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Thèses sur le sujet « Women in politics, Cameroon »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 4 juin 2021

Mis à jour le 6 février 2022

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1

Alexandra, Diwouta T. Christele. « The place of women in the political sphere : a comparative study of Cameroon and South Africa ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2004. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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This thesis compared the status of women's political participation in Cameroon and South Africa through an assessment conducted against the backdrop key of international, regional and national human rights standards. The aim of this thesis was not only, to be conscious of women's absence in politics, but to also take steps to redefine sound strategies to implement gender equality in terms of the political participation of women on the part of governments.

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Diwouta, Tiki Christele Alexandra. « The place of women in the political sphere : a comparative study of Cameroon and South Africa ». Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1077.

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"Issues of gender have always, and continue to, inhibit women from access to public office. With the increase of gender mainstreaming and struggle for equality, the internntional community has become increasingly aware of the absence of women in politics. The aims of this dissertation is not only, however, to be conscious of women's absence in politics, but to also take steps to redefine sound strategies to implement gender equality in terms of the political participation of women on the part of governments. This dissertation will focus on the place accorded to South African women in relation to the consolidation of a fairly new democracy, compared and contrasted to the struggle of their Cameroonian counterparts within the context of a much older democracy. Moreover, ratified conventional instruments as well as domestic constitutional dispositions currently in force in Cameroon dictate gender equality, thus calling for the implementation of special measures to enhance the participation of women. Yet, there have been no serious efforts on the part of Cameroon to revise or abrogate numerous coexisting discriminatory provisions and practices that perpetrate systematic discrimination against women in various ways within existing institutions. ... Chapter one sets out the scope of the study through the identification of the research problem and outlines the chosen methodology. This chapter also states the aims and objectives of the paper as well as its limitations. Chapter two considers the international and regional provisions governing women's rights. The main aim of this chapter is to recoup dispositions in human rights instruments with specific reference to gender equality and the participation of women in public life. Chapter three gives a historical backdrop of the participation of women in politics in both countries and sets out the domestic and constitutional provisions that relate to the status of women in politics in both Cameroon and South Africa. It also contains case studies to elucidate the particular challenges faced by women in these two countries. Chapter four analyses the extent to which Cameroon and South Africa have complied with international, regional as well as national human rights standards pertaining to women's political participation rights. The final chapter will contain conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Letitia van der Poll, Faculty of Law of the University of the Western Cape, South Africa
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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3

Ntongho, Rachael Ajomboh. « The Politics of Corporate Accountability Regulation in Cameroon ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.532244.

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4

Gwanvalla, Delphine Ngehndab. « A study of women's representation in relation to poverty : a case study of The Post March 2009 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007144.

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The media, specifically tabloids, have the potential to portray poverty-related issues in a manner that informs the public and government about the experiences of people living in poverty so that it can be tackled with urgency. Poverty has blighted the lives of many, especially women, children and widows in Cameroon. The role of the media in reporting the plight and suffering of the ‘masses’ potentially shapes the way in which these issues are handled by those in authority. The study notes that the tabloid press has the potential to expose certain experiences of ordinary people thereby constituting that alternative sphere for the disadvantaged. The study investigates the manner women are represented in The Post which is an English tabloid published in Cameroon. The representation of women in this study looks at the institutional policies which drive the representation of women in news constructs, analyses the news values which shape news production, and uses Thompson’s modes of ideology to unravel the underlying meanings in the reported stories. The study is inspired by the claims that since women make up the majority of the world's poor, so too would media representations depict them as such. It utilises thematic analysis to understand the manner in which women are represented in The Post. It also uses interviews with the regional bureau editor of the North West region to probe what news values and institutional policies drive the stories on women’s poverty. Document analysis is used to better comprehend the institutional guidelines which govern the representation of women during the month of March 2009.

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Numvi, Gwaibi Wallace. « Decentralisation and community participation : local development and municipal politics in Cameroon ». Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/57215.

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This thesis explores how policies of decentralisation and community participation adopted in Cameroon in 1996 have played out on the ground since 2004. These reforms were carried out amid economic crisis, structural adjustment and political upheaval. At the time, popular sentiment was that change on the economic and political fronts was imperative. However, the ruling elite, some of whom had been shuttling around the state apparatus since independence, feared that succumbing to popular demands for change was tantamount to political suicide, as was the case elsewhere on the continent. These elites thwarted opposition demands for a sovereign national conference to discuss constitutional reform. On the other hand, the Francophone-dominated elite fiercely objected to Anglophone demands for the restoration of the Federal state that was dissolved in 1972. Instead, decentralisation was presented as a genuine forum for grassroots autonomy and municipal councils as credible arenas for community participation in local development. This study adopts an interdisciplinary approach to unearth the permutations of decentralisation and community participation in Cameroon and documents how local issues influence and are influenced by national policies and processes.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
tm2016
Anthropology and Archaeology
PhD
Unrestricted

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Akale, Catherine Mudime. « Gendered politics and the secondary status of female bureaucrats in Cameroonian governing institutions ». Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341681.

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7

Klein, Megan Lynn. « Perceptions of ability to refuse sex among single women in urban Cameroon ». College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/103.

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Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2003.
Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Sociology. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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8

Chapnkem, Wenceslaw Chap. « Perceptions of Access to Healthcare in Cameroon by Women of Childbearing Age ». ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6981.

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Increased poverty and unemployment rates, minimal investment in social amenities, a shortage of healthcare professionals, poor infrastructure, inadequate social services, and poor institutional and political leadership have weakened the healthcare status of Cameroon's women who have reached the age of childbearing. The World Health Organization expressed increased urgency for healthcare providers and patients to develop new healthcare policies to eliminate health-related disparities. The aim of this phenomenological study was to examine the perceptions of women of childbearing age living in Mamfe rural community in regard to Cameroon's healthcare system and its impact on their lives. The theoretical foundation of the study was the healthcare utilization model. Interviews were conducted with 10 women participants, ages between 18 and 45. The data collected through semistructured interviews were analyzed using NVivo 11 and the Colaizzi 7-step processes to identify themes and subthemes. Study findings revealed systemic challenges that affected healthcare access which need to be adequately addressed to reduce maternal and child mortality among women of child-bearing age. The study findings could foster social change by improving the development of healthcare standards, as well as illustrating methods of increasing the level of access to healthcare services among women of childbearing age.

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9

Yotebieng, Kelly A. « The capacity to aspire among Rwandan urban refugee women in Yaounde, Cameroon ». The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1552294376449228.

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10

au, kyliespear@optusnet com, et Kylie Murphy. « Bitch : The Politics of Angry Women ». Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040820.135459.

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Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of womens battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.

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Murphy, Kylie. « Bitch : the politics of angry women / ». Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch : the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/217/.

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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.

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12

Stormont, Diane. « Hong Kong : politics, women and power / ». Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24534432.

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13

Birjandifar, Nazak. « Royal women and politics in Safavid Iran ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98540.

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This thesis is a study of two major figures among the royal Safavid women in the sixteenth century, with a special focus on their political activities and style of leadership. I examine the socio-political careers of Pari Khan Khanum (955-985/1548-1578) and Mahd-i 'Ulya (d.987/1579) in connection with family and dynastic politics as well as the power struggle and factionalism among the qizilbash tribes. A detailed analysis of these powerful female political figures of the Safavid court leads one to conclude that first, royal women faced particularly complex social and personal restrictions, but nonetheless some managed - through their privileged status as upper-class women with access to education, wealth, and social and family networks - to advance their careers in politics. Second, these women were subject to the political rules and games of their time but faced additional impediments, for they competed with other women such as co-wives, sisters-in-law and others for social recognition and influence, at times leading to the ruthless elimination of female and male rivals. Third, Safavid women came to play an active role in shaping central political decisions and the succession of sovereigns. This reflects not merely gendered semi-nomadic Turcoman roles but also urban Iranian-Islamic transitional traditions which are comparable to Ottoman and 'Abbasid counterparts.

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14

Kayser, Barbara J. « Politics or piety, the women of Pakistan ». Thesis, Drew University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3615832.

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My dissertation is on how the combination of religious law and constitutional law in Pakistan affects the daily lives of the women living there. The time frame to be discussed is from Pakistan's inception as a country in 1947 through the most prominent regimes that changed the Constitutional law, i.e. to the mid 1980's. During this epoch, Pakistan adopted Shari'a Law (law based on the Islamic faith) into its constitution. By chronicling the historic development of Pakistan's Constitution, I will show a correspondence between the specific laws and amendments with the attrition of women's rights in Pakistan and the deterioration of the quality of their lives. Although, Shari'a Law is based on the teachings of Islam, I contend these laws run contrary to the traditions and directives of the sacred texts, the Qur'an, Hadith (recorded oral traditions), and Sunnah (habits and practices of the Prophet Muhammad). By tracing specific Shari'a laws back to their roots and investigate the circumstances that impact Pakistani women to ascertain if they indeed burden, restrict, and quite possibly, endanger the lives of Pakistani women, and furthermore, violate the principles taught by the Prophet Muhammad, who exhorted to his followers, "Be kind to your women." The Constitution of Pakistan claims it provides equal rights for its citizens by proclaiming all people are equal (Preamble of the Constitution #8). I argue that the oppression of women in Pakistan can be linked directly to the introduction of Shari'a Law into the Pakistani Constitution and Shari'a Law is being used to justify the poor treatment of women, but it is in fact a distortion of the teachings of Islam. Therefore, women's lack of civil rights in Pakistan is attributable to male chauvinism that is based in culture, rather than religion. What can be done to reconcile the gender discrimination in Shari'a Law with parity for all citizens stated by the Constitution?

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15

Dancz, Virginia H. « Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia / ». Singapore ; Oxford ; New York : Oxford university press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37381932v.

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16

Ziyambi, Gabriel. « Commissioned women soldiers and politics in Zimbabwe ». University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8146.

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Masters of Art
The Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) and the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), are strongly interlinked in politics since independence, that is, the Army largely functions as the military wing of the party (ZANU-PF) and the state. The ZNA is also deeply involved in civilian politics. This study examines the experiences of commissioned women soldiers, as well as their understandings of power and politics in the ZNA. While many male soldiers are in positions of power and authority in the military, party, state, and civilian politics, commissioned women soldiers are marginalised in all of these areas. The role and position of women soldiers in this regard nevertheless remain under-researched. In this thesis I interrogate the complex processes and relations of power which discipline women soldiers and exclude them from processes of power and politics in the ZNA. I argue that there are various practice and discourses which affect women soldiers’ roles in the military. To do so, I draw on Foucault’s (1977) work on power/ knowledge, particularly the concepts of practices, relations, power and panopticism to examine how woman soldiers’ aspirations regarding power and politics are monitored and restricted in the military. I also draw on Enloe’s (2000) work on power politics and Sasson-Levy’s (2003) work on military gendered practices as interpretive and critical paradigmatic approaches to analyse how women experience hegemonic military masculinities in- and outside the army. The study employed ethnographic methods such as life histories, in-depth interviews and informal conversations with ten commissioned women soldiers in the ZNA. These methods were triangulated to corroborate responses from research participants and the data was thematically analysed

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17

Jeffrey, Leslie Ann Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. « Women, politics and prostitution ; prostitution legislation in Canada, 1867-1913 ». Ottawa, 1992.

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18

Ngujede, Ahone Esther-Alice. « Experience with Social Support Systems Among Women Exposed to Intimate Partner Violence in Cameroon ». ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2326.

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The southwest and northwest regions of Cameroon have experienced high rates of intimate partner violence (IPV). Limited information is available about IPV victims' experiences with social support systems. This phenomenological study was aimed at investigating IPV victims' lived experiences with social support systems in Cameroon. Some of these systems are the judicial system, police officers, hospitals and clinics, and domestic violence agencies. The Health Belief Model (HBM) and the Transtheoretical Model of Change (TTM) were used to understand how 8 self-identified victims of IPV were able to discuss their lived experiences with social support systems. The research questions addressed women's experiences with social support systems as victims of intimate partner violence. The study also addressed participants' willingness to use social support systems again if the systems were made available to them. Data were gathered through face-to-face interviews using a purposeful-criterion sample that discussed the themes developed after the interview. The participants were selected with the help of 2 local domestic violence organizations based in the northwest and southwest regions of Cameroon. Study findings, which were generated via inductive analyses, indicated that victims sought the help of social support systems at least 3 times in hopes of changing their situation but were not satisfied with these systems. The study conveys social change by encouraging the need to educate social support systems in implementing and developing culturally-sensitive programs to eradicate IPV in Cameroon.

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Styrkársdóttir, Auður. « From feminism to class politics the rise and decline of women's politics in Reykjavík, 1908-1922 / ». [Umeå] : Umeå University : Dept. of Political Science, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=jFE_AAAAMAAJ.

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20

Okala, Jean-Tobie. « Médias publics et pouvoir politique au Cameroun : approches du discours des autorites politiques camerounaises vis-à-vis des médias nationaux : usages "démocratiques" ou "impérialistes" ? Le cas de la télévision nationale ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212276.

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21

Burton, Erika del Pilar. « Women Rule, But Do They Make A Difference ? Women in Politics, Social Policy and Social Conditions in Latin America ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1860.

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Since the transitions to democracy in Latin America, women in the region have undergone major changes in their roles in society. From traditionally only present in the home to participating in collective action efforts, and finally participating at increasing numbers in governments, women have made incredible strides in the Latin American region. Latin American countries have successfully advocated for the inclusion of women in government, but few studies in academia focus on determining whether their inclusion has made a difference in government processes or in society. Borrowing from the literature positing that women are behaviorally different from men as well as their identification with motherhood and as wives in their collective action efforts in Latin America, I argue that women have different concerns from men both outside and inside of the public sphere and therefore make a difference in government with regards to policy priorities and government budget allocations. Studying 18 Latin American countries, I find that there is a gender gap in public opinion, which demonstrates that women are more concerned with social welfare matters than men. I also find that female concerns are carried into their behavior once in government as observed by female legislators’ heightened support for social welfare policies. Furthermore, I find that women in legislatures affect government behavior differently from their male counterparts as observed with female legislators’ positive effects on the allocation of the budget towards social welfare areas.

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22

Collins, Clare L. « Women and Labour politics in Britain, 1893-1932 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320146.

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Aradau, Claudia. « Politics out of security : rethinking trafficking in women ». Thesis, n.p, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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Zulfiqar, Chaudhry Sadia. « African women writers and the politics of gender ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5202/.

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This thesis examines the work of a group of African women writers who have emerged over the last forty years. While figures such as Chinua Achebe, Ben Okri and Wole Soyinka are likely to be the chief focus of discussions of African writing, female authors have been at the forefront of fictional interrogations of identity formation and history. In the work of authors such as Mariama Bâ (Senegal), Buchi Emecheta (Nigeria), Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie (Nigeria), Tsitsi Dangarembga (Zimbabwe), and Leila Aboulela (Sudan), there is a clear attempt to subvert the tradition of male writing where the female characters are often relegated to the margins of the culture, and confined to the domestic, private sphere. This body of work has already generated a significant number of critical responses, including readings that draw on gender politics and colonialism; but it is still very much a minor literature, and most mainstream western feminism has not sufficiently processed it. The purpose of this thesis is threefold. First, it draws together some of the most important and influential African women writers of the post-war period and looks at their work, separately and together, in terms of a series of themes and issues, including marriage, family, polygamy, religion, childhood, and education. Second, it demonstrates how African literature produced by women writers is explicitly and polemically engaged with urgent political issues that have both local and global resonance: the veil, Islamophobia and a distinctively African brand of feminist critique. Third, it revisits Fredric Jameson’s claim that all third-world texts are ‘national allegories’ and considers these novels by African women in relation to Jameson’s claim, arguing that their work has complicated Jameson’s assumptions.

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Battista-Kerle, Maria. « Women and politics : a study of women trained in a political leadership setting / ». Pittsburgh : University of Pittsburgh, 2007. http://etd.library.pitt.edu/ETD/available/etd-05142007-184221/unrestricted/Maria_ETD2007_final.pdf.

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Xydias, Christina V. « Women Representing Women ? : Pathways to Substantive Representation ». The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269445382.

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Sutton, Barbara. « Body politics and women's consciousness in Argentina / ». view abstract or download file of text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3153798.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2004.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 390-428). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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Barry, Anne-Marie. « Women, politics and participation : a study of women and the Labour Party 1979-1987 ». Thesis, University of York, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238650.

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Amaah, Penn. « Contraceptive use and fertility intentions of HIV-positive women in two health districts in Yaounde, Cameroon ». University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6222.

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Magister Public Health - MPH (Public Health)
HIV-positive women may desire to have children, plan their family size or avoid becoming pregnant. The choice to use or not to use a contraceptive method depends on this desire which is influenced by their fertility intentions. Among HIV-positive women who are avoiding unintended pregnancy, the use of condoms on their own or with another contraceptive method also lessens the possibility of infecting uninfected partners in sero-discordant relationships and prevents possible vertical transmission to the infant. Barrier methods like the condom used alone or in combination with other methods provide HIV-positive women with protection against pregnancy and against the transmission of HIV. Several factors including their fertility intentions influence their uptake and use of these various methods. In urban health districts in Yaounde in Cameroon where the prevalence of HIV in women remains higher than the national average and with observed increasing rates of abortions within this population, very little information is available both about their fertility intentions and contraceptive use. An understanding of the fertility intentions of HIV-positive women and their uptake and use of dual protection is helpful in informing family planning activities for HIVpositive persons and possibly informing services to provide safer options for conception in HIV-positive women.

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Rajiva, Mythili. « Identity and politics, second generation ethnic women in Canada ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq20946.pdf.

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Nankervis, Rose Amber. « The Misrepresentation and Underrepresentation of Women in U.S. Politics ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/271619.

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The underrepresentation and misrepresentation of women in United States politics are conditions that have existed for centuries. Women have been underrepresented because of the perceptions masculinism and gender hierarchy have created. These ideologies privilege men and masculine qualities, which puts women at a disadvantage. Research has shown that women are just as successful as men when running for office. Women, however, remain underrepresented primarily because they choose not to run. A few reasons why women choose not to run are that their roles as wives and mothers may interfere with their candidacies and they tend to have less money, fewer political contacts, and less appropriate employment histories. Aside from women choosing not to run, there are some other reasons why women are underrepresented in United States politics and these are referred to as barriers that need to be overcome. Some of these barriers are social and gendered stereotypes, incumbency, sex discrimination and the political system itself. These barriers pose a problem because they deter women from running for office and they keep the women who run from succeeding. Women have successfully weakened many of these barriers but there is still progress to be made in order for them to reach parity.

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Moore, Linda Miriam Georgina. « Gender counts : men, women and electoral politics, 1893-1919 ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of History, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4342.

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Gender has seldom been considered in accounts of electoral politics and voting in early twentieth century New Zealand. This thesis approaches the question of gender and electoral politics in three ways. The first is a case-study of the 1893 election campaign in Christchurch based on qualitative data. Gender threaded through both political organisation and debates in this election campaign. Men and women organized separately and invoked gender difference in the discussion of election issues. The second approach is a quantitative study across time and space comparing men's and women's participation rates in general elections from 1893 until 1954. Women's turnout was significantly lower than men's in the 1890s, but the difference had largely disappeared by the late 1940s. Moreover, although broad social changes increased women's participation relative to men's, factors such as party organisation and the nature and content of political debates were also important. The third approach is a statistical analysis comparing men's and women's voting preferences on the liquor issue and for the political parties at electorate level from 1893 until 1919. The analysis is of an ecological nature. It is designed to overcome the absence of individual-level voting data and to limit the ecological fallacy problem which is the error of assuming that relationships evident at the group level reflect relationships at the individual or sub-group level. The thesis reviews and trials five methods for ecological inference: Goodman's ecological regression, King's parametric and non-parametric methods, a semi-parametric method and the homogeneous method. King's non-parametric method is then used to estimate men's and women's support for Liberal, Reform and opposition candidates and for and against prohibition from 1893 until 1919. Significant differences between men's and women's preferences are revealed by the estimates. Together these three approaches indicate that gender was an important factor in election politics of the early twentieth century.

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Milling, Jane Rebecca. « The performance and politics of seventeenth century women dramatists ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388603.

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Newell, Deaneen M. « Women staging change dissimulation and cultural politics in Mexico / ». [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3162978.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Spanish and Portuguese, 2005.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Dec. 2, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-02, Section: A, page: 0608. Chair: Catherine Larson.

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Kim, Hyun Mee. « Labor, politics and the women subject in contemporary Korea / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6404.

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Parks, Madison Marie. « Self-Framing of Women in U.S. Politics on Instagram ». BYU ScholarsArchive, 2020. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/9044.

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This study explored how women involved in U.S. politics visually framed themselves on their Instagram pages. While recent research in political communications examined the use of Facebook and Twitter, few studies assessed Instagram's role in the game of politics. Guided by political and visual framing theories, a quantitative content analysis of Instagram posts (N = 1,947) from women involved in U.S. politics was conducted. This examination allowed for an exploration of how these public figures framed themselves on Instagram and the extent to which they shared personal content, despite their varied involvement in U.S. politics. Results showed that: both Democrat and Republican women shared political content more often than personal content; Instagram affords a visual-first emphasis for different political issues; and women most often framed themselves as the credible, ideal stateswoman, while still showcasing their personality. Implications for this study affirm Instagram as a legitimate political communications platform, despite its reputation as a food and travel haven.

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Ara, Fardaus [Verfasser]. « Women in Electoral Politics. Does Development Matter ? / Fardaus Ara ». München : GRIN Verlag, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1238431860/34.

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Shin, Young-Tae. « The invisible and the visible : women and politics in Japan / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10794.

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Ntamack, Serge. « Rebellion as a lifestyle : representations of youth revolts in Cameroon ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5456.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research has used a critical discourse analysis approach encompassing postcolonial theory and theory of media effects in order to investigate the influence of political discourse in the media upon youth’s violence in Cameroon. As a result it has been found that the use of private violence by young people in urban cities has become ordinary. Such an attitude reflects among other some aspects of youth’s lifestyle designed to cope with the hardship of their social status and to resist the elite’s dominance. While no counter-narrative has been found in the independent publications about the portrayal of youth’s violence as criminal by the state-owned press, the young people nevertheless have produced through a street culture a narrative deconstructing the political discourse in the media and highlighting their grievances in a more or less violent tone. Thus the use of private violence during the riot in February 2008, is far from an isolated (re)action of angry young people , it obeys the very practicality of their existence and the political turmoil it might cause is incidental to the way of life in which it is embedded.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorsing het ‘n kritiese diskoers analise-benadering gebruik wat ‘n postkoloniale teorie en ‘n teorie van media-effekte insluit om sodoende die invloed van politieke diskoers in die media op jeuggeweld in Kameroen, te ondersoek. Daar is gevolglik gevind dat die gebruik van private geweld deur jongmense in stedelike gebiede normaal geword het. So ‘n houding reflekteer onder andere sommige aspekte van die jeug se leefstyl wat ontwerp is om die ontbering van hul sosiale status te hanteer en ook die elite se dominasie te weerstaan. Ofskoon geen teen-narratief sover gevind is in die onafhanklike publikasies oor die uitbeelding van jeuggeweld as krimineel en die publikasies van die staatsbeheerde pers wat die jeug uitbeeld met min agentskap nie, het jongmense wel ‘n teen-narratief geskep deur ‘n straat-kultuur. Hierdie teen-narratief dekonstruktueer die politieke diskoers in die media en onderstreep hul griewe in ‘n geweldadige toon. Dus die gebruik van private geweld gedurende die onluste in Februarie 2008, wat nie as ‘n geïsoleerde (re)aksie van woedende jongmense gesien kan word nie, is getrou aan die wese van hulle bestaan en die politieke onrus wat dit moontlik mag veroorsaak, is bykomstig tot die leefstyl waarin dit vasgelê is.”

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Loudes, C. M. H. « Increasing women's political representation : law into politics ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.

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Endeley, Joyce Bayande Mbongo. « Women farmers'perceptions of the economic problems influencing their productivity in agricultural systems : Meme Division of the southwest province, Cameroon / ». The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487326511716681.

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Mumah, Joyce Ndueh. « Socioeconomic Status, Women, and HIV : Do the Determinants of Female HIV Vary by Socioeconomic Status in Cameroon ? » DigitalCommons@USU, 2011. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/1110.

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The HIV/AIDS epidemic is argued to be one of the greatest health challenges facing Sub-Saharan African countries, with more than 25 million Africans currently infected. Social epidemiology posits that for most types of illness, there is an inverse relationship between indicators with SES. In most developed nations, and in some developing countries, the incidence of HIV follows this classic pattern, with the poor having the greatest risk of infection and eventual mortality. However, a growing body of research on HIV in Sub-Saharan Africa suggests an intriguing reversal of this pattern, particularly with respect to HIV among women. In the Cameroonian case most specifically, previous research indicates that higher socioeconomic status women present higher rates of HIV infection compared to low socioeconomic status women, albeit rates higher than those in the United States. However, the mechanisms of risk appear to be distinct for each group. Using data from the 2004 National Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) in Cameroon, this paper explores relationships between the various indicators of socioeconomic status and HIV, as well as estimates and tests a series of multivariate models designed to highlight the distinct causal pathways that put higher SES women at increased risk of HIV. In general, my results show that women with increased resources had higher rates of HIV, confirming results published elsewhere. Additionally, women with riskier sexual behaviors also presented higher rates of infection. Counterintuitively, however, women with increased knowledge of HIV, more domestic making authority, and access to health care all had higher rates of HIV infection. Multivariate analysis revealed that the mechanisms of risk varied by socioeconomic status. For women in low socioeconomic group, what seemed to increase their risk was relative inequality (i.e. having a partner outside their socioeconomic bracket). Conversely, for women in the high socioeconomic group, their own sexual behavior seemed to account for their higher rates of HIV infection. What the results of this study indicated therefore was that the mechanisms of risk differed by SES and different approaches targeting each sub-group were needed to effectively combat the disease.

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Karacan, Elifcan. « Women Under The Hegemony Of Body Politics : Fashion And Beauty ». Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608861/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to investigate women&rsquo
s oppression through analyzing the overlapping features of hegemonic ideology of beauty and fashion. The major goal of the study is to examine how beauty ideology is constructed and how it is practiced in the case of fashion. Additionally, the intersecting discourses of capitalist system and patriarchy have been questioned to understand women&rsquo
s oppression, as suggested by Dual-System theorists. Therefore, throughout the study, the common interests of capitalist and patriarchal systems in reproducing oppressive body politics have been demonstrated.

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Eggert, Elizabeth. « Gender and Politics : Why More Women Do Not Seek Candidacy ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/985.

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This thesis seeks to explore why so fewer women seek political candidacy in the United States. I begin by seeing if the political arena has progressed, if at all, within the last thirty years. A comparison between the number of female legislators in the United States versus other western industrialized nations is used to see if there are cultural or institutional causes of gender disparity in governments throughout the world. I then examine existing factors that both encourage and discourage women from running for political office. External factors include the type of electoral process the United States uses, Political Action Committees (PACs) marketed to support female candidates, media coverage, and incumbency blockades. A discussion on internally existing factors analyzes ever existing stereotypes of men, women and leaders that result both from socialization of gender roles and inherent anatomical discrepancies between males and females. After analyzing the various factors I conclude that immutable biological differences between men and women affect political ambition and will consequently affect how many women seek political candidacy. This finding may not sit well with activists striving for political parity, but it is a reality society needs to accept. We cannot use anatomical gender differences as justification to prevent women from seeking office. But understanding the inherent causes will stop the criticism and essentially the undermining of women in American politics.

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Corcoran-Nantes, Y. « Women in grass roots protest politics in Sao Paulo, Brazil ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381123.

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Hill, Adrienne C. « Spatial Awarishness : Queer Women and the Politics of Fat Embodiment ». Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1257110459.

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Harvey, Alison Dean. « Irish realism women, the novel, and national politics,1870-1922 / ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1417800181&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Prasad, Bela. « Women in politics : a cross-national demand and supply analysis ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8174.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2002.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-149).
It is striking that the sharp increase in the number of countries moving towards self-governance and democracy has not been accompanied by more equal political representation of women. What is equally puzzling is the contrast in the share of women in positions of political authority observed between countries, with many developed nations having fewer women legislators than a number of lesser-developed countries. Why are there so few women in most parliaments and why is there such variation across countries? To understand gender-based inequality in political authority, we look at the various stages of candidacy and identify potential bottlenecks to women participation and election into public office. There are three stages which one must pass through successfully to become a legislator. The first is becoming eligible and a part of the pool from which politicians are drawn, then being selected as a candidate and finally being elected to office. Potential barriers to entry for women in the legislative process may exist at any or all of these three stages. Each of these candidacy stages is discussed through a cross-national analysis and a case study of India. The cross-national data is for 175 countries at three points in time: 1975, 1985 and 1995. The Indian case study looks at women in parliament from the first general elections in 1951-1952 and focuses most on the 1996 parliamentary data. We argue that the key factor limiting the recruitment of women into politics is women's sparse representation in the pool from which politicians are recruited. Just as in thecase of men, women are drawn from an elite pool based on their occupational achievements.
(cont.) Countries that have a greater share of women in their professional and managerial labor force are able to recruit more women into politics. Having women well represented in the eligibility pool for political candidates, broadly the elite professions is necessary to provide a conduit for women into politics. While female labor force participation has increased dramatically in the last three decades, the relative position of women in highly paid/high status professions has increased only marginally. So it is not a case of active discrimination against women in politics or a case of different gender preferences, with women having less interest in politics. It is fundamentally a case of women being less represented in the specific labor pool from which politicians are drawn. In a number of developing countries, secluded labor markets have provided access for women from elite families into top industry and professional leadership positions. This has led to a relatively larger proportion of women in the political eligibility pool and consequently to a higher level of female recruitment in politics than in countries in which women comprise a smaller part of the elite professional pool. However, in many countries, the process of industrialization has generated economic and social pressures that have imposed greater restrictions on women in the economic, and consequently, political sphere. This suggests that economic development, while it opens some opportunities for women, can also make achievement of higher leadership positions more difficult.
by Bela Prasad.
Ph.D.

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Weston, Sarah Elizabeth. « Political voice as embodied performance : young women, politics and engagement ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21546/.

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In this thesis I argue that a focus on the embodied voice can be used as a tool of political intervention. Specifically focusing on how young women engage politically, I explore to what extent voice training can help young women notice the relationship between physiological tensions in their voice and repressive social and political structures. Furthermore, I argue that voice training can support young women in creating political performances that resist these repressions. I identify that in both practices that engage young women in the political and in much applied theatre work the embodied voice is largely unconsidered. Instead these fields focus on voice in its metaphoric sense. I demonstrate the term ‘political voice’ must also consider the way the voice can be repressed or liberated physiologically. This is a theorisation of political voice drawing together the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu with the practices of voice technique. I designed and delivered a series of workshops with young women combining technique, drama exercises and political discussion, from which I draw several conclusions relevant to how we practice voice with young women. Firstly, voice training can be used to help young women understand the concept of habitus. This is important as I argue this is a process of political ‘noticing’, where young women can see that any perceived deficiencies in their voices are not the result of personal failure, but because of the ways in which the social has structured their voice. Secondly, voice training can help young people articulate these repressions and furthermore use the voice to vocalise against these repressions. This was clear in how aspects of the tensionless voice that my participants discovered through training manifested in how they represented political engagement in their devised performances. Accordingly, I argue that voice training is an act of political intervention.

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Henderson, Nancy Ann. « British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860 ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4799.

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British aristocratic women exerted political influence and power during the century beginning with the accession of George III. They expressed their political power through the four roles of social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political patron/electioneer. British aristocratic women were able, trained, and expected to play these roles. Politics could not have existed without these women. The source of their political influence was the close interconnection of politics and society. In this small, inter-connected society, women could and did influence politics. Political decisions, especially for the Whigs, were not made in the halls of government with which we are so familiar, but in the halls of the homes of the social/political elite. However, this close interconnection can make women's political influence difficult to assess and understand for our twentieth century experience. Sources for this thesis are readily available. Contemporary, primary sources are abundant. This was the age of letter and diary writing. There is, however, a dearth of modern works concerning the political activities of aristocratic women. Most modern works rarely mention women. Other problems with sources include the inappropriate feminization of the time period and the filtering of this period through modern, not contemporary, points of view. Separate spheres is the most common and most inappropriate feminist issue raised by historians. This doctrine is not valid for aristocratic women of this time. The material I present in this thesis is not new. The sources, both contemporary and modern, have been available to historians for some time. By changing our rigid definition of politics by enlarging it to include the broader areas of political activities such as social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political/electioneer, we can see British aristocratic women in a new light, revealing political power and influence.

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