 (9 septembre 2016) : 416–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.29.

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The literature on losers’ consent identifies clear distinctions in perceptions of democracy between electoral losers and winners. However, little of the literature addresses the complexities of mixed member electoral systems or compares this winner–loser divergence to that of non-voters. An analysis of post-election surveys in Germany in 2009 and 2013 allows for a disaggregation of types of losers and non-voters. Results find that voting for a district candidate from a losing party has a greater effect on perceptions than voting for a losing party in the proportional representation tier, while losing in both appeared to slow the decline in positive evaluations of the system. Meanwhile clear distinctions between perceptions of different types of non-voters emerge.

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Stumpf, Peter Bence. « Strategic Split-Ticket Voting in Mixed Electoral Systems ». International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 7, n^o 2 (avril 2020) : 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.20200401.oa.

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This article aims to examine strategic split-voting in mixed systems by analyzing the results of elections in three countries using mixed electoral systems—Germany, Hungary, and Lithuania—to further improve researchers' understanding of the relationship between strategic voting and ticket splitting. This is achieved by exploring new quantitative measures. The three selected countries do not use identical electoral systems, but their common characteristic is that they provide an opportunity for voters to split their ballot between an individual candidate running in a single-member constituency and a party list. This makes it possible to compare the two different types of votes and to search for patterns indicating strategic behavior. In this article, the authors introduce two analytic tools: one for determining the approximate quantity of split ballots and another for measuring strategic voting patterns based on the concentration of split tickets.

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Jackisch, Christian, Nadia Harbeck, Jens Huober, Gunter von Minckwitz, Bernd Gerber, Hans-Heinrich Kreipe, Cornelia Liedtke et al. « 14th St. Gallen International Breast Cancer Conference 2015 : Evidence, Controversies, Consensus - Primary Therapy of Early Breast Cancer : Opinions Expressed by German Experts ». Breast Care 10, n^o 3 (2015) : 211–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000433590.

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The key topics of this year's 14th St. Gallen Consensus Conference on the diagnosis and therapy of primary breast cancer were again questions about breast surgery and axillary surgery, radio-oncology and systemic therapy options in consideration of tumor biology, and the clinical application of multigene assays. This year, the consensus conference took place in Vienna. From a German perspective, it makes sense to substantiate the results of the vote of the international panel representing 19 countries in light of the updated national therapy recommendations of the AGO (Arbeitsgemeinschaft Gynäkologische Onkologie). Therefore, 14 German breast cancer experts, 3 of whom are members of the International St. Gallen Panel, have commented on the voting results of the St. Gallen Consensus Conference 2015 in relation to clinical routine in Germany.

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Ginter, Carri. « Constitutionality of the European Stability Mechanism in Estonia : Applying Proportionality to Sovereignty ». European Constitutional Law Review 9, n^o 2 (23 août 2013) : 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612001174.

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The Supreme Court en banc was forced to make a rushed judgment in a situation of confusion, uncertainty and absence of legal certainty prevailing in the Estonian and the EU legal environment.Dissenting justice Jaak LuikOn 12 September 2012 the Bundesverfassungsgericht gave the green light for Germany to ratify the Treaty Establishing the European Stability Mechanism (ESM Treaty), but made ratification conditional upon international law arrangements to be made to guarantee an interpretation of the ESM Treaty which would be in line with the German Grundgesetz. Although the constitutional challenge in Germany, which is the largest ‘donor’ to the ESM, was certainly of core importance as to whether the member states would be able to launch the mechanism at all, the constitutional challenges in other member states also deserve academic attention. The reference for a preliminary ruling by the Supreme Court of Ireland raised serious questions concerning the conformity of the ESM Treaty with EU law. In its Pringle decision the Court of Justice dismissed the concerns raised in the reference as being unfounded.This article focuses on the compatibility of the ‘emergency voting’ mechanism set out in Article 4(4) ESM Treaty with the principles of democracy, the rule of law and sovereignty raised before the Supreme Court of Estonia. The Constitution of the Republic of Estonia [Eesti Vabariigipõhiseadus] (henceforth: the Constitution) and the Acts of the Republic of Estonia do not foresee a separate constitutional court or the possibility of an individual constitutional petition. Thus, the issue of the constitutionality of the emergency voting procedure contained in the ESM Treaty was raised ex officio in abstract constitutional review proceedings by the Estonian Chancellor of Justice [Õiguskantsler], which ‘in Estonia combines the function of the general body of petition and the guardian of constitutionality.’ The petition for review focused on the fact that substantial budgetary decisions could be made in the future under the emergency voting procedure without the involvement of the Estonian parliament. According to the petition, ‘[w]ith accession to the Treaty the budgetary policy choices of the Riigikogu will diminish.’

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Karapin, Roger. « Explaining Far-Right Electoral Successes in Germany : The Politicization of Immigration-Related Issues ». German Politics and Society 16, n^o 3 (1 septembre 1998) : 24–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782487086.

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Most explanations that have been advanced regarding the recentsuccesses of far-right parties in Western Europe suggest that theseparties should have also done well in Germany. With a high percapitaincome and a strong export-oriented economy, Germany hasexperienced large-scale immigration, a shift toward postindustrialoccupations, economic restructuring, unemployment, and socialmarginalization of the poorest strata. These socioeconomic developmentshave been accompanied by political responses whichshould also benefit the far right: political parties have lost credibility, non-voting has increased, and ecological parties have becomeestablished and have spurred environmental, feminist, and proimmigrantpolicies.

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Schoen, Harald. « Winning by Priming ? Campaign Strategies, Changing Determinants of Voting Intention, and the Outcome of the 2002 German Federal Election ». German Politics and Society 22, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2004) : 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503004782353230.

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Although governing coalitions in Germany often win reelection,many observers were surprised by the victory of the red-green coalitionin 2002. Earlier that year, the polls had shown strong supportfor a potential coalition of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU)and the Christian Social Union (CSU), together with the Free DemocraticParty (FDP). In the summer of 2002, however, the SPD andthe Greens began to gain ground; and finally, the red-green coalitionwon the majority of seats in the election to the German parliament,the Bundestag, on 22 September 2002.

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Myeoun-Hoei Kim. « Current Status and future prospect of E-voting : Germany and the Netherlands ». Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, n^o 2 (août 2007) : 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2007.25.2.39.

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Myeoun-Hoei Kim. « Study on the Factors Suspending E-Voting in Germany and the Netherlands ». Journal of Contemporary European Studies 27, n^o 2 (août 2009) : 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2009.27.2.25.

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RATTINGER, Hans. « Collective and individual economic judgments and voting in West Germany, 1961-1984 ». European Journal of Political Research 14, n^o 4 (juillet 1986) : 393–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00842.x.

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GSCHWEND, THOMAS. « Ticket-splitting and strategic voting under mixed electoral rules : Evidence from Germany ». European Journal of Political Research 46, n^o 1 (janvier 2007) : 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2006.00641.x.

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Abou-Chadi, Tarik, et Marc Helbling. « How Immigration Reforms Affect Voting Behavior ». Political Studies 66, n^o 3 (4 octobre 2017) : 687–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717725485.

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This article investigates how changes in immigration policies affect migration as a vote-defining issue at upcoming elections. So far, the literature on issue voting has mostly focused on the role of issue entrepreneurs in politicizing new issues. In this article, however, we introduce policy change as a new potential determinant in the process of issue evolution. Moreover, in contrast to most of the literature that investigates the role of policy outcomes (such as economic growth or unemployment) on voting decisions, we analyze the effect of laws which can be directly attributed to governments and political parties. We focus on within-country variation and analyze national election surveys from the Netherlands, Denmark, and Germany between 1994 and 2011. These surveys include information on both self- and party-placements regarding immigration issues. To measure policy changes, we use data on immigration policies from the newly built Immigration Policies in Comparison dataset. While we expect a general reform effect, we investigate in more detail whether liberal and restrictive reforms have a similar effect on votes for left/right, government/opposition parties. It is shown that both liberal and restrictive reforms lead to increasing issue voting. While we show that government parties are not more affected than opposition parties, we see that party ideology partly plays a role.

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Lind, Yvette. « Initial Findings on How Individual Taxpayers May Indirectly Influence Tax and Spend in Sweden, Germany and the United States ». Intertax 48, Issue 5 (1 mai 2020) : 482–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2020045.

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Ongoing globalization and increased taxpayer mobility not only exacerbate the current inadequacies when allocating taxing rights but also intensify already existing tax competition between states as individual states have begun to use formal citizenship as a tax incentive when attracting high-income earners, highly skilled workers and high-net value individuals. (A. Christians, Buying in: Residence and Citizenship by Investment, 62 St. Louis U. L.J. 51 (2017)). This new tax incentive challenges the traditional perception of formal citizenship as the basis for bestowing political rights and benefits as it may be argued that this practise erodes its value and meaning in addition to emphasizing the differentiation between individuals regarding their state of origin (particularly noticeable when considering EU citizens compared to non-EU citizens) and economic status. At the present time, mobile individuals may, as a result of disparities between tax allocations, formal citizenship and voting privileges, contribute financially to a state yet not be afforded the opportunity to exercise influence over their tax situation due to the lack of formal citizenship and voting privileges in said state. The group who may influence taxation and public spending (tax and spend) through voting, therefore, is not always the same as those who pay taxes. This issue is naturally complex as the group of individuals excluded from such political influence is a highly diverse one encompassing high-net individuals to stateless persons seeking asylum who are subject to individual circumstances and needs. This article separates itself from previous research within the tax scholarship as it does not focus on tax nexus nor on the right to participate in democratic influencing but rather on how individuals may influence tax and spend themselves with methods other than traditional voting. Otherwise stated, would it be possible for individuals who contribute to a state financially yet have no possibilities to exercise influence over tax and spend through voting due to the lack of formal citizenship be able to influence in a different manner? Tax rules and constitutional safeguards offering taxpayer protection gathered from Sweden, Germany and the United States are introduced in order to describe and analyse to what extent a taxpayer may exercise such influence. The article concludes that affluent individuals often have greater access to such legal instruments, and it subsequently indicates that political power is awarded to the few rather than the many. Moreover, it argues for a current revision to how political rights and benefits are allocated, not only at domestic level but also in the international context. The article inherently forms one component of a larger body of work that was composed under the umbrella of political (tax) equity in a global context in which this author explored how increased taxpayer mobility challenges not only traditional legal frameworks that are associated with taxation but also the allocation of political rights and benefits. The traditional perception of citizenship as the basis for voting rights is, as illustrated through various publications linked to the project, found to be inadequate when dealing with mobile taxpayers. democracy, individual taxation, tax incentives, tax competition, globalization, taxpayer mobility, tax equity, political rights, voting, citizenship, judicial review, constitutional safeguards, comparative

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Boichuk, Orest. « 60th Anniversary of Warsaw Uprising and its Influence on Poland-Germany Relations ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, n^o 41 (26 juin 2020) : 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2020.41.83-92.

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The main idea of upon article is “a closing eyes” on the historical problem in mutual relations between states, what is leading for the problem. Such situation had place in Polish-Germany relations at the end of 90th. The research in this field is more than important, obviously in the angle of Poland-Ukraine relations. The 60th anniversary of Warsaw Uprising is the point of changes in historical narrative in Poland and German as well. Firstly, it was first official visit on the level of the Prime Minister. Prime Minister tried to appease hot discussion about the question of German people restitution by Polish Government, obviously Union of Expelled. On the other hand, H. Schröder told clearly, that the government isn’t support the demands of expelled people to Polish Government. And his participations are arguments for this. Polish Government also, gave any support to the Statement of Sejm. Prime Minister noted clearly about that. Such situation is very interesting, because the public persons had more clear view of state`s interest, and they could sometimes more effectively reduce the mutual tensions. Moreover, the Euro-Atlantic integration of Poland showed that Poland was having historical claiming to Germany. And after accession, Poland started using history in mutual relation more actively and as some researchers wrote like a tool of pressure on partner. Germany, due to its political system has strong linkage with the Expelled people. Crucially, linkages have the roots in the influences during voting, in which every party tries to find support by the environment of expelled. The roots of problems in the Polish-German relation can be located also in the support of Germany for pipeline, which tries to build Russian Federation. On the Poland point of view, it`s the threat for security of energy complex. So, we can objectively note, that additionally the historical policy can be some tools of influences to vis-à-vis. It can be truly, that Poland are using historical memory for some pressure for Germany.

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Waldvogel, Thomas, Pascal-D. König et Uwe Wagschal. « All I do is win, no matter what ? What matters in gaining electoral support from televised debates ». Communication & ; Society 36, n^o 1 (10 janvier 2023) : 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.36.1.127-149.

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How much do the performances of top candidates in televised debates affect vote intentions in parliamentary democracies? The article addresses this question and disentangles the effects of predisposition and performance in televised debate reception. Drawing on a large-N field study of the 2017 chancellor duel in Germany, which contains survey and real-time response data for 5660 participants, we identify debate-induced determinants of shifts in voting intention and assess their relative effect sizes on such changes. Our analysis shows, first, that out-party identification is an effective barrier against shifts in voting intentions. However, we find that viewers’ real-time performance perceptions of the candidates show strong effects. Third, we demonstrate that these real-time evaluations can breach the predisposition’s barrier particularly when the intensity of out-party identification is less than very strong. Fourth, we find verdicts on the debate winner as an additional short-term factor that can foster shifts in voting intentions in the course of debate reception. Overall, our results indicate that pre-dispositions may hinder rational updating of electoral behaviour but that debate performance can actually make a difference by altering the formation of voting intentions.

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