Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Xinjiang (Chine ; province) »

Le désert du Taklamakan, dans la province du Xinjiang (ancien Turkestan chinois), région aride de la Chine du Nord-Ouest, fait l'objet de fouilles et de prospections depuis le début des années 1990 par la mission archéologique franco-chinoise au Xinjiang. Cette mission a notamment mis au jour des momies spontanées en contexte sépulcral (momification naturelle sans intervention anthropique). La zone funéraire dite du Cimetière nord, datée deca. 1900-1500 cal. BC, se situe dans un delta fossile de la rivière Keriya qui traversait autrefois le désert de Taklamakan. L'état de conservation exceptionnel de ces sépultures offre l'opportunité d'une lecture directe de chaque séquence de la chaîne opératoire funéraire. Elle permet également de nous interroger sur certains paramètres dont dépend le traitement du cadavre, en particulier l'existence de séquences funéraires différentielles en fonction du sexe ou de l'âge du défunt. Nos résultats montrent que le traitement du cadavre selon son sexe biologique concerne des critères de différenciation qui auraient sans aucun doute échappé à l'observation en milieu tempéré – sans la conservation due à la momification naturelle. En outre, l'étude montre également que la population de l'âge du Bronze a appliqué une chaîne opératoire funéraire qui pourrait avoir utilisé le milieu naturel pour favoriser la momification des cadavres.

In this study, the author examines the history of Xinjiang, which has since become a province of China and a vital component of the mainland's culture. This research is entirely based on secondary sources using historical research methods. In addition to the analytical descriptive technique, the functional approach was allotted. According to the findings, ethnic and religious diversity abounds in Xinjiang. Even though Xinjiang has been the site of several conflicts and invasions, the Silk Road has made it a more vital commercial route for the region's ethnic groups and neighboring countries. Xinjiang's residents followed a variety of faiths, including Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, and Islam.

With the rise of China and its increasing exposure to the international media, voices were raised regarding the development and social changes that have been happening in the various provinces of China. The developments in Xinjiang also came under scrutiny and it has been used by the international media to criticise China with regard to the human rights issues and religious freedom in Xinjiang. The Uighurs Muslims being the ethnic minority in China, this article looks into the concept of minority in China, the constitutional provisions, as well as outlines the development that have happened in the province. Taking an objective view of the developments in Xinjiang in terms of education, health, employment and other parameters, the article provides an empirical glimpse into the province.

Wheat stripe rust, caused by Puccinia striiformis f. sp. tritici, is one of the most important fungal diseases of wheat in China. Xinjiang, Qinghai, and Gansu Provinces, located in the northwest of China, are the key regions for interregional epidemics of wheat stripe rust due to their geographic as well as crop-planting features, in relation to pathogen’s life cycle, reproduction, and population genetics. To study the population genetic structures of the pathogen in these areas, 217 isolates of P. striiformis f. sp. tritici were collected from different geographic locations at various elevations in the three provinces. The amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) genotypes and virulence phenotypes were analyzed for Xinjiang, Qinghai, and Gansu populations. Frequent genotypic exchanges between Xinjiang and Qinghai and between Qinghai and Gansu populations were detected, demonstrating that the populations of Xinjiang and Gansu may not be completely isolated. Genotypic diversity in Gansu Province was much higher than that in Xinjiang or Qinghai Province. The Xinjiang population was genetically closer to the Qinghai population than to the Gansu population. The race dynamic patterns in Qinghai were consistent with those in Gansu but the similar component pattern of the race dynamics in Xinjiang appeared late, following those in Gansu and other interior epidemic regions of China. No significant correlation between the AFLP genetic distance and the virulence distance in the Xinjiang, Qinghai, and Gansu populations was determined. A possible recombination signature of the pathogen population was detected in Gansu population and some subpopulations in Qinghai but not in Xinjiang population.

The article reveals the peculiarities of diplomatic relations between Russia and China in East Turkestan (Xinjiang) in 1917-1920. After the collapse of the Russian Empire and the outbreak of the Civil War in Russia, diplomats representing the interests of the former Russian state remained in their posts and continued to perform their duties. So did the Russian consuls in the Chinese province of Xinjiang — A.A. Dyakov, V.V. Dolbezhev, V.F. Luba, A.I. Uspensky. After the October revolution of 1917 the leadership of Soviet Russia sent its representatives to China, demanding the resignation of the consuls of the former Russian Empire. The Chinese authorities at the official level did not recognize the government of Soviet Russia and refused to establish relations with the representatives who arrived, at the same time allowing the leadership of the border provinces of China, in particular, Xinjiang province, to carry out informal contacts with them. The representatives of Soviet Russia who arrived in Xinjiang demanded not only the termination of the powers of the former tsarist consuls, but also their extradition, but were refused. The instability of the situation in Russia and the threat of the introduction of Red Army units into the territory of the province forced its authorities to continue contacts with Soviet representatives, while maintaining relations with former consuls. The events on the fronts of the Civil War led to the fact that the authorities of Xinjiang finally refocused on establishing relations with representatives of Soviet Russia, and the former tsarist consuls, except A.A. Dyakov, left Xinjiang, and then China.

In order to explore the feasibility of mineral element analysis on the origin of red jujube, and to screen the effective indicators to distinguish the origin of red jujube, 34 samples of red jujube were collected from Xinjiang, Hebei, Shanxi and Gansu provinces of China. The contents of Na, Mg, K, Ca, P, B, Al, Ti, Mn, Fe, Co, Ni, Cu, Zn, As, Se, Sr, Mo, Ba, Tl, Ge, Zr, Li, Rb, Cs, La, Ce and Nd in the samples of red jujube were determined by inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometer and analyzed by variance analysis, principal component analysis (PCA), clustering analysis (CA) and discriminant analysis (DA). The results demonstrated that the content of mineral elements in red jujube from different regions has its own characteristics. The average contents of Na and Ge in red jujube were the highest from Xinjiang province, while the average contents of Co, Cu, Zn, Se, Ba and Cs were the lowest. The average contents of Ca, Ba and Ti in red jujube in Hebei province were the highest, the average contents of K, Mn and Rb in red jujube in Shanxi province were the highest, and the average contents of Mg, P, Al, B, Ti, Fe and Cu in Gansu province were the highest. The content of Na in Xinjiang province was three times more than that of Gansu province, and the content of Rb in Hebei province was four times more than that of Xinjiang province. PCA explained 82.1% of total variation, indicating that it played a vital role in the classification of mineral elements of red jujube. Red jujube was divided into five groups at a cluster distance of 9.0, indicating that clustering analysis has achieved ideal results in the origin traceability of red jujube. By discriminant analysis, the correct discriminant rate of 100% was established for samples from Xinjiang, Hebei, Shanxi and Gansu provinces. Facts have proved that it is feasible to judge the traceability of the origin of red jujube by using multi-element analysis.

This research examines the potential impact of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) on the selection of trading routes between China, the Middle East, and Europe, with a specific focus on the transportation of a 40-foot standard container carrying general commodities. The study compares traditional routes with the new CPEC routes in terms of time, distance, and cost. The findings indicate that the new CPEC routes offer reduced travel time and distance when compared to the traditional routes across all provinces involved. The research reveals that the cost of road transportation along the new CPEC route is lower for Xinjiang province, but higher for the other provinces. By utilizing the new CPEC routes, the time required for goods to travel from China to the Middle East and Europe will be reduced by 10 to 20 days. Furthermore, the distance covered in this trade route will be shortened by 3,000 to 10,000 kilometres. Specifically, the province of Xinjiang in western China stands to benefit significantly from the new CPEC routes, saving approximately $2,000 on trade with the Middle East and Europe. These findings highlight the potential advantages and economic benefits that can be realized by leveraging the CPEC for trade between China, the Middle East, and Europe, particularly in terms of reduced transportation time and distance.

Fiscal imbalances in China are widening; the problem of fiscal sustainability in each province is becoming increasingly serious. However, so far, few studies have focused on the issue of the fiscal sustainability of China’s provinces. This paper will focus on it to clarify the degree of fiscal sustainability in China’s provinces. In this paper, the GH test method is used to analyze the structural breaking of fiscal revenue and expenditure data of each province, the panel cointegration method is used to analyze the relationship between fiscal revenue and expenditure and DOLS is used to estimate the degree of fiscal sustainability of each province. It is found that the fiscal sustainability of most provinces in China, such as Beijing, Shanghai and Guangdong, is strong, while that of some provinces, such as Gansu, Qinghai and Xinjiang, is weak. This paper states that people should pay more attention to the fiscal sustainability of China’s provinces, and provinces with weak fiscal sustainability should minimize unproductive expenditures while the central government should continue to give appropriate financial support to local governments.

This paper employs data envelopment analysis (DEA) to determine crop production efficiency in 15 major provinces of China during 2019-2020. The total power of agricultural machinery, the application amount of chemical fertilizer, the irrigation area of cultivated land, the area of grain sowing, and the total capacity of reservoirs in each province are defined as the input items. The production of food, production of oil plants, and production of fruits are considered output items. According to the findings from the DEA, the most efficient crop production is observed in Shandong and Xinjiang provinces. We also discuss the role of farmers’ uncertainty perceptions in COVID-19. By cluster analysis, the provinces with large grain sown area and high grain yield are Henan and Heilongjiang, the provinces with moderate grain production in the grain sown area are Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, Guizhou, and Yunnan, and Xinjiang, Shandong, Hebei, Anhui, Sichuan, Jiangsu, Inner Mongolia, and Jilin are the provinces with low grain production.

Foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) is a highly contagious disease of cloven-hoofed animals. An outbreak of FMD can produce devastating economic losses for a considerable length of time. In order to investigate the distribution characteristics of FMD in China, data from 2010 to 2016 were collected, including information on 65 outbreaks of FMD (25 by serotype A and 40 by serotype O), and 5,937 diseased animals (1,691 serotype A and 4,284 serotype O cases). Spatial autocorrelation, including global spatial autocorrelation and local spatial autocorrelation, as well as directional distribution analysis, were performed. Global spatial autocorrelation analysis of FMD cases from 2010 to 2016 did not show clustering (P > 0.05). In 2013 and 2014, the FMD serotype A hotspots areas were Tibet (Z = 3.3236,P < 0.001 in 2013;Z = 3.2001,P < 0.001 in 2014) and Xinjiang provinces (Z = 4.2113,P < 0.001 in 2013;Z = 3.9888,P < 0.001 in 2014). The FMD serotype O hotspots areas were: Xinjiang (Z = 2.5832,P = 0.0098) province in 2010; Tibet (Z = 3.8814,P < 0.001) and Xinjiang (Z = 4.9128,P < 0.001) provinces in 2011; and Tibet (Z = 3.0838,P = 0.0020), Xinjiang (Z = 3.8705,P < 0.001) and Qinghai (Z = 2.8875,P = 0.0039) provinces in 2013. The distribution of FMD cases from 2010 to 2016 showed a significant directional trend (northwest-southeast). In conclusion, our findings revealed the spatial patterns of FMD cases, which may provide beneficial information for the prevention and control of FMD.

Ce travail vise à comparer le rôle de Taïwan et du Xinjiang dans l'histoire, les représentations militaires et le cadre géostratégique de la Chine depuis la dynastie Qing. En nous appuyant sur des sources chinoises, nous explorerons, sur la longue durée, un parallèle entre l'est et l'ouest, océan et continent, dans les stratégies militaires de la Chine. Ces liens seront examinés à travers l'utilisation enracinée par les Chinois de « stratégies d'accès et de déni d'accès » en direction de Taïwan et du Xinjiang, définies comme une quête récurrente et historique par la Chine d'une large profondeur stratégique sur ses périphéries tant continentales que maritimes, combinant les moyens militaires et non-militaires pour expulser la présence étrangère et prévenir ses menaces. On montrera qu'occuper à la fois les îles et les déserts a constitué une priorité pour les stratèges chinois depuis les conquêtes des deux terres par les armées Qing, motivées par la préoccupation de la Cour que ces terres puissent être utilisées contre l'Empire par des puissances hostiles. Or les régimes chinois suivants ont hérité de ces représentations et ambitions stratégiques, comme en témoignent les écrits de leurs plus éminents stratèges. Au fil de l'histoire et jusqu'à nos jours, la notion d'accès de la Chine à ces lieux stratégiques s'accompagne ainsi d'une volonté d'en empêcher l'accès à ses adversaires étrangers. La capacité des militaires chinois à les défendre a toujours dépendu d'un rapport de force évolutif entre la Chine et ses rivaux (nomades, pirates, Russes, Japonais, Américains..), soulignant une ancestrale difficulté à se battre sur deux fronts. Ces terres furent ainsi les premières touchées par ses cycles d'expansion et de contraction : puissante, elle s'y étendait ; affaiblie, elle s'en retirait. Ainsi, ayant longtemps dû choisir entre la protection de Taïwan ou du Xinjiang, chacune étant considérée comme une « forteresse pour assurer la défense de la nation », écrivait Chiang Kai-shek, la Chine aspire aujourd'hui à être suffisamment riche et puissante pour verrouiller et tenir simultanément les approches maritimes et continentales perçues comme des tremplins potentiels vers l'Eurasie et la haute mer. De cette double étude des mouvements continentaux et maritimes de la Chine, champ que nous sommes les premiers à investir, nous découvrons de nombreuses interdépendances entre l'est et l'ouest dans la géostratégie chinoise, ainsi qu'une série d'invariants historiques. C'est que de tels liens ne semblent pas seulement horizontaux, par la ressemblance des politiques menées à la même époque par la Chine à Taïwan et au Xinjiang. Ils sont également, dirait Marc Bloch, verticaux, tant il est évident que les politiques du passé préfigurent les actuelles stratégies de Pékin vers ces deux terres. Ainsi, alors qu'une distinction fut longtemps faite, par défaut, entre les objectifs d'ordre géostratégiques et militaires poursuivis par les Chinois à l'est et à l'ouest, vers l'océan et le continent, on montrera au contraire leur similarité, leur complémentarité et leur continuité
This dissertation aims to compare the roles of Taiwan and Xinjiang in China's history, military representations, and geostrategic framework since the Qing dynasty. Drawing on Chinese sources, we will explore a long-term parallel between east and west, ocean and continent, in China's military strategies. These links will be examined through the entrenched Chinese use of ‘access and denial strategies' towards Taiwan and Xinjiang, defined as China's recurring and historical quest for extensive strategic depth on both its continental and maritime peripheries, combining military and non-military means to expel foreign influences and prevent them from posing threats. We will demonstrate that occupying both islands and deserts has been a priority for Chinese strategists since the Qing conquests of Xinjiang and Taiwan, driven by the court's concern that these lands could be used against the Empire by hostile powers. Yet, subsequent Chinese regimes inherited these strategic representations and ambitions, as evidenced by the writings of their eminent strategists. Throughout history and into the present, China's notion of access to these strategic locations corresponds to a desire to deny such access to foreign adversaries. The Chinese military's ability to defend Xinjiang and Taiwan has always depended on an evolving power balance between China and its rivals (nomads, pirates, Russians, Japanese, Americans), highlighting an ancestral difficulty of fighting on both fronts simultaneously. These lands were among the first to be affected by China's cycles of expansion and contraction: when powerful, China extended its reach; when weak, it withdrew. Consequently, having long had to choose between protecting Taiwan or Xinjiang — each being considered a “fortress for national defense”, as Chiang Kai-shek wrote — China now seeks to be sufficiently rich and powerful to secure both maritime and continental approaches perceived as potential springboards to Eurasia and the high seas. From this dual study of China's continental and maritime movements, a field we are the first to thoroughly investigate, we uncover numerous interdependencies between east and west in Chinese geostrategy, as well as historical constants. These links appear not only horizontally, through the resemblance of contemporary policies towards Taiwan and Xinjiang, but also, as Marc Bloch would suggest, vertically, since past policies clearly prefigure Beijing's current strategies towards these two lands. Thus, while a distinction has long been made between China's geostrategic and military objectives in the east and west, towards the ocean and the continent, we will instead demonstrate their similarity, complementarity, and continuity

The publications from Appendix 6 (p. A52 to end) have been removed from the electronic version of this thesis due to third party copyright restrictions. The unabridged version can be viewed at the University of Leicester Library.

Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states.

The purpose of this research was to improve understanding of the quality of drinking water for domestic consumption in the City of Kumul, China. The guidelines for drinking water testing in the City of Kumul were assessed and compared with actual practices. Local households in the urban center were interviewed in order to assess public attitudes towards drinking water. The results showed that the quality of treated water did not pose a direct threat to human consumers, but there were opportunities for improvements in the areas of source water protection, water treatment processes, and communication between authorities and the public. 74% of urban households personally treated their tap water prior to consumption, most commonly by boiling, to improve drinking water quality. It is recommended that the local government should seek to improve communication between the water treatment authority and the public to ensure water quality in the City of Kumul.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

On March 24, 2021, following the Better Cotton Institute (BCI) claims about unethical cotton production in the Xinjiang province in China, H&M published a statement on its official website, causing heated discussions among Chinese netizens. According to the statement, H&M declared to not cooperate with any garment manufacturing factories located in Xinjiang, nor to use raw materials from the region due to BCI allegations of forced labor and religious discrimination against the ethnic minorities in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. After that, Chinese consumers began to boycott H&M causing various e-commerce platforms to remove H&M-related products, as well as several offline stores in China to close. As a result, H&M's sales in China fell sharply in that quarter, and the brand has had difficulties regaining the trust of Chinese consumers.

The challenge of diversity is especially acute along China’s Inner Asian periphery, which encompasses Northeastern China, previously referred to as Manchuria, and the autonomous regions of Inner Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang. These areas were intermittently controlled by Sinitic states based on the Central Plain, but most comprehensively integrated with “China proper” during periods of rule by Inner Asian dynasties like the Mongol Yuan and the Manchu Qing. By the last decades of Qing rule, new ideas about national identity and the threat posed by European and, later, Japanese imperialism sparked efforts to extend the system of provincial administration prevailing in the eighteen provinces of “China proper” to Inner Asia. Following the Qing collapse, foreign support helped sustain Tibet and Xinjiang from reconquest by China for decades. Today, Tibet and Xinjiang remain only partly integrated into the political and social fabric of the PRC. In recent years, this legacy of foreign intervention and separatism has led Beijing to intensify efforts to secure its hold in both Tibet and Xinjiang, adopting a strategy mirroring the approaches of Eurasia’s other postimperial states, albeit magnified by China’s comparative wealth and access to modern technology.

This chapter considers the strategic interrelation of the US, China and Russia in Central Asia. It views the region both from the perspective of China’s concerns for the stability of its sensitive western province of Xinjiang, and the prospects for the US to advance its military and strategic position in the region. It looks at the problems of China’s Xinjiang province and the challenge from separatism and Islamic fundamentalism. It demonstrates the growing collaboration of Russia and China in Central Asia, for both security and trade. It concludes that after an advance into the region in the aftermath of the fall of the USSR, accelerated by US and NATO intervention in Afghanistan from 2001, the US is now in retreat from Central Asia, while Russian and Chinese influence has grown.

This chapter examines EU-China anti-terrorism relations. The EU’s cooperation with China on anti-terrorism is arguably the most limited in comparison to other strategic partners of the EU, such as India. This chapter engages with the reasons for the limited cooperation, taking into account complex interdependence, (economic) interests, framing and mutual perceptions. It extracts two key factors that hinder cooperation: First, the EU and China lack a common definition of what constitutes terrorism. In contrast, the EU highly criticizes China’s approach to terrorism, focusing heavily on its domestic component and circling around the Muslim Uighur minority in China’s Western province of Xinjiang. Moreover, for China, it seems to be easier to reach out to like-minded cooperation partners like Russia, the Central Asian countries or to align with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).

Through the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–45) and the Nationalist–Communist War (1946–9), several Chinese Islamic pilgrimage delegations set out on their journeys across the Indian Ocean. Mecca was more than a simple endpoint destination. These travels encompassed transits and sojourns in cities in between Nanjing/Shanghai and Mecca, offering the pilgrim-cum-delegates venues of encounters with foreign dignitaries and diaspora populations. This chapter examines the published records and private diaries of members of the Chinese Islamic Goodwill Mission to the Near East (1937–9) who had been aligned with the Republican Nationalist Party, with a focus on their actions and rhetoric in Calcutta, Bombay, Karachi, and Lahore. Claims to anti-imperial Islamic solidarity and routes of the pilgrimage provided accessible channels for the Chinese Muslim delegates to conduct meetings with leaders of both the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress Party, while simultaneously attempting to garner support from Cantonese/Shandong diaspora populations and Turki refugees from the war-stricken Xinjiang Province. The practices and networks of informal diplomacy that consolidated in wartime would outlast the Second Sino-Japanese War itself.

Abstract The Mahu Oilfield in Xinjiang, China, is the world’s largest conglomerate oilfield with massive geological reserves. In the multi-cluster staged of horizontal well fracturing, the breakdown pressure is high, and the fracture is difficult to initiate. Therefore, lowering the breakdown pressure is the key to hydraulic fracturing safely and efficiently. In this paper, we first develop a new water jetting experimental apparatus that can adjust perforation parameters to simulate spiral perforation in the oil field. It consists of perforation angle, position, and depth. The researchers went to the Mahu area for geological investigation and excavated conglomerate outcrops from the Baikouquan formation to conduct true triaxial hydraulic fracturing physical simulation experiments. The research results indicate that water jetting perforation can reduce the breakdown pressure by 6 MPa under immutable in-situ stress magnitude and distribution. It is easier to initiate when the angle between the perforation tunnel and the maximum horizontal principal stress is 0°, with the lowest breakdown pressure. If natural fractures are developed near the perforation hole, the communication between the perforation tunnel and the natural fractures prominently reduces the difficulty of fracture initiation. After fracturing, it is easy to form complex multi-fractures with high tortuosity and surface roughness, and the breakdown pressure declines sharply. The research results provide theoretical support for reducing the breakdown pressure in conglomerate reservoirs with strong heterogeneity.

Abstract Due to the differences in sedimentary environments, compared with the exploitation of unconventional oil and gas resources in the United States and other countries, China has encountered greater difficulties in the drilling and completion processes of unconventional oil and gas. By analyzing the problems faced by drilling and completion in unconventional reservoirs in the MaHu area in recent years, the process of solving the issues and technical progress are summarized to form a technical template for drilling and completion in this area, which can also provide references for the next step to improve the drilling efficiency and reduce development costs. By studying the lateral distribution law of the pore pressure, the placement of the technical casing was optimized to further develop a standard design for the wellbore structure applicable to this area. To adapt to the local environmental protection requirements, high-performance non-sulfonic treatment agents were selected to replace sulfonic treatment agents, and four sets of environmental protection drilling fluid systems were formed. Based on the rock mechanics and field tests, the personalized drill bit is continuously optimized. With the introduction of a rotary steering drilling system and high-performance positive displacement motor (PDM), the rate of penetration (ROP) has been greatly improved. The transformation of horizontal Wells in the target Triassic formation from four types of casing strings with open hole completion + White oil-based/potassium-calcium based polysulfone organic salt drilling fluid to three types of casing strings with 5-inch casing completion + white-oil/potassium-calcium polyamine organic salt drilling fluid, from conventional rotary drilling + roller cone bit to rotary steering system/high-performance PDM +PDC bit, and the horizontal section length increased from 2000m to 2650m. Completion time decreased from an average of 144 days to 72 days. Speak of the Permian formation, the transformation from four types of casing strings with open hole completion + potassium-calcium based polyamine organic salt drilling fluid to three types of casing strings with 5.5-inch casing completion + white-oil based drilling fluid, from conventional rotary drilling + roller cone bit to rotary steering system/high-performance PDM +PDC bit, and the horizontal section length increased from 1070m to 1600m. Completion time decreased from an average of 175 days to 82 days. It is a typical unconventional glutenite reservoir in the MaHu area of Xinjiang Oilfield, with tight lithology and poor drillability. The development layers have a large span and differences on the plane. The local fractures developed with seriously lost circulation. For the above-mentioned issues, targeted breakthroughs are still needed in the next step. By summarizing the progress of drilling and completion technology in recent years, it is expected to provide a mature scheme that can be used for reference and transplanted for the exploration and development of other similar reservoirs.

ABSTRACT Heavy oil is increasingly gaining more concerns from all over the world. However, the steam methods applied broadly are gradually being abandoned due to low efficiency and high carbon emissions. Therefore, a radio frequency (RF) heating technology is proposed which mobilizes heavy oil by using RF electromagnetic wave (RF-EMW) rather than steam. To accurately obtain the temperature distribution of heavy oil reservoir, an electromagnetic-thermal coupling model is established initially. The model considers the thermal properties change the heavy oil reservoir with temperature. Afterward, the model is validated by experimental data. Finally, the influence of several key factors on the reservoir temperature are discussed. Calculation results display that the maximum heating radius of the RF heating technology is up to 10m, which indicates that RF heating has obvious technical advantages. The model considering the varying specific heat brings about lower reservoir temperature around the wellbore, and the maximum temperature is obviously higher than that in the case of varying thermal conductivity. In addition, the reservoir temperature can be enhanced by increasing the relative permittivity of reservoir, porosity, electrical conductivity and saturation of water. The research results are intended to provide important guidance for the field application of RF heating technology. INTRODUCTION With the decrease of conventional crude oil, heavy oil is being exploited increasingly by a major thrust of petroleum companies. While the high viscosity of heavy oil is the main factor leading to low oil production. Several practices have demonstrated that increasing temperature helps to reduce the crude oil viscosity (Ali S, 2003). Fig. 1 shows the viscosity change with temperature for the heavy oil sample from the WanT 1 Oilfield, Xinjiang of China (Wang et al., 2019). Current thermal recovery technologies include steam flooding, SAGD and combustion. But those methods have gradually exposed the technique flaws of low profit, high carbon emission and environmental disruption. Therefore, it is urgent to develop new mining technologies. In recent years, RF heating method appears and considered to be a viable technology for extracting heavy oil. It can effectively deliver more thermal energy to reservoir and extract oil from reservoirs cracks where steam method is ineffective. Besides, the RF heating process does not emit carbon dioxide to the atmosphere and its recovery efficiency can be improved to 25-36% compared with a typical steam injection (Abraham et al., 2016; Saeedfar et al., 2016; Hu et al., 2016). Therefore, in order to achieve large-scale and efficient development of heavy oil, it is necessary to carry out in-depth research on this technology.