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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Women in politics – Sweden »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 31 juillet 2025

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1

Aulia Ramadhanty, Neysa Naila, and Ardli Johan Kusuma. "Tantangan Dan Keberhasilan Peran Perempuan Dalam Partisipasi Politik Swedia Dan Implikasinya Terhadap Keadilan Gender Secara Global." ALADALAH: Jurnal Politik, Sosial, Hukum dan Humaniora 2, no. 1 (2023): 106–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.59246/aladalah.v2i1.627.

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Women's political participation is a key factor in achieving an inclusive and equitable democracy. This research aims to investigate the role of women in increasing political participation and democracy in Sweden. Qualitative research is used to understand complex and subjective cases by collecting descriptive and unstructured data. The results show that Sweden has achieved significant progress in women's political participation. The country has consistently championed gender equality and ranks fourth in the 2020 Global Gender Gap Index. The gender equality approach as a cornerstone of its pol

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Drozdova, Arina. "Revisiting «Gender Equality» in European Politics." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 21, no. 3 (2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32021145154.

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Despite the formal equality of women and men in rights, political activity and the decision-making process on public issues remain male-dominated areas. Political priorities are determined by men, and political culture continues to be mainly masculine. Therefore, separate women's political parties, with their own programs aimed at solving gender problems, enable women to represent themselves in the political processes of the country. The article examines the experience of women's parties in three countries: Sweden (Feminist Initiative), Germany (Feminist Party of Germany), and Spain (Feminist

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Fagerström, Linda. "Den marknadsförda maktordningen. Kön och politik i det offentliga rummets bilder." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 25, no. 4 (2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v25i4.4051.

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Art images, as well as media images, photographs and other mass-produced commercial images, reflect existing gendered power structures in society. At the same time, those representations (and therefore, also the gendered power structures in them) form ideals which individuals in society, consciously or unconsciously, strive to follow. These dynamics are here discussed with examples from some recent and in Sweden well-known images (in commercials by clothes/fashion company H&M, hygienic products brand Dove, and posters produced by political parties duringan election campaign on the EMU). In

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Roth, Silke, and Clare Saunders. "Gender Differences in Political Participation: Comparing Street Demonstrators in Sweden and the United Kingdom." Sociology 53, no. 3 (2018): 571–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518803008.

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Research on gender and politics has primarily focused on women’s participation in women’s movements and institutional politics separately. Our article is innovative in multiple respects: first, employing a comparative perspective we analyse what impact gender regimes have on participation in street protests. Second, we study the relationship between participation in electoral and protest politics and how this relationship is gendered. Third, we compare the participation of men and women in social movements. We are able to do this by drawing on nuanced survey data of five street demonstrations

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Rönnbäck, Josefin. ""Utan kvinnor inget folkstyre". En historisk exposé över kampen för ökad kvinnorepresentation i Sverige." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 31, no. 3 (2022): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v31i3.3628.

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Sweden is often recognized globally as a role model regarding gender equality, and especially when it comes to women’s political representation. However, for a long time male politicians effectively kept women out and Swedish women found it difficult to enter into politics. The purpose of this article is to give a historical overview of the Swedish women´s movement and its struggle for increased political representation and present and discuss initiatives taken by Swedish women in different times, after the suffrage struggle (1921) and before the female representation increased considerably (i

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Folke, Olle, Johanna Rickne, and Daniel M. Smith. "Gender and Dynastic Political Selection." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 2 (2020): 339–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020938089.

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Throughout history and across countries, women appear more likely than men to enter politics on the heels of a close family relative or spouse. To explain this dynastic bias in women’s representation, we introduce a theory that integrates political selection decisions with informational inequalities across social groups. Candidates with dynastic ties benefit from the established reputations of their predecessors, but these signals of quality are more important to political newcomers such as women. Legislator-level data from twelve democracies and candidate-level data from Ireland and Sweden su

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Hedfeldt, Mona, and Gun Hedlund. "A Clash between the Business and Political Climates in Sweden – Gender in the European Structural Fund Partnerships." European Spatial Research and Policy 18, no. 1 (2011): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10105-011-0004-1.

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In this paper we highlight and discuss a Swedish equality paradox in two different spheres: entrepreneurship and politics. We focus on the EU Structural Funds and women entrepreneurs' access to resources through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). Combining human geography and political science, we draw upon network and partnership theory posing questions concerning the room for manoeuvre for women entrepreneurs to gain access to relevant networks, to create new networks in order to establish relations with EU related partnerships, and to gain access to the process of allocating EU

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Eriksson, Anne-Louise. "Genusinkarnationer i kyrkans rum. En könad o-ordning." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 24, no. 3-4 (2022): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v24i3-4.4120.

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The Church of Sweden has undergone many changes concerningthe role of women duringthe last fifty years. This artide tries to investigate whether or not these changes really promotes gender equality in the church. Circumstances that on a surface level seems to be a step forward, like more women priests, can on a more hidden level point in another direction, a general weakening of the role of priests both in the society as a whole and in the church. In order to make the Church of Sweden more transparent I analyse it as if made up of (at least) three different rooms; a physical room (the church b

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Boström, Lena, and Rolf Dalin. "Young People’s Opinions on Rural Sweden." International Education Studies 11, no. 6 (2018): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v11n6p45.

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This study focus on adolescents motivations about remaining in rural areas in the Mid Sweden Region, a part of Sweden with decreasing school performance scores and high out-migration. The study is based on 1,500 young people’s responses to a Web-based survey within the framework of a regional school development project. The research questions focused on: whether youths were going to stay there or move the future in urban or rural areas, influences, and the future choices and differences among genders, regions, and age groups. The empirical data are processed with statistical analysis. The stud

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Haandrikman, Karen, Natasha A. Webster, and Ann-Zofie Duvander. "Geographical Variation in Local Gender Contracts in Sweden." Applied Spatial Analysis and Policy 14, no. 3 (2021): 679–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12061-020-09371-2.

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AbstractDespite Sweden’s national gender-neutral family and social policies, local differences in gender contracts exist and have been related to differences in the structure of the labour market and cultural traditions. Existing studies are outdated and used relatively large administratively defined areas, which may lead to several measurement and interpretation errors. This paper examines geographical variation in gender contracts in present-day Sweden using individualized neighbourhoods on different scales. Gender contracts are operationalized using six indicators on the level of family, po

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Langevin, Louise. "Tracing The Women-Friendly Welfare State, Gendered Politics of Everyday Life in Sweden, edited by Åsa GunnarssonÅsa Gunnarsson, dir,Tracing The Women-Friendly Welfare State, Gendered Politics of Everyday Life in Sweden(Stockholm :Makadam, 2013)." Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 27, no. 2 (2015): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjwl.27.2.347.

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Gustafsson, Gunnel. "Sustainable Pressure for “Women‐Friendliness” in Sweden." Political Psychology 19, no. 1 (1998): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00092.

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Andersson, Anton, Christofer Edling, and Jens Rydgren. ""In Sweden we shake hands" - but are we really." Sociologisk Forskning 54, no. 4 (2017): 377–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.54.18240.

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Motivated by a recent controversy over handshaking, a survey of the personal networks of young Swedes (n=2244) is used to describe greeting practices across social class, gender, immigrant background, and geographic location. While greeting practices in the sample are fairly uniform, there are also important differences. Handshaking is predominantly used by respondents with an immigrant background, men and women distinguish between greetings depending on the gender of the person they are greeting, and greeting practices differ between northern and southern Sweden as well as between rural and u

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Eduards, Maud. "Män - finns de?" Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 19, no. 3-4 (2022): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v19i3-4.4525.

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This article takes up the basic question whether - and how - women can be named in a liberating way. The discussion has its starting point in two concrete issues debated in the course of the 1998 election campaign in Sweden. The first is the problem of gender and competence and the second is the question of strategic and organisational nioves. Both examples demonstrate that men and women are named differently in politics, the main point being that women always have to reläte to the fact that they are defined as women. Men, on the other hand, dominate politics while at the same time indicating

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Elgán, Elisabeth. "Sexualpolitikens genus i Frankrike och Sverige." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 20, no. 3 (2022): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v20i3.4447.

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This comparative study, inspired by Marc Bloch, deals with the abortion and contraception politics of Sweden and France during the first half of the XXth century from a gender perspective At a discursive level the resemblance between the two countries is clear: this is the main result of this study. At this time many western countries, restricted the diffusion of contraceptives in some way and passed more efficient and abortion legislation thus increasing surveillance. The dominant view in Sweden and France, although the explicit motives for these policies were different in the two countries,

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Wängnerud, Lena, and Anders Sundell. "Do politics matter? Women in Swedish local elected assemblies 1970–2010 and gender equality in outcomes." European Political Science Review 4, no. 1 (2011): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000087.

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A substantial number of studies support the notion that having a high number of women in elected office helps strengthen the position of women in society. However, some of the most cited studies rely on questionnaires asking elected representatives about their attitudes and priorities, thus focusing on the input side of the political system. The closer one gets to outcomes in citizens’ everyday lives, the fewer empirical findings there are to report. In this study, we attempt to explain contemporary variations in gender equality at the sub-national level in Sweden. We use six indicators to cap

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Alnebratt, Kerstin, and Birgitta Jordansson. "Jämställdhet, meritokrati och kvalitet - Ett triangeldrama i den akademiska vardagen." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 32, no. 2-3 (2022): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v32i2-3.3538.

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In Sweden, the issue of gender equality in higher education and research has been on the agenda since women entered universities in significant numbers more than 40 years ago. Several political initiatives have been taken, which have been crucial to enhanced gender equality but, at the same time, they have been essentially contested in academia itself. In this article we analyse how specific logics, based on the culture of academic research, are hard to reconcile with logics based on political justice that govern the politics of gender equality. Secondly, gender equality is often understood to

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Larsson, Frida. "Effect of Gender Quotas on Political Representation in Scandinavian Countries in Sweden." International Journal of Gender Studies 9, no. 3 (2024): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijgs.2879.

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Purpose: The aim of the study was to analyze the effect of gender quotas on political representation in Scandinavian countries in Sweden. Methodology: This study adopted a desk methodology. A desk study research design is commonly known as secondary data collection. This is basically collecting data from existing resources preferably because of its low cost advantage as compared to a field research. Our current study looked into already published studies and reports as the data was easily accessed through online journals and libraries. Findings: In Sweden, gender quotas have greatly enhanced f

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Velásquez, Juan. "Förortsfeminismens villkor - transversell politik." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 28, no. 3 (2022): 56–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v28i3.3880.

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Juan Velásquez is recognizing the difficulties that frame the fight against discrimination, segregation and racism in Sweden. Gender mainstreaming and anti-discrimination work usually go for disparate roads, in spite that growing racism, homophobia and antifeminism require bigger unification between civil society, administrators and the scientific community. To articulate these actors Velásquez proposes transversal politics. He has studied this type of transversal work within the frame of a research project conducted in the multicultural community of Fittja, Botkyrka municipality in the metrop

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Clarke, Alice L. "Women, resources, and dispersal in nineteenth-century Sweden." Human Nature 4, no. 2 (1993): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02734113.

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Canning, Victoria. "Degradation by design: women and asylum in northern Europe." Race & Class 61, no. 1 (2019): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396819850986.

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The increasingly punitive measures taken by European governments to deter people seeking asylum, including increased use of detention, internalised controls, reductions in in-country rights and procedural safeguards, have a hugely damaging impact on the lives and wellbeing of women survivors of torture, sexual and domestic violence. This article, based on a two-year research project examining Britain, Denmark and Sweden, involved more than 500 hours speaking with people seeking asylum, as well as interviews with practitioners. It highlights among other issues non-adherence to the Istanbul Conv

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Haidenthaller, Ylva. "Collecting Coins and Medals in 18th-Century Sweden." Artium Quaestiones, no. 34 (December 27, 2023): 111–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2023.34.4.

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During the 18th century, collections of coins and medals were familiar sights. The collectors ranged from scholars to amateurs, men and women and the collectables tempted collectors for various reasons: they signified wealth and knowledge, they rendered historical events or current politics in material form, or they were miniature artworks and financial investments. Also, the visual and material culture that involved collecting coins and medals consisted of cabinets and numismatic publications. But how were numismatic collections amassed, and how were they used? What did it mean to own a coin

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Tkach, Oleg, Oleg Batrymenko, and Oleksiy Borovskiy. "STATE POLICY IN THE FIELD OF OVERCOMING GENDER INEQUALITY." Politology bulletin, no. 90 (2023): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2023.90.285-301.

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The article examines the methodology of implementing gender policy, which is one of the main factors in achieving democracy. It is substantiated that the analysis of the world political practice and the regulatory framework of states showed that gender policy is perceived by the leadership of countries as an important direction of state activity, which is implemented with the aim of achieving a high political and legal status at the world level, striving to become a universally recognized democratic state. The national laws of Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Norway, the USA and Canada, signed intern

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Ravnbøl, Camilla Ida. "The Human Rights of Minority Women: Romani Women's Rights from a Perspective on International Human Rights Law and Politics." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 1 (2010): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x12595859744123.

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AbstractThis article explores the complexities surrounding the human rights of minority women. With analytical focus on Romani women in Europe it seeks to contribute with new insight into the grey areas of rights issues, where groups within special rights categories share different human rights concerns, by being both women and members of a minority group. Through an investigation of how contemporary human rights law and politics serve to address the concerns of Romani women, it sheds light on the challenges that the Romani women's issue presents to the international human rights framework. Th

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Wright, Katharine A. M., and Annika Bergman Rosamond. "Sweden, NATO and the gendered silencing of feminist foreign policy." International Affairs 100, no. 2 (2024): 589–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiae002.

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Abstract Sweden was the first state to adopt a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) in 2014, drawing on its state feminist tradition and support for the United Nations' Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Yet following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and Sweden's move to seek NATO membership—abandoning its policy of non-alignment—a gendered silence on FFP pervaded. Significantly, this therefore predated the official abandonment of FFP following the election of a new government in October 2022. NATO membership was viewed as incompatible with FFP. Yet, NATO has long soug

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Portocarero, Lucienne. "Social Mobility in France and Sweden: Women, Marriage and Work." Acta Sociologica 28, no. 3 (1985): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169938502800301.

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Wottle, Martin, and Eva Blomberg. "Feminism och jämställdhet i en nyliberal kontext 1990-2010." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 32, no. 2-3 (2022): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v32i2-3.3550.

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The article discusses the relationship between gender equality politics and the advancement of neo-liberalism in Sweden from the 1980s–90s. As theoretical starting point serves a discussion by Nancy Fraser, concerning the relationship between feminism and neo-liberalism, and her fears that capitalism has co-opted the feminist agenda, in fact putting feminism in the service of market-liberalism. From many perspectives, it is evident that Swedish society, like so many in the Western world, has been subjected to the forces of market logic, imbuing the politics from conservatism to social-democrac

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Torstendahl-Salycheva, Tamara. "Gender Issues in Sweden: Socio-Political and Historiographical Aspects." ISTORIYA 14, no. 8 (130) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840027755-9.

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Gender equality in the political, legal, social, economic, and cultural spheres of modern Sweden is highly relevant to society. This issue affects all aspects of the country&apos;s life and is one of the most important points for understanding Swedish identity. The most equal opportunities for women and men are primarily manifested at the state and political levels. In the global media space of the last decade, great attention has been paid to the women&apos;s hashtag movement #metoo against cases of sexual harassment by men towards women. This phenomenon has had a significant impact o

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CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.

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One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a

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Pettersson, Katarina. "Ideological dilemmas of female populist radical right politicians." European Journal of Women's Studies 24, no. 1 (2016): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506815617978.

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Radical right political parties are usually heavily male-dominated; accordingly, previous research has concentrated on the perspective of men. The present study aims to enhance the understanding of the worldview of women within radical right parties. Taking a critical discursive psychological approach, the study looks at how female populist radical right politicians in Sweden and Finland discursively negotiate the tension between the Nordic societal norm of gender equality, on the one hand, and the patriarchal ideology of populist radical right parties, on the other. The analysis suggests that

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Wagnsson, Charlotte, Eva-Karin Olsson, and Isabella Nilsen. "Gendered Views in a Feminist State: Swedish Opinions on Crime, Terrorism, and National Security." Gender & Society 34, no. 5 (2020): 790–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243220946029.

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Gender differences have been observed regarding many political and social issues, yet we lack comprehensive evidence on differences in perceptions on a wide range of security issues increasingly important to voters: military threats, criminality, and terrorism. Previous research suggests that when women are highly politically mobilized, as they are in Sweden, gender differences in political opinion are large. On the other hand, Swedish politicians have worked hard to reduce gender stereotypical thinking. This prompts the question: Are there gender differences in attitudes on security issues in

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Ruppanner, Leah, Maria Brandén, and Jani Turunen. "Does Unequal Housework Lead to Divorce? Evidence from Sweden." Sociology 52, no. 1 (2017): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516674664.

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The lack of couple-level data hinders direct exploration of how inconsistencies in couples’ housework reports structure their relationship quality. We address this limitation by applying Swedish data from the 2009 Young Adult Panel Study ( N = 1057 couples) matched with Swedish register data (2009–2014) to extend equity theory by estimating mismatch in couples’ housework reports on relationship satisfaction and stability. We find women who report performing more housework are less likely to be satisfied with their relationships, and are more likely to consider breaking up. These unions are als

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Grbeša, Marijana, Nichola D. Gutgold, and Domagoj Bebić. "Mrežna diskriminacija u Hrvatskoj." Nova prisutnost XXII, no. 1 (2024): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31192/np.22.1.5.

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In light of growing research on online misogyny and sexism, this study investigates the online discrimination faced by the first woman president of Croatia, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, who served from 2015 to 2020. Specifically, it examines the Facebook communication of the three leading Croatian news sites, as well as related readers’ comments, pertaining to two events that got excessive media coverage: Grabar-Kitarović’s appearance at the 2018 FIFA World Cup in Russia and an educational video of the President reading Astrid Lindgren’s Pippi Longstocking to Croatian children in Sweden. In both

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Elgenius, Gabriella, and Magnus Wennerhag. "The changing political landscape of Sweden." Sociologisk Forskning 55, no. 2-3 (2018): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.55.18187.

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The political landscape in Sweden has undergone considerable changes in recent decades The number of political parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight, and the socio-economic issues of the traditional political right–left scale has been challenged by socio-cultural issues relating to lifestyle and identity. Notably, the notion of Swedish exceptionalism and the particularities of its welfare state is lingering despite findings pointing in the opposite direction e.g. with the increased electoral support for the radical right, and its ethno-nationalist and anti-immigran

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Hagqvist, Emma, Susanna Toivanen, and Stig Vinberg. "The gender time gap: Time use among self-employed women and men compared to paid employees in Sweden." Time & Society 28, no. 2 (2016): 680–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x16683969.

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In this article, the authors set out to study the time use of men and women in Sweden, comparing self-employed and employed individuals. Previous studies indicate that there are reasons to believe that both gendered time use and mechanisms related to time use might differ between the self-employed and employees. Employing time use data, the aim was to study whether there are differences in gendered time use between self-employed individuals and employees in Sweden, and furthermore, which mechanism relates to gendered time use among self-employed individuals and employees. The results show that

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Estrada, Felipe, Anders Nilsson, and Olof Bäckman. "The gender gap in crime is decreasing, but who’s growing equal to whom?" Sociologisk Forskning 54, no. 4 (2017): 359–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.54.18236.

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The declining gender gap in crime, observed in many Western countries, including Sweden, is often interpreted as showing an alarming shift in the offending of young women. Explanations to the observed pattern are often based on an assumption that women are increasingly coming to mimic the criminal behaviour of men, while we in this essay argue that to the extent behavioural change is at play, it is rather the other way around: men mimic women’s behaviour.

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Chudnovskaya, Margarita, and Ridhi Kashyap. "Is the End of Educational Hypergamy the End of Status Hypergamy? Evidence from Sweden." European Sociological Review 36, no. 3 (2019): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz065.

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Abstract The reversal of the gender gap in higher education has been a major social transformation: women now outnumber men in higher education in nearly all OECD countries. Patterns of assortative mating have also changed as highly educated women increasingly form relationships with men who have less education (hypogamous unions). In this article, we draw on rich register data from Sweden to ask whether the emergence of hypogamous unions signals the emergence of a new female status dominance in unions. We also consider how the status distribution in these unions compares to homogamous (both h

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Folke, Olle, Johanna Rickne, Seiki Tanaka, and Yasuka Tateishi. "Sexual Harassment of Women Leaders." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (2020): 180–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01781.

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Sexual harassment is more prevalent for women supervisors than for women employees. This pattern holds in the three countries we studied – the United States, Japan, and Sweden – where women supervisors are between 30 to 100 percent more likely to have been sexually harassed in the last twelve months. Among supervisors, the risk is larger in lower- and mid-level positions of leadership and when subordinates are mostly male. We also find that harassment of women supervisors happens despite their greater likelihood of taking action against the abuser, and that supervisors face more professional a

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Kurowska, Anna. "Gendered Effects of Home-Based Work on Parents’ Capability to Balance Work with Non-work: Two Countries with Different Models of Division of Labour Compared." Social Indicators Research 151, no. 2 (2018): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-018-2034-9.

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AbstractThis paper explores gendered impact of home-based work (HBW) on the capability to balance work with non-work in double-earner families with dependent children in two countries with distinct models of division of labour: Poland and Sweden. At first, I critically engage with the WLB conceptualization in HBW studies and try to address identified gaps. Driving from the theoretical concept of ‘burden of responsibilities’ and setting it in the capability approach, I propose to operationalize the capability to balance work with non-work as a latent construct, observed through two indicators o

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Duvander, Ann-Zophie, Maria Brandén, Susanne Fahlén, and Sofi Ohlsson-Wijk. "Women have a stronger say in couples’ decisions to have a child." Sociologisk Forskning 54, no. 4 (2017): 307–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.54.18227.

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Sweden stands out as a forerunner in the development of gender equality and family dynamics. To deepen the knowledge on power distribution and gender dynamics of couple relations, we investigate how women and men’s childbearing intentions influence actual childbearing behavior. The Young Adult Panel Study (YAPS) has information on both partners’ childbearing intentions in 2009, which we follow for five years with register data on childbearing. The results indicate that women’s childbearing intentions are more important than men’s intentions in determining actual childbirths.

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Rodriguez Martinez, Pilar. "Intimate Partner Violence against Women in Scandinavia and Southern Europe." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 3 (2019): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341500.

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Abstract This article will focus on the significant differences shown by the data found by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) survey of women who may or may not have suffered physical Intimate Partner Violence against Women (IPVAW). The authors present the model and result of the discriminant function analysis that they carried out separately for the countries from southern Europe (Spain, Italy, Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, and Malta) and Scandinavia (Denmark, Finland, and Sweden). Their hypotheses were that women with less income, lower educational level, who are divorced, wh

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BARRY, JIM, JOHN CHANDLER, and ELISABETH BERG. "WOMEN?S MOVEMENTS AND NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT: HIGHER EDUCATION IN SWEDEN AND ENGLAND." Public Administration 85, no. 1 (2007): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.2007.00636.x.

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Galais, Carol, Patrik Öhberg, and Xavier Coller. "Endurance at the Top: Gender and Political Ambition of Spanish and Swedish MPs." Politics & Gender 12, no. 03 (2016): 596–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000416.

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The gender gap in political ambition is an important explanation for the absence of women in legislative assemblies. However, previous research on this matter is limited by two facts: it is conducted mostly in the United States and does not pay much attention to cultural and institutional factors. In this article, we test the extent to which established mechanisms behind female politicians' career ambitions—such as differentiated political socialization and family support for men and women—are related to gender inequality among parliamentarians. We also draw attention to other lesser-known asp

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Boye, Katarina, and Anne Grönlund. "Workplace Skill Investments – An Early Career Glass Ceiling? Job Complexity and Wages Among Young Professionals in Sweden." Work, Employment and Society 32, no. 2 (2018): 368–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017017744514.

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Despite higher educational investments, women fall behind men on most indicators of labour market success. This study investigates whether workplace skill investments set men and women off on different tracks in which the human capital acquired through higher education is either devalued or further developed. A survey sample of Swedish men and women who recently graduated from five educational programmes, leading to occupations with different gender composition, is analysed ( N ≈ 2300). Results show that, a few years after graduation, men are more likely than women to acquire complex jobs and

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Alsarve, Daniel, and Anne Tjønndal. "‘The Nordic female fighter’: Exploring women’s participation in mixed martial arts in Norway and Sweden." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 55, no. 4 (2019): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690218822307.

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The purpose of this article is to investigate women’s participation in mixed martial arts in the Nordic countries. The study is based on a qualitative and quantitative methodological approach consisting of individual interviews and focus group interviews with Swedish female mixed martial arts fighters and data from a Norwegian survey of participants in Norwegian mixed martial arts clubs. A total of 12 female fighters were interviewed, while 484 respondents participated in the survey. The results show that women exercising mixed martial arts contain a potential to act as feminist role models th

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Johansson, Joakim, and Linda Asplund Bergström. "The Gendered Parenting of Political Leaders." Advancing Women in Leadership Journal 35 (June 12, 2017): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21423/awlj-v35.a134.

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Do we have different expectations of male and female politicians regarding parenting when young children are involved? If so, what are the implications for political citizenship? The aim of this article was to examine the construction of parenting and gender in the portrayal in Swedish print media of high-ranking politicians Gustav Fridolin, leader of the Green Party, and Birgitta Ohlsson, a Liberal Party member of the Swedish Government. The study covers reporting from 2010 up to the end of 2012. Methodologically, a discourse analysis based on discourse theory was performed, implying a textua

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Evertsson, Lars, and Charlott Nyman. "On the other side of couplehood: single women in Sweden exploring life without a partner." Families, Relationships and Societies 2, no. 1 (2013): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204674313x664707.

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Haupt, Marlene, and Viola Lind. "Gleichstellung in der Krise – Eine vergleichende Analyse der Auswirkungen der Corona-Pandemie auf die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter in Deutschland und Schweden." Sozialer Fortschritt 70, no. 5-6 (2021): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/sfo.70.5-6.267.

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In Deutschland sind Frauen pandemiebedingt stärker von Kurzarbeit und Arbeitslosigkeit sowie von Problemen der Vereinbarkeit von Familie und Beruf betroffen als Männer. Gleichzeitig arbeiten sie aufgrund der geschlechtersegregierten Arbeitswelt häufiger in schlechter bezahlten systemrelevanten Berufen. Staatliche Hilfs- und Unterstützungsangebote zur Krisenbewältigung umfassen primär finanzielle Leistungen und Beratungsmöglichkeiten. In entscheidenden wissenschaftlichen und politischen Beratergremien sind Frauen unterrepräsentiert. Der Vergleich mit Schweden verdeutlicht, dass dort die Geschle

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Roman, Christine. "Lone mothers with low income face obstacles to practice their mothering." Sociologisk Forskning 54, no. 4 (2017): 303–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.37062/sf.54.18226.

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Sweden stands out as a forerunner in the development of gender equality and family dynamics. To deepen the knowledge on power distribution and gender dynamics of couple relations, we investigate how women and men’s childbearing intentions influence actual childbearing behavior. The Young Adult Panel Study (YAPS) has information on both partners’ childbearing intentions in 2009, which we follow for five years with register data on childbearing. The results indicate that women’s childbearing intentions are more important than men’s intentions in determining actual childbirths.

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Carlson, Marie. ""Invandrarkvinna", "svensk" och "jämställd"." Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 38, no. 3 (2022): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v38i3.2914.

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This article examines categorical complexity in terms of “immigrant woman”, ”Swedishness” and “gender equality” in relation to education, politics and work. The specific Swedish approach to gender equality has become an important marker, a national self-image and a certain “success story”, where binary classifications function as demarcations between “Swedes” and “the Other”. This article discusses distinctions, positionings and categorisations, which are repeatedly expressed in relation to education and work, not least in terms of the language course “Swedish for immigrants” (SFI) and its soc

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