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1
Azrieli, Naomi. "Soviet economic diplomacy, 1941-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324974.
Testo completo
2
Rappolt, Axel. "Leclerc et l'Indochine 1945-1947." Paris 3, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA030006.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La pensée de Leclerc a donc évoluée au gré des évènements durant la période 1945-1947. Elle oscille entre décisions politiques et militaires. " Leclerc le Militaire " apparaît de juin à décembre 1945. Il doit faire face aux Alliés qui, au cours de la conférence de Postdam, ont partagé l'Indochine en deux zones : chinoise et britannique. Le général, après une période à Kandy, réussit à convaincre Mountbatten et Gracey de permettre son arrivée à Saigon le 5 octobre 1945 et de faciliter " la reconquête " au sud du 16éme parallèle pour la France. Leclerc a gagné la première manche contre une nouvelle forme de guerre faite de guérilla et de terrorisme. " Leclerc le Militaire et le Politique " entre en scène de janvier à juillet 1946. Le but est de contourner la " résistance " chinoise au nord du 16éme parallèle et de reprendre pied au Tonkin. Il va donc influencer les décisions en prônant une politique de négociations. Avec les Chinois d'abord par le traité du 28 février 1946, passé grâce à Crépin ; avec le Vietminh d'Hô Chi Minh, le 6 mars 1946, grâce à Salan et Sainteny ; Mais le but de Leclerc reste " négocier pour débarquer " afin de réaliser au mieux l'opération Bentre. Il réussit le débarquement au Tonkin malgré le fâcheux incident de Haiphong dù, en particulier, au manque d'ordres et de sang-froid des troupes chinoises locales. Le 18 mars 1946, Leclerc rencontre Hô Chi Minh pour sceller " la Libération de l'Indochine " dorénavant terminée ! En juillet 1946, il demande son rappel en France, compte tenu des désaccords qui l'opposent à l'amiral d'Argenlieu en ce qui concerne l'application de la politique des Accords dans les opérations militaires. C'est enfin " Leclerc le Politique " appelé par Léon Blum pour inspecter l'Indochine et rendre compte de la situation à la suite des débuts de guerre du 19 décembre 1946 ; sollicité tour à tour par Blum, Ramadier et même Vincent Auriol pour retourner sur place comme haut-commissaire en remplacement de d'Argenlieu. La situation est délicate, le général hésite. Il prend conseil du général de Gaulle puis prend sa décision ! il refuse la carrière politique. L'Histoire retiendra que Leclerc fut l'inspirateur des Accords du 6 mars 1946. On peut toujours supposer que le général devenu haut-commissaire, les évènements eussent été différents. Peut-être. . . Une chose est certaine, Philippe Leclerc de Hauteclocque est né, a vécu et est mort en militaire<br>Général Leclerc's ideas evolved according to how events occured during the period 1945-1947. They oscillated between political decisions and military operations. Leclerc the soldier” came to light from june to december 1945. He had to cofront the Allies, who, during the Postdam Conference parted Indo-China into two zones, a Chinese one and a British one. The général after staying in Kendy for a time, succeded in persuading Mountbatten and Gracey to allow him to arrive in Saigon on october 5th 1945 and to make it easier for France to “reconquer” the country south of the 16th parallel. Leclerc won the first round against a new form of war based on terrorism and guerilla warfare. “Leclerc the soldier and politician “ made his entrance on the political scene from january to july 1946. His purpose was to confine the Chinese resistance north of the 16th parallel and regain a foothold in Tonkin. Therefore Leclerc's effort was to influence the decisions by advocating a policy of negotiation : first with the Chinese by treaty of february 28th 1946, signed thanks to Crépin's action; then with Hô Chi Minh's Vietminh, on march 6th 1946, thanks to Salan and Sainteny. But Leclerc's aim remained : “ to negociate in order to land” so as to make a great success of the operation Bentre. Landing in Tonkin was successful despite the unfortunate incident in Haiphong due, especially, to the local Chinese forces lacking self-control and orders from their command. On march 18th 1946, Leclerc met Hô Chi Minh in order to seal “ the Liberation of Indo-China “ now completed ! In july 1946, he asked to be recalled to France, considering he was in total desagrement with admiral d'Argenlieu about the implementation of the agreements policy in military operations. Lastly, there is “Leclerc the politician” called by Léon Blum to carry out an inspection of Indo-China and give an account of the situation after fighting started on décember 19th 1946; next he was appealed to now by Blum, then by Ramadier and even by Vincent Auriol to return to Indo-China as high commissioner in place of d'Argenlieu. The situation was delicate, the general was hesitant. He look advice from general de Gaulle then made his decision : he declined to take up a political career. Leclerc will be remembered by History as the man who inspired the Agreements signed on march 6th 1946. One can always imagine that had the general become high commissioner, the events in Indo-China would have turned out differently. Maybe. . . One thing is absolutely certain : Philippe Leclerc de Hauteclocque was born, lived and died as a soldier
3
Václavů, Jana. "Dvouletý plán obnovy (1947-1948)." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76522.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis addresses the questions of so called Two-year plan of the restoration in Czechoslovakia between the years 1947 and 1948. The materials from Prague national archive, historical sources and the latest contemporary literature have been used. The thesis follows the preparation, implementation and results of this "two-year plan". The work emphasizes industry and agriculture, especially textile industry. At the end the transition of the two-year plan to the long-term five-year plan is dealt with.
4
Vogelgsang, Tobias. "Cognitive artefacts : remaking economies, 1917-1947." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3334/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis investigates how political actors remade key aspects of Europe’s economic landscape after World Wars I and II. The first and the second case deal with the borders of the Polish state; the third case investigates German reparations after World War I; the fourth case looks at the internal processes of the American administration in dealing with Germany’s reconstruction after World War II. The thesis argues that actors remade Europe’s economy by using cognitive artefacts, such as cartographic maps, statistical tables or accounting procedures. Because cognitive artefacts are explicit where written and spoken statements are vague, they complement and expand the textual and verbal record. One of the consequences is that we gain a different perspective of the performance of political actors, which leads to a re-evaluation of diplomacy after World War I. It has received a largely negative appraisal so far. That seems rather disproportionate if due consideration is given to cognitive artefacts. Moreover, the analysis of cognitive artefacts shows that the results actors achieved, were not solely outcomes of rationality or policy discourse. Actors used maps, statistical tables etc to develop jointly ad hoc ways of reasoning that were synthetic, open-ended and considerably nuanced. Therefore, the thesis proposes cognitive artefacts as an analytical framework for political agency. By producing, circulating, rejecting and modifying them in an iterative process, actors identify and structure their individual and their joint agency. As actors go through this process, their cooperation as well their noncooperation take shape. In using cognitive artefacts, actors are at the same time aligning and legitimising their agency. That involves persuasion, coercion and deceit, but not necessarily shared views.
5
Neto, Ildefonso Rodrigues Lima. "Escrita Subversiva - O Democrata (1946-1947)." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2006. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4628.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
nÃo hÃ<br>Este estudo compreende a anÃlise do jornal comunista O Democrata, no perÃodo de 1946 e 1947, na cidade de Fortaleza-Cearà (Brasil). Procuro recuperar o trajeto da imprensa transgressora no Estado, a partir do final do SÃculo XIX, e mostro a relaÃÃo do impresso com a tradiÃÃo da escrita subversiva. Neste trabalho, abordo o documento dentro da perspectiva das interferÃncias e a circularidade do mesmo nos espaÃos pÃblicos da cidade. A partir da fonte principal de pesquisa, tento ampliar a leitura da escrita fazendo uso das fontes orais e documentos relativos ao perÃodo da temÃtica. Avalio, ainda, a participaÃÃo do impresso nas eleiÃÃes e mostro a importÃncia do vespertino para difusÃo das prÃticas e idÃias comunistas.<br>This study approaches an analysis of the communist newspaper "O Democrata" (in English "The Democrat"), during 1946 and 1947, in Fortaleza-CE, Brazil. It is aimed to recover paths of the transgressing press in the State of CearÃ, from the beginning of the 19th century. It is shown the relation between traditional and subversive written press. This study also approaches documents from interference perspectives and public places where they were sold in Fortaleza. From the main source of the research, it is intended to amplify the comprehension of the speech by the use of oral sources and documents during the years of 1946 and 1947. It is also evaluated the contribution of the written press during the election period and the importance of the evening newspaper in order to diffuse the communist ideas.
6
LIMA, NETO Ildefonso Rodrigues. "Escrita subversiva: O Democrata (1946-1947)." www.teses.ufc.br, 2006. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/2869.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
LIMA NETO, Ildefonso Rodrigues. Escrita subversiva: O Democrata (1946-1947). 2006. 283 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2006.<br>Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-25T15:48:39Z
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Previous issue date: 2006<br>This study approaches an analysis of the communist newspaper "O Democrata" (in English "The Democrat"), during 1946 and 1947, in Fortaleza-CE, Brazil. It is aimed to recover paths of the transgressing press in the State of Ceará, from the beginning of the 19th century. It is shown the relation between traditional and subversive written press. This study also approaches documents from interference perspectives and public places where they were sold in Fortaleza. From the main source of the research, it is intended to amplify the comprehension of the speech by the use of oral sources and documents during the years of 1946 and 1947. It is also evaluated the contribution of the written press during the election period and the importance of the evening newspaper in order to diffuse the communist ideas.<br>Este estudo compreende a análise do jornal comunista O Democrata, no período de 1946 e 1947, na cidade de Fortaleza-Ceará (Brasil). Procuro recuperar o trajeto da imprensa transgressora no Estado, a partir do final do Século XIX, e mostro a relação do impresso com a tradição da escrita subversiva. Neste trabalho, abordo o documento dentro da perspectiva das interferências e a circularidade do mesmo nos espaços públicos da cidade. A partir da fonte principal de pesquisa, tento ampliar a leitura da escrita fazendo uso das fontes orais e documentos relativos ao período da temática. Avalio, ainda, a participação do impresso nas eleições e mostro a importância do vespertino para difusão das práticas e idéias comunistas.
7
André, Marc. "Des Algériennes à Lyon. 1947-1974." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040033.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse étudie les Algériennes entrées dans la région lyonnaise avant 1962 et opte pour une histoire du contact en croisant le point de vue des métropolitains et celui des Algériennes. Elle examine d’abord le contexte dans lequel ces femmes arrivent (essor des nationalismes algériens, guerre d’indépendance en métropole). D’une part, les discours et pratiques des journalistes, photographes, agents de la préfecture, démographes, juges témoignent des préjugés hérités de l’époque coloniale qui les effacent ; de l’autre, celles-ci manifestent par leurs pratiques sociales, leurs stratégies de défenses, une conscience des préjugés qui leur permet de s’effacer à leur tour. Pendant la guerre d’indépendance, telle qu’elle prend forme en métropole, cet effacement facilite leur mobilisation dans les différents partis en lutte puisque les Algériennes du MNA comme celles du FLN intègrent les réseaux clandestins : elles connaissent alors l’action clandestine, la répression, l’emprisonnement, la violence, le deuil, la fuite, etc. Dépassant l’événement de la guerre, la thèse replace ensuite les Algériennes dans leurs dynamiques migratoires et leurs parcours en métropole jusqu’en 1962. L’étude des parcours scolaires, de l’inscription socio-professionnelle, du mariage, met en évidence leur diversité. Ces femmes, loin d’être inactives, quoique bénéficiaires d’aides, génèrent des réseaux qui définissent leurs propres territoires urbains et forment une diaspora discrète. On est enfin en mesure de poser les fondements d’un exemple d’intégration originale, communautaire sans communautarisme, telle qu’elle s’opère après 1962. Le succès mitigé de l’Amicale des femmes algériennes le montre. C’est là le résultat d’un ensemble de résistances culturelles et politiques (choix d’une nationalité, d’un lieu d’inhumation, etc.) face auxquelles et avec lesquelles les Algériennes composent leur identité sociale en métropole<br>This thesis focuses on Algerian women who arrived in Lyon and surrounding areas before 1962. It presents a historical analysis which cross-compares their point of view and that of the metropolitan French, with regard to their interactions. It first examines the context in which these women arrived: the growth of Algerian nationalism and the Algerian War in metropolitan France. On the one hand, it analyses the discourses and social practices of journalists, photograph reporters, authorities, experts in demographics, judges. These discourses and social practices bear witness to the colonial era’s legacy in terms of prejudice and to the way in which this prejudice subjected Algerian women to effacement – the process in which a group of people within a society become less visible because they do not match the characteristics that are expected from them. On the other hand, through their social habits and defence strategies, these women showed their consciousness of the stereotypes affecting them: they subjected themselves to effacement and used it strategically as a camouflage. During the Algerian War, as it took shape in metropolitan France, effacement facilitated their mobilization in the two opposing parties: both FLN and MNA integrated women in their clandestine networks. This research analyses all the aspects of their involvement in the struggle: clandestine actions, repression prison, violence, mourning, flight, etc. Beyond the war as an event, this thesis moves on to resituate Algerian women in their migratory dynamics and their process of settling in, in metropolitan France, up to 1962. The study of their education, socio-professional insertion, and marriages highlights the diversity of Algerian women living in Lyon and surrounding areas. Although they benefited from welfare, they were far from being idle, and created networks that defined their own urban territories. More generally speaking, Algerian women formed a discreet diaspora. Based on a study of the press and on interviews and previously unpublished sources, this thesis highlights the evolution of a media discourse on Algerian women and cross-compares it with a sociological data base. This allows us to lay the foundations of an original form of social integration after 1962 which is community-based but not communitarian as made visible by the evolution of the association Amicale des Femmes Algériennes. It is the result of a series of cultural and political resistances in relation to which and with which Algerian women constructed their identity in metropolitan France
8
André, Marc. "Des Algériennes à Lyon. 1947-1974." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2014. http://books.openedition.org/enseditions/7265.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse étudie les Algériennes entrées dans la région lyonnaise avant 1962 et opte pour une histoire du contact en croisant le point de vue des métropolitains et celui des Algériennes. Elle examine d’abord le contexte dans lequel ces femmes arrivent (essor des nationalismes algériens, guerre d’indépendance en métropole). D’une part, les discours et pratiques des journalistes, photographes, agents de la préfecture, démographes, juges témoignent des préjugés hérités de l’époque coloniale qui les effacent ; de l’autre, celles-ci manifestent par leurs pratiques sociales, leurs stratégies de défenses, une conscience des préjugés qui leur permet de s’effacer à leur tour. Pendant la guerre d’indépendance, telle qu’elle prend forme en métropole, cet effacement facilite leur mobilisation dans les différents partis en lutte puisque les Algériennes du MNA comme celles du FLN intègrent les réseaux clandestins : elles connaissent alors l’action clandestine, la répression, l’emprisonnement, la violence, le deuil, la fuite, etc. Dépassant l’événement de la guerre, la thèse replace ensuite les Algériennes dans leurs dynamiques migratoires et leurs parcours en métropole jusqu’en 1962. L’étude des parcours scolaires, de l’inscription socio-professionnelle, du mariage, met en évidence leur diversité. Ces femmes, loin d’être inactives, quoique bénéficiaires d’aides, génèrent des réseaux qui définissent leurs propres territoires urbains et forment une diaspora discrète. On est enfin en mesure de poser les fondements d’un exemple d’intégration originale, communautaire sans communautarisme, telle qu’elle s’opère après 1962. Le succès mitigé de l’Amicale des femmes algériennes le montre. C’est là le résultat d’un ensemble de résistances culturelles et politiques (choix d’une nationalité, d’un lieu d’inhumation, etc.) face auxquelles et avec lesquelles les Algériennes composent leur identité sociale en métropole<br>This thesis focuses on Algerian women who arrived in Lyon and surrounding areas before 1962. It presents a historical analysis which cross-compares their point of view and that of the metropolitan French, with regard to their interactions. It first examines the context in which these women arrived: the growth of Algerian nationalism and the Algerian War in metropolitan France. On the one hand, it analyses the discourses and social practices of journalists, photograph reporters, authorities, experts in demographics, judges. These discourses and social practices bear witness to the colonial era’s legacy in terms of prejudice and to the way in which this prejudice subjected Algerian women to effacement – the process in which a group of people within a society become less visible because they do not match the characteristics that are expected from them. On the other hand, through their social habits and defence strategies, these women showed their consciousness of the stereotypes affecting them: they subjected themselves to effacement and used it strategically as a camouflage. During the Algerian War, as it took shape in metropolitan France, effacement facilitated their mobilization in the two opposing parties: both FLN and MNA integrated women in their clandestine networks. This research analyses all the aspects of their involvement in the struggle: clandestine actions, repression prison, violence, mourning, flight, etc. Beyond the war as an event, this thesis moves on to resituate Algerian women in their migratory dynamics and their process of settling in, in metropolitan France, up to 1962. The study of their education, socio-professional insertion, and marriages highlights the diversity of Algerian women living in Lyon and surrounding areas. Although they benefited from welfare, they were far from being idle, and created networks that defined their own urban territories. More generally speaking, Algerian women formed a discreet diaspora. Based on a study of the press and on interviews and previously unpublished sources, this thesis highlights the evolution of a media discourse on Algerian women and cross-compares it with a sociological data base. This allows us to lay the foundations of an original form of social integration after 1962 which is community-based but not communitarian as made visible by the evolution of the association Amicale des Femmes Algériennes. It is the result of a series of cultural and political resistances in relation to which and with which Algerian women constructed their identity in metropolitan France
9
Silva, Renata Bastos da. "Caio Prado Júnior na Política, 1947 - 1948." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-14092012-124349/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Neste trabalho apresentamos uma faceta da atuação do deputado constituinte Caio Prado Júnior na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de São Paulo em 1947. Ele foi eleito como deputado pelo Partido Comunista do Brasil e em seu exercício parlamentar participou das principais comissões para a elaboração da Constituição do Estado de São Paulo. Por outro lado, abordaremos sua atuação parlamentar após a promulgação da Constituição Estadual de São Paulo de 1947. Desta destacamos sua defesa em prol da liberdade de expressão, garantida na Carta Magna Federal de 1946, bem como a elaboração de projetos de lei que colaboraram para o desenvolvimento da pesquisa em nosso país.<br>In this work we present a view of Caio Prado Juniors performance as a representative in the constituent assembly of the legislative body of São Paulo State in 1947. He was elected representative for Brazilian Comunist Party. In his parliamentary practice, he was a member of the main commissions that developed the Constitution of São Paulo State. On the other hand, will discuss his parliamentary performance after the promulgation of the Constitution of São Paulo State in 1947. This highlight his defense in favor of freedom of expression guaranteed in the Federal Charter of 1946, as well as the drafting of bills that collaborated to the development of research in our country.
10
El-Sakka, Mohammed Ibrahim Taha. "Stabilization policy in Egypt 1947-1987 : an evaluation." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304911.
Testo completo
11
MARQUES, Edmilson Ferreira. "A HISTÓRIA DO RÁDIO EM GOIÁS (1942-1947)." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2009. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/2344.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
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Previous issue date: 2009-08-28<br>This research proposes a systematic history of the first radio stations built in the
State of Goiás, the story started in the 1940s, more precisely between the years
comprising the period from 1942 to 1947. In this search for objective evidence to
both the national and international historical context, as state and local time. It also
proposed a theoretical discussion to examine these radio stations and in addition,
a systematic timeline of the first experiments performed in Goiás communication
through technological means of communication, occurring even before the
emergence of the first radio broadcast, which occurred from in the year 1920.
Finally addressed is the relationship of the first radio broadcast and other electronic
media created in the state of Goiás until 1940, with capitalism, the state and
political parties, and concludes with a discussion about the culture of the radio in
Goiás.<br>Esta pesquisa propõe sistematizar a história das primeiras emissoras de rádio
edificadas no Estado de Goiás, história essa iniciada na década de 1940, mais
precisamente entre os anos que compreende o período de 1942 a 1947. Na busca
por este objetivo evidencia-se tanto o contexto histórico internacional e nacional,
quanto estadual e local da época. É proposta também uma discussão teórica para
analisar estas estações de rádio e, além disso, uma sistematização cronológica
das primeiras experiências comunicacionais realizadas em Goiás através de meio
tecnológicos de comunicação, ocorridas antes mesmo do surgimento das
primeiras emissoras de rádio, que se efetivou a partir do ano de 1920. Por fim é
abordada a relação das primeiras emissoras de rádio e de outros meios
eletrônicos criados no Estado de Goiás até 1940, com o capitalismo, com o Estado
e com partidos políticos; e conclui-se com uma discussão sobre a cultura do rádio
em Goiás.
12
Pedersen, Daniel. "Nelly Sachs’s Literary Transformation in Exile, 1940–1947." HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2017. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34725.
Testo completo
13
Seri, René. "Les relations franco-soviétiques : décembre 1944- début 1947." Paris 10, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA100124.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette étude sur les relations franco-soviétiques a été faite à partir des objectifs politiques des gouvernements respectifs pendant et après la deuxième guerre mondiale, des moyens utilisés pour les atteindre. Dans la poursuite de ces objectifs qui étaient de contribuer à la victoire finale des alliés, de reconstruire le potentiel économique et militaire, de se prémunir contre une éventuelle agression allemande, de rapatrier les français et les soviétiques, de contribuer à la création de l’ONU, de participer à la préparation des traités de paix avec l’Allemagne et ses anciens satellites, à tous les règlements et plans d'organisation du monde d'après-guerre, de recouvrer le statut de grande puissance, etc. , les gouvernements des deux pays ont été proches et lointains. Proches car ils se sont entraidés ou ont concouru à la bonne résolution de certaines questions. Ce qui leur a permis de nombreux objectifs politiques. Mais lointains car pour certaines considérations la coopération a souvent fait défaut, surtout du côté soviétique. Enfin, ils ont été lointains sur la question allemande car les désaccords ont conduit à la rupture franco-soviétique le 24 avril 1947. Tout ceci nous a amené à la conclusion que relations franco-soviétiques bonnes et mauvaises<br>This study on the French - soviet relations has been made from political targets of the respective governments during and after the second world war, from the means used to achieve them. Pursing these targets which were to cooperate to the final victory of the allies, to rebuild the economic and military potential, to provide themselves against an eventual German attack, to repatriate French out soviets, to contribute to the creation of the united nations, to participate to the preparation of the peace treaties with Germany and her former satellites, to all the settlements and organization plans of the post-war world, to recover the statute of great power, etc. , the government, of the two countries have been close and remote. Close for they helped each other or co-operated to the resolution of certain problems. This enabled them to achieve many political targets. But remote because, due to some considerations, cooperation often ruissed, ruainly from the soviet side. At last, the have been remote on the German problem for the disagreements led to the breaking-off of the French-soviet relations on April 24th, 1947. All this led us to the conclusion that the French-soviet relations have been both good and bad
14
Fraboulet, Danièle. "Entreprises et Occupation : la métallurgie dionysienne : 1937-1947." Paris, EHESS, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995EHES0013.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette thèse a pour objet l'étude de la vie des entreprises pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Le cadre géographique délimité est celui de la plus grande ville du département de la Seine, Saint-Denis. Ce travail répond à la double ambition, d'une part de comprendre la spécificité de cette période marquée par les tutelles allemande et française, d'autre part de mesurer le degré d'adaptation des entreprises soumises à un tel choc. La branche d'activité retenue, celle de la métallurgie prise au sens large - de la réparation de matériel à la métallurgie lourde en passant par la construction électrique - a été choisie car elle présente un intérêt de tout premier ordre pour l'économie de guerre allemande et touche une grande partie de la population ouvrière de la banlieue parisienne. L'analyse de l'évolution financière, industrielle et commerciale a été menée au travers des bilans comptables et des rapports des conseils d'administration. L'histoire de la main-d'oeuvre a été conduite à partir d'archives non encore ou peu exploitées. L'exploitation informatique des 4000 fiches des salariés de la CCM Sulzer, qui ont travaillé à l'usine de Saint-Denis entre 1937 a 1947, a permis l'examen de la politique de gestion du personnel, l'étude des mutations du marché du travail mais aussi celle des comportements du personnel de Sulzer face aux réquisitions, à la stagnation des salaires, au rationnement. Le conflit a pesé lourdement sur les entreprises en bouleversant les situations acquises et les certitudes, et a engendré la mise en place de relations économiques spécifiques. Cependant, les éléments de continuité priment dans le court terme tout au moins. Le tissu industriel dionysien n'a pas été amoindri par le conflit ; le patronat, tant au niveau local qu'à celui de l'organisation régionale, n'a pas été. .<br>This thesis deals with the life of metallurgical factories during world war ii. I limited my investigation to the saint-denis area as it is the most important town in the seine department. I delineated two directions of study, on the one hand, defining the specificity of the period on which french and german joint supervision left their imprint and, on the other hand, trying to assess the adaptability of the factories which had to deal with the shock of falling under that rule. My field of investigation includes metallurgy in the broadest sense of the term (ranging from equipment repair plants to heavy metallurgy via electrical construction) because of the prominent role it played in the german war economy and because it involves a large section of the working class of the Paris suburbs. My analysis of industrial, commercial and financial changes is based on the study of balance sheets and boards of director's reports. The study of the labor force is based on archives which, up to this point have been either scarcely examined or have remained untouched. By processing the data from 4 000 of the ccm sulzer workers' wage files, i was able to assess not only staff management policies and changes in the labor market situation but also the reactions of sulzer employees when confronted with requisitions, frozen wages and rationning. The war situation weighed heavily on the various companies, upsetting previously established situations, their sense of security and defined new labor relations. However, elements of continuity prevailed, if only in the short term and the war situation did not bring a reduction of the area's industrial network. Management, whether at local or regional level was
15
Gueullette, Agota. "Idéologie et politique économique extérieure soviétique : 1917-1947." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992IEPP0012.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
L'idéologie marxiste d'origine ne fournit pas un cadre doctrinal net, à validité permanente, aux relations économiques de la nouvelle société socialiste avec le reste du monde. Le code de conduite de l'Etat soviétique en la matière s'articulera autour de trois composantes majeures : la personnalité au pouvoir, sa vision du monde extérieur et la situation interne du pays. La corrélation entre ces composantes varie. Partant des références à l'idéologie marxiste, les dirigeants conçoivent de façon différente leur realpolitik face aux problèmes imprevus que posent les relations économiques extérieures. Le substrat idéologique et économique des écrits de Marx, Rosa Luxemburg et Boukharine, dégage dans la première partie, est toujours matiné ou dominé par un indispensable pragmatisme. Pour Lénine, stratège de la révolution mondiale, l'approche pragmatique est essentiellement orientée vers l'affermissement de son pays ; pour Trotsky, l'orientation demeure internationaliste. Mais ces différences ne prendront jamais le caractère violemment antagoniste qui va se manifester entre la conception de Trotsky et la politique effectivement mise en oeuvre par Staline. Trotsky en fera les frais. Au fur et à mesure que Staline affermit son pouvoir monolithique, l'opposition devient de plus en plus flagrante entre sa stratégie et celle de Boukharine. L'une et l'autre visent pourtant le même objectif : la construction du socialisme dans un seul pays. Les écrits de Varga, conseiller de Staline, fournissent une excellente grille de lecture pour l'ensemble de l'époque. Lorsque Staline cessera d'écouter Varga, la politique au lendemain de la deuxième Guerre mondiale se dessinera : opposition des blocs qui - en ce qui concerne les relations économiques extérieures - débouchera sur le COMECON<br>The original marxist ideology does not provide a clear universally valid basis for economic relations of a new socialist society with the rest of the world. In this respect the behaviour pattern of the Soviet State will be formulated around three major components : the personality in power, his vision of the external world, and the country's internal situation. The correlation between these three components varies. While all make references to marxist ideology, the various leaders based their realpolitik on different interpretations of the unexpected problems posed by external economic relations. The ideological and economic substratum set in the writings of Marx, Rosa Luxemburg and Bukharin, analysed in the first part of the dissertation always found itself modified or even superceded by an unavoidable pragmatism. For Lenin, strategist of world revolution, the pragmatic approach was basically orientated towards the strengthening of his country. Trotsky's orientation was more internationalist, but these differences with Lenin would never take the violently antagonistic form which later manifested itself between Trotsky's conceptions and Stalin's actual policies. Trotsky was to pay for this. With the growth of Stalin's monolithic power, the differences between his strategy and that of Bukharin became ever more flagrant. This despite the fact that both pursued the same aim: to build socialism in one country. The writings of Varga, Stalin's adviser, provide an excellent point of reference for this whole period. When Stalin ceased to listen to Varga, there emerged his policy in the aftermath of the Second War: the concept of opposing blocs, which, in its external economic aspects, led to the creation of COMECON
16
Dhouib, Morabito Hounaïda. "La reconstruction en Tunisie de 1943 à 1947." Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010525.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Cette étude sur la reconstruction tunisienne après la seconde guerre mondiale comprend trois parties. La première présente la situation de la Régence vis-à-vis de la puissance protectrice et son organisation administrative au lendemain de la Libération. Parmi les nouvelles créations figuraient les services d'Architecture et d'urbanisme, dirigés par Bernard Zehrfuss. La deuxième partie tend à reconstituer I'historique de sa collaboration avec I'administration du protectorat, en commençant par sa convention. Celle-ci lui permit de créer une équipe jeune et enthousiaste dont I’œuvre marqua I'histoire de I'architecture en Tunisie. La troisième partie développe son rapport dialectique avec les typo-morphologies locales. Elle vise à expliciter son fondement idéologique qui n'est pas à rechercher uniquement dans la pénurie de matériaux et de main d’œuvre, mais aussi dans la formation des concepteurs et leurs aspirations.
17
Nirula. "India and the Soviet Union, 1917 to 1947 /." New-Delhi : A. P. H, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410009363.
Testo completo
18
Fantozzi, Chiara. "Disordine e disonore nell'occupazione alleata : Livorno (1944-1947)." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86050.
Testo completo
19
Malik, Anushay. "Narrowing politics : the labour movement in Lahore, 1947-1974." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.675413.
Testo completo
20
Narain, Nigmendra. "Canada's India policy, 1947-1997, the emerging policy agenda." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22259.pdf.
Testo completo
21
Parsons, Laila. "The Druze in the Arab-Israeli conflict, 1947-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282162.
Testo completo
22
Davis, Neil Simon. "Anglo-American relations in the Persian Gulf, 1941-1947." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387418.
Testo completo
23
Chatterji, R. "The behaviour of industrial prices in India 1947-1977." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372866.
Testo completo
24
Mason, Andrea. "This forlorn adventure : British policy towards Poland, 1944-1947." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1002/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis offers a study of British policy towards Poland from 194 to 1947. It traces the British attempt to negotiate a postwar political settlement for Poland that would met he expectations of both the Polish government-in-exile, to which Britain had committed its support in return for Poland’s substantial wartime military contribution, and the Soviet Union. During the last year and a half of the war, British policy makers struggled to mediate between the two sides and accommodate their competing demands. Ultimately, a compromise was reached, which saw the former prime minister of the exile government, Stanisław Mikołajczyk, return to Poland at he end of the war to join the provisional government. Mikołajczyk agreed to return on the basis of a British commitment to provide ongoing support in reconstituting a sovereign Polish state and establishing a democratic government. This thesis charts the outcome of that commitment, from the negotiations for the formation of the new Polish government under the auspices of the Three Power Commission in the summer of 1945, to the Polish referendum of June 1946, and the elections in January 1947. It shows that British policy makers struggled to met the commitment to Poland within the changing context of the postwar international system. In the circumstances of the emerging Cold War, as the reality of the Soviet resolve to absorb Poland into its sphere grew clearer, Britain’s political promises to the Polish democratic opposition became increasingly difficult to fulfil. Not al sections of the British policy making establishment were immediately prepared to accept heir dramatically circumscribed power to influence the shape of the Polish political settlement. Whereas the foreign secretary, Ernest Bevin reconciled himself to the new circumstances with pragmatic sped, the Warsaw embassy, and many of the Foreign Office Northern Department officials, were less wiling to abandon the original terms of the British commitment. Thus, while some diplomatic and Foreign Office officials continued to lend support to the democratic Polish opposition parties, Bevin increasingly sought to limit Anglo-Polish relations to bilateral issues, including negotiations for financial and trade agreements, the repatriation of former members of the Polish armed forces, the final demarcation of Poland’s western frontier, and the transfer of the German population from western Poland to the British occupation zone. The result of these different priorities was a lack of uniformity in British policy. Much of the scholarship on Britain’s early postwar policy towards Poland takes one of two approaches: either it assumes that Britain understood immediately in 1945 that Poland was ‘lost’ to the Soviet Union, or it sets a reprehensible cynicism in the British approach, without due acknowledgement of the limits which constrained British policy options. This thesis offers a different interpretation; it argues that Britain adjusted much more slowly and unevenly to its diminished position after the war, and that its limited capacity to shape the Polish political settlement was understood only gradually, and at different times in different parts of the policy making establishment, creating an overall inconsistency in policy.
25
Couto, Marcos Miguel Oliveira do. "Representações do Oriente em O Mundo Português : (1937-1947)." Master's thesis, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10216/60899.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
O presente trabalho debruça-se sobre as representações do Oriente na revista de propaganda colonial do Estado Novo O Mundo Português, publicada entre 1934 e 1947. De facto, procura-se demonstrar a forma como o Orientalismo se revelou um “instrumento” de grande utilidade para o regime, pela forma como “construiu” o Oriente de maneira a que este lhe legitimasse uma identidade e um destino imperial que se iria repercutir em África, assim como toda uma ideologia racista e preconceituosa, que “ficcionou” o oriental, foi veiculada de forma a ser demonstrada a superioridade civilizacional e cultural de Portugal face aos habitantes das suas colónias. Com efeito, se no primeiro capítulo se procura contextualizar e problematizar a questão do Orientalismo, procurando demonstrar que o conceito, para lá de instrumento de poder, definiu todo um estilo artístico e cultural – criando um “renascimento” no seio da sociedade europeia de finais de século XVIII. Porém, todo este “fascínio” oriental acabou em “desencanto” quando as grandes potências coloniais assumiram um imperialismo agressivo e expansivo, juntamente com uma ideologia racista. Em Portugal, como se procurou demonstrar, todo este fenómeno de ideias proveniente da descoberta das culturas orientais produziu um impacto menor no meio intelectual. No segundo capítulo trata-se de se demonstrar todo o antecedente místico que reveste o Oriente desde o momento da sua “perda”, como também se traçam as linhas gerais da ideologia e política salazarista. Perceber a dimensão do significado do Oriente enquanto “memória”, possibilitou uma melhor compreensão do porquê do seu “resgate” da História por parte do Estado Novo. [...]
26
Ryynänen, L. (Lassi). "Nuorille tilaa ja toimintaa:Oululaisen nuorisotyön kehitys vuosina 1947–1997." Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2016. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201606022139.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Tämä pro gradu -tutkielma tutkii oululaisen nuorisotyön kehitystä Oulun nuorisolautakunnan arkistomateriaalin kautta. Tutkimus on rajattu vuosiin 1947–1997. Tutkimus on rakenteeltaan temaattinen eli jokainen pääluku koostuu alaluvuista, joiden aihealueet ovat nuorisolautakunnan tekemä nuorisotyö, nuorisotilat ja nuorisoavustusten jakaminen nuorisojärjestöille.
Tutkimuksen kohde on nuorisolautakunnan järjestämä nuorisotyö Oulun kaupungissa. Päälähteenäni olen käyttänyt Oulun kaupungin arkistolta (OKA) löytyvää nuorisolautakunnan arkistomateriaalia. Materiaali on järjestetty ja se sisältää kaiken nuorisolautakunnan tuottaman arkistomateriaalin, kuten kokouspöytäkirjat ja toimintakertomukset. Tämän lisäksi olen käyttänyt kaupungin arkistolta löytyviä Oulun kaupungin tilinpäätöksiä sekä nuorisotyötä koskevaa tutkimuskirjallisuutta.
Tutkimukseni tarkoituksena on tuottaa tietoa siitä, miten nuorisotyö järjestettiin Oulussa. Tätä näkökulmaa tuetaan erilaisin kuvaajin. Olen kerännyt ja taulukoinut Oulun kaupungin tilinpäätöksistä ja nuorisolautakunnan toimintakertomuksista systemaattisesti numerotietoa nuorisolautakunnan palkkamenoista, hallitsemien nuorisotilojen neliömäärästä ja huoneistokuluista. Tämän lisäksi olen taulukoinut nuorisolautakunnan jakamia nuorisoavustuksia. Olen koonnut systemaattisesti kaikki nuorisolautakunnan jakamat avustukset vuosina 1947–1994 ja järjestänyt ne omaksi kuvaajakseen. Olen luokitellut nuorisojärjestöt vasemmistolaisiin, oikeistolaisiin, varhaisnuorisojärjestöihin, uskonnollisiin ja sitoutumattomiin. Lähdemateriaalin perusteella analysoin systemaattisesti taulukoimaani materiaalia ja tutkin laadullisesti sitä, miten nuorisojärjestöjen saamat avustukset muuttuivat tutkimuksen ajanjakson aikana ja mitä se kertoo nuorisotyöstä.
Tutkimukseni keskeiset tulokset ovat nuorisotyön ammattimaistuminen sekä nuorisotyön yhteiskunnallisen vaikuttavuuden kasvu tultaessa 1970-luvulle. Nuorisotilojen luku- ja neliömäärän kasvu ajoittui 1970-luvun loppuun ja 1980-luvun alkuun ja tähän samaan aikaan ajoittuu myös nuorten omaehtoisen toiminnan kasvu. Poliittisten nuorisojärjestöjen avustusten väheneminen 1990-luvun alussa on keskeinen tutkimukseni tulos. Varhaisnuorisojärjestöt ja harrastejärjestöt kasvattivat avustuksiaan poliittisten nuorisojärjestöjen kustannuksella. Nuoriso työtä kohdennettiin yhä enemmän nuorisotaloilla tapahtuvaan toimintaan 1970-luvulta alkaen. 1990-luvulla mukaan nuorisotoimi järjestää yhä enemmän tapahtumia yhteistyössä eri alojen toimijoiden kanssa. Musiikki- ja harrastustoiminta kasvattavat suosiotaan nuorten parissa. Erityisesti erilaisten musiikkitapahtumien ja discojen järjestäminen yleistyy 1970-luvulla, nämä ovat toimintaa, jossa nuoret saavat järjestää itse itselleen toimintaa.
Tutkimukseni keskeinen tulos on, että Oulun kaupungin nuorisotyö kehittyi kohti nuorisotaloilla tapahtuvaa toimintaa. Kun 1950-luvulla nuorisolautakunnan tehtävä oli avustaa nuorisojärjestöjä, oli tilanne muuttunut 1980- ja 1990-luvuille tultaessa. Tällöin nuorisolautakunta tuki nuoritoimea, jonka tehtävänä oli järjestää nuorille mielekästä tekemistä tapahtumien ja nuorisotaloilla tapahtuvan toiminnan kautta.
27
Iqbal, Samina. "Modern Art of Pakistan: Lahore Art Circle 1947-1957." VCU Scholars Compass, 2016. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/4359.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation focuses on the modern art of Pakistan from 1947-57, more specifically, the role of six important artists who founded the Lahore Art Circle (LAC) in 1952. The group played a pivotal role in the formulation of modernism in Pakistan after its establishment as an Islamic Republic. Framed within postcolonial theories and criticism, this study will address the role of modern art in developing new artistic sensibilities in the nation of Pakistan. In order to understand the context of LAC’s framing of “modernism” and “nationalism” in terms of specific historic and hybrid nexus,my research will provide an investigation of works of only the founding members of the Lahore Art Circle including: Shakir Ali (1924-1975), Sheikh Safdar Ali (1924-1983),Moyene Najmi (1926-1997), Ali Imam (1924-2000), Ahmed Parvez (1926-1979) and Anwar Jalal Shemza (1928-1985). In analyzing the works of individual artists and the role of LAC during the first decade of the establishment of Pakistan as a nation-state, this study provides a framework to understand the specific condition of modernism in Pakistan that was dictated by these artists’ careers and works. Thus, this research investigates how the framing of modernism for these artists took on highly personal, international, incipiently national and distinctly local forms in the early years of the Pakistan after the Partition of 1947. Lastly, it will also examine how the individual LAC artists situated themselves in the discourse between constructing a newly established Pakistani identity within the larger paradigms of international modernism.
28
Hartoch, Noam. "A history of the Syrian Air Force 1947-1967." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/a-history-of-the-syrian-air-force-19471967(87b2ed69-1d9f-4901-83b7-049f31cabbc2).html.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Shortly after gaining independence in the summer of 1945, the Syrian government set about to form the Syrian Air Force (SAF). Though devoid of personnel and aircraft and lacking experience and tradition since France, the mandatory power in Syria in 1920-45, had been reluctant to train Syrians in the art of air warfare, the nascent SAF scored some limited successes in the 1948 war but lost its momentum after a mere three months of fighting. A lengthy period of restructuring followed, during which Syria underwent countless military coups which profoundly destabilized the country and had a marked effect on the SAF. In tandem with the internal upheavals, the ascent of the Pan-Arab Baath party brought about a gradual severance of political and military relations with the west, particularly Britain, and a shift to the Soviet sphere of influence, something that not only ensured a massive flow of modern arms but also brought about close cooperation and coordination with the Egyptian military establishment, particularly the Egyptian Air Force (EAF), culminating in the establishment of the ill-fated United Arab Republic (UAR). With the entrenchment of the Baath’s pan-Arab ideology in Syrian political and military life, anti-Israel rhetoric and activities increased to the extent that by the early 1960s the Jewish state had become Damascus’s major security concern and bitter foe. Border skirmishes gradually reached a climax that saw Syria and Israel locked in the second full-scale war in two decades. Despite better equipment and training, the SAF failed to achieve any success, however minor. Drawing on a wealth of hitherto untapped archival sources, this dissertation is the first academic attempt to offer an in-depth review of the history and development of the SAF from its inception to the aftermath of the 1967 war. The work’s main insight is that the SAF’s professional decline was a direct outcome of the pervasive political intervention in military affairs, something a modern air arm, as a highly professional and technologically advanced body of people and material, cannot tolerate. As a result, it found itself in the impossible position of being expected to act as the defender of the nation while being deprived of the necessary means to confront Syria’s most formidable military foe.
29
Shipway, Martin. "The road to war : France and Vietnam, 1944-1947 /." Providence (R.I.) : Berghahn books, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb388814821.
Testo completo
30
Lavarini, Beatrice. "Henri Matisse : Jazz, 1943-1947 : ein Malerbuch als Selbstbekenntnis /." München : Scaneg, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39126701x.
Testo completo
31
Pounds, Megan Pounds. "(Un) Forming Nature: Kurt Schwitters's Merz Barn (1947-1948)." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20552.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis centers on Kurt Schwitters’s Merz Barn (1947-1948), exploring the relationship between nature and the Merz principles of formung (forming) and entformung (un-forming) within the context of this late work. The Merz Barn, the last of Schwitters’s Merzbauten, has yet to receive the extensive level of research accorded to its famous Hannover predecessor, resulting in an underdeveloped grasp of the project as a whole within Merzbau scholarship. The present study considers Schwitters’s increasing orientation towards nature as a model for artistic creation to elicit an understanding of the ways in which his paradoxical Merz formula, “Formen heißt entformeln,” evolved during his period of exile. I contend that Schwitters employed the organic processes of natural growth and decay to realize the principles of formung and entformung in his Merz Barn. Furthermore, the sculptural interior underscores the dialectical exchange between forming and un-forming, highlighting the liminal space between the opposing processes.
32
Couto, Marcos Miguel Oliveira do. "Representações do Oriente em O Mundo Português : (1937-1947)." Dissertação, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2011. http://aleph.letras.up.pt/F?func=find-b&find_code=SYS&request=000212142.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
O presente trabalho debruça-se sobre as representações do Oriente na revista de propaganda colonial do Estado Novo O Mundo Português, publicada entre 1934 e 1947. De facto, procura-se demonstrar a forma como o Orientalismo se revelou um “instrumento” de grande utilidade para o regime, pela forma como “construiu” o Oriente de maneira a que este lhe legitimasse uma identidade e um destino imperial que se iria repercutir em África, assim como toda uma ideologia racista e preconceituosa, que “ficcionou” o oriental, foi veiculada de forma a ser demonstrada a superioridade civilizacional e cultural de Portugal face aos habitantes das suas colónias. Com efeito, se no primeiro capítulo se procura contextualizar e problematizar a questão do Orientalismo, procurando demonstrar que o conceito, para lá de instrumento de poder, definiu todo um estilo artístico e cultural – criando um “renascimento” no seio da sociedade europeia de finais de século XVIII. Porém, todo este “fascínio” oriental acabou em “desencanto” quando as grandes potências coloniais assumiram um imperialismo agressivo e expansivo, juntamente com uma ideologia racista. Em Portugal, como se procurou demonstrar, todo este fenómeno de ideias proveniente da descoberta das culturas orientais produziu um impacto menor no meio intelectual. No segundo capítulo trata-se de se demonstrar todo o antecedente místico que reveste o Oriente desde o momento da sua “perda”, como também se traçam as linhas gerais da ideologia e política salazarista. Perceber a dimensão do significado do Oriente enquanto “memória”, possibilitou uma melhor compreensão do porquê do seu “resgate” da História por parte do Estado Novo. [...]
33
Boutin, Cécile. "Le systeme de santé irlandais de 1947 à 1987." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA171.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Entre la naissance du ministère de la Santé en 1947 et l’année 1987, l’Irlande est-elle parvenue à prendre le train de la santé et du bien-être pour son peuple ? Certes, on consacrait année après année des sommes d’argent de plus en plus importantes au budget de la Santé et les résultats furent incontestables si l’on se focalise sur les différents indicateurs de Santé. Ainsi l’Irlande est-elle rapidement venue à bout de la tuberculose, par exemple...La notion même de système de santé a changé au cours de la période. Elle s’attachait jadis au fait de soigner les malades, et a progressivement mis l’accent sur la prévention, considérant le patient comme une personne à part entière avec toute une série de facettes sociales.Pour autant, la Santé pour le peuple implique également l’accès au système et l’égalité de traitement pour tous, ce qui n’a pas toujours été le cas – le grief classique fait au système de Santé irlandais étant que c’est un système à deux vitesses, puisque les détenteurs d’une carte médicale (de gratuité des soins) sont en fait victimes de discrimination : le système permet à ceux qui ne jouissent pas d’un accès gratuit de bénéficier en fait d’un service de meilleure qualité, ainsi que de listes d’attente moins longues.Afin d’analyser la manière dont fonctionnait le système de santé en 1987, quarante ans après sa naissance, cette thèse tente de décoder l’empreinte qu’a laissé l’Histoire sur ses infrastructures (les hôpitaux, par exemple) ainsi que sur ses structures administratives.L’étape suivante consiste à étudier l’évolution du système, qui fut lente et entravée par diverses forces luttant contre le changement (comme la Hiérarchie catholique ou les docteurs).Notre étude souligne enfin l’impact de l’entrée de l’Irlande dans la Communauté Economique Européenne (CEE) et son attitude dans le grand débat des années quatre-vingts autour de la crise de l’Etat-Providence qui résultait de l’éthique économique conservatrice qui occupait le devant de la scène à l’époque<br>Between the birth of the Ministry of Health in 1947 and 1987, has Ireland managed to jump on the bandwagon of health and welfare for its people? True enough, more and more money was poured into healthcare year after year and the results were indisputable if one focuses on the various health indicators. Ireland quickly managed to get rid of tuberculosis, for instance...The very notion of healthcare changed a lot during the period. It used to focus on curing the sick, and gradually gave more and more importance to prevention, regarding the patient as a full-fledged person with a whole series of social facets.Still, healthcare for the people also implies eligibility and equality of treatment for all, which has not always been the case – the classic reproach against the Irish healthcare system being that it is a two-tier system, the holders of a medical card being in fact discriminated against by a system which allows those who do not benefit from free access to it to actually enjoy a better service together with shorter waiting lists.In order to analyse the way the Irish system functioned in 1987, forty years after its birth, this PhD attempts at deciphering the imprint History had left on its infrastructures (hospitals, for instance) and on its administrative structures.The next step consists in studying the evolution of the system, which was slow and hindered by various forces fighting against change (like the catholic Hierarchy or the doctors).Finally, our study highlights the impact of Ireland’s EEC membership and the country’s stance in the great debate of the eighties over the notion of welfare crisis, stemming from the economic conservative ethos that prevailed at the time
34
Kamtekar, Indivar. "The end of the colonial state in India, 1942-1947." Online version, 1988. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/24086.
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Okkonen, T. (Tuula). "Yhdysvaltojen näkemykset, suunnitelmat ja toimenpiteet Japanin koulujärjestelmän uudistamiseksi 1942-1947." Doctoral thesis, University of Oulu, 2002. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9514267648.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract The post-war educational reform implemented in Japan by the American occupation forces has been studied widely, and this study discusses the reform policy in the light of American wartime planning process. Wartime American interest in the imperial educational system was first awakened in the context of psychological warfare and all information that might help in gaining victory was gathered. Japan capitulated unconditionally in August 1945, and the plans made for a combat situation were revised for the new circumstances of occupation. During the war the most crucial problems were, on the other hand, finding Japanese who would be responsive to the reform policy, and on the other, persuading the Japanese to be responsive. The invitation of the United States Education Mission to Japan, which consisted of distinguished educators that visited Japan in March 1946, proved to be the catalyst for acceptance of reforms. The report of recommendations of the Mission was also utilised in justifying reform policy for the Allied partners and for aligning the American officials who were responsible for implementing the reforms. The new educational legislation came into effect in the 1st of April, 1947. The wartime aims were essentially attained. The indoctrination of militarism and ultra-nationalism was abolished and replaced by an extended compulsory education, which emphasized individualism and aimed at the extensive alteration of Japanese society<br>Tiivistelmä Japanissa toisen maailmansodan jälkeen amerikkalaisten toimesta toteutettua koulujärjestelmän uudistamista on tutkittu varsin laajasti, mutta tällä tutkimuksella avataan uusi näkökulma aiheeseen aloittamalla tarkastelu toisen maailmansodan aikana Yhdysvalloissa muotoutuneista näkemyksistä Japanin koulujärjestelmästä sekä siihen kohdistetuista haltuunotto- ja muutossuunnitelmista. Sodanaikainen kiinnostus keisarillista koulujärjestelmää kohtaan lähti liikkeelle psykologisen sodankäynnin tarpeista sekä niiden toimenpiteiden valmistelusta, joilla vihollismaan koulujärjestelmä otetaan amerikkalaisjoukkojen haltuun Japanin pääsaarista käytävien taisteluiden aikana. Suunnitelmat säilyivät pääpiirteissään samoina, vaikka Japani antautui ehdoitta elokuussa 1945, eivätkä amerikkalaiset joutuneet pystyttämään miehityshallintoa taistelutilanteessa. Jo sodan aikana koulujärjestelmän muuttamisen vaikeudeksi oli ennakoitu japanilaisten vastustus sekä uudistuspolitiikalle myötämielisten japanilaisten löytämisen vaikeus. Maaliskuussa 1946 Japanissa vierailleen arvostetuista amerikkalaisista koulutuksen ammattilaisista kootun koulutuslähetystön roolin ja sen jättämän suositusraportin merkitys avautuu nimenomaan sodanaikaisen suunnittelutyön valossa. Koulutuslähetystöä ei tarvittu muotoilemaan koulu-uudistuspolitiikkaa vaan avustamaan japanilaisten tekemisessä suopeiksi koulujärjestelmän uudistusta kohtaan. Koulutuslähetystön suositusraporttia käytettiin myös koulu-uudistustoimien perustelemisessa muille liittoutuneille sekä riviensuoristajana miehityshallinnon koulu-uudistuksen toimeenpanosta vastaavien keskuudessa. Uudet koululait, joilla kumottiin sodanaikaiset koulutusta määränneet säädökset, astuivat voimaan huhtikuun 1. päivänä 1947. Näin sodanaikana määritellyt tavoitteet oli pääpiirteissään saavutettu: koulutus militarismin ja äärinationalismin kanavana ja yhteiskuntaryhmiä erilleen sosiaalistavana mekanismina oli murrettu ja tilalle oli luotu laajennettu yksiön oikeuksia korostanut oppivelvollisuus, jolla pyrittiin laaja-alaisesti japanilaisen yhteiskunnan muuttamiseen
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Kamtekar, Indivar. "The end of the colonial state in India, 1942-1947." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/250937.
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Rasmussen, Kathleen Britt. "Canada and the reconstruction of the international economy, 1941-1947." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ63678.pdf.
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Elmadani, Abdulla. "Indo-Saudi relations 1947-1997 : domestic concerns and foreign relations." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400916.
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Shāh, Sayyid Vaqār ʿAlī. "Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province, 1937-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:25cf19fa-51ab-4020-8bf8-19c339b517f9.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation examines Muslim politics in the North-West Frontier Province of India between 1937 and 1947. It first investigates the nature of modern politics in the Frontier Province and its relationship with all-India politics. The N-WFP was the only Muslim majority province which supported the INC in its struggle to represent an Indian nation against the British raj, rather than of joining other Muslims in the AIML. The N-WFP had its own peculiar type of society, distinct from the rest of India. In the Frontier Province, Islam wa? iaierwoven to such an extent with Pashtoon society that it formed an essential and integral part of it; and the Pashtoons 1 sense of separate ethnic identity, within the bounds and framework of Islam, become an acknowledged fact. In this Muslim majority province, there was no fear of Hindu domination, as was prevalent among Muslims in Hindu majority provinces. This was a principal reason for the initial failure of ML to acquire support in the FP. The study also explores the rise of the Khudai Khidmatgars and the reasons for the preference of majority of the N-WFP Muslims for Congress. It argues that the coming together of the KKs and the Congress gave the former popularity, and an ally in all-India politics and the latter a significant base of support in a Muslim majority province. It elucidates the changing political contexts of the period 1937-47 and shows how loyalties were contingent on these circumstances. It is therefore not just about Frontier politics, but, at a deeper level, about the nature of evolving political identities in the sub-continent. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the All-India National Congress 'desertion' of the Frontier people on the eve of partition, the dismissal of the provincial Congress ministry by Jinnah, and the deeply ambiguous positions of the KKs in the context of the new nation of Pakistan.
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Icheku, Vincent Nwayobuije. "The Cocoa Marketing Co-operatives' policies in Nigeria, 1947-1967." Thesis, University of Surrey, 1992. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/842781/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Some part of this study was covered by Dr. S.O. Adeyeye. His work published in 1978 concentrated on a general overview of cooperative movement in Nigeria. Since his work, there has been remarkably little or no research into the development of Cocoa Marketing Cooperatives' policies. A review of this study shows that Adeyeye carried out a historical work which did not account for the emergence of cocoa marketing policies during the early years of self government in Nigeria and what effect these policies had on the cooperatives' ability to practice their principle of democratic control. Our study is an attempt to fill in this important part of Marketing Coperatives' history. The theoretical part reviewed the conceptual framework of cooperative ideals and principles which enabled us to examine the operational policies of Cocoa Marketing Cooperatives in Nigeria, against the cooperatives' principle of democratic control. Our finding is that the adoption of cooperatives' principle of democratic control was not encouraged by the Governments who took the responsibility of promoting cooperatives in Nigeria, There was no provision for basic training in democratic procedure which is essential for any cooperative to be an independent viable organisation. The absence of cooperative education culminated in corruption and inefficient administration of the cooperative which was widespread over the period under study. Finally, the study acknowledges the difficulties of applying the cooperative principles in a real world, but recommended that it is of the utmost importance that cooperative organisations as they try to survive in a real world, should find new ways of putting principles into practice because the principles enable any cooperative organisation to fulfil the basis of its formation, that is, the promotion of members interests. The principle of democratic control to some extent indicates who the members are and allows them the right to determine for themselves what is their common need and how the need would mutually be met. The idea of the cooperative was born out of ideally felt need of members. It is a means of self help through mutual help, hence members should participate actively in all activities of the organization. The methodology applied to this study includes descriptive analysis, field work, archival and documentary research, informal discussion and the author's personal observations.
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Porębski, Sławomir. "Walka o władzę na Śląsku Cieszyńskim w latach 1945-1947." Doctoral thesis, Katowice : Uniwersytet Śląski, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12128/5471.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Celem mojej pracy jest pokazanie walki o władzę na Śląsku Cieszyńskim z uwzględnieniem specyfiki regionu. Chciałem zwrócić uwagę, że walka ta toczyła się na płaszczyznach polityczno-społecznej, gospodarczej i kulturalnej. Chronologicznie skoncentrowałem się na okresie lat 1945-1947. W tym czasie bowiem
na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, jak i w całej Polsce, wyraźnie występowały dwa antagonistyczne obozy rywalizujące o władzę. Z jednej strony obóz komunistyczny, a z drugiej Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Stronnictwo Pracy oraz podziemie polityczne i zbrojne. Początek okresu objętego badaniem stanowi wkroczenie wojsk radzieckich na obszar Śląska Cieszyńskiego i wyparcie stąd armii niemieckiej. Końcową cezurę stanowi rok 1947, co związane jest z likwidacją opozycji antykomunistycznej. Niemniej jednak mam świadomość, że po 1947 roku toczyła się walka polityczno-społeczna, czego przejawem było chociażby zjednoczenie polskiego ruchu robotniczego w 1948 roku. W pracy zasygnalizuję również te problemy. Zagadnienie walki o władzę postanowiłem ukazać dzieląc okres lat 1945-1947 na trzy podokresy. Pierwszy od wyzwolenia do referendum ludowego, dugi to czas od lata 1946 r. do wyborów parlamentarnych w styczniu 1947 r. Wreszcie trzeci okres to same wybory
i sytuacja polityczna w regionie w 1947 roku. Jak opisano w rozdziale czwartym był to rok, w którym komuniści ostatecznie zlikwidowali działalność opozycyjną. Obszarem zainteresowania jest Śląsk Cieszyński obejmujący powiatów bielskiego i cieszyńskiego, które według podziału administracyjnego z 1945 r. znalazły się w obrębie
województwa śląsko-dąbrowskiego1. Poruszono kwestię polsko-czechosłowackiego konfliktu granicznego w maju i czerwcu 1945 r. W pracy ujęto także drugą część dwumiasta nad rzeką Białą, czyli Białą Krakowską, która jako stolica powiatu bialskiego wchodziła w skład województwa krakowskiego. Biała została następnie połączona z Bielskiem, tworząc od 1951 roku Bielsko-Białą, miasto powiatowe w województwie śląskim.
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Strauß, Christof. "Kriegsgefangenschaft und Internierung : die Lager in Heilbronn-Böckingen 1945-1947 /." Heilbronn : Stadtarchiv Heilbronn, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37193993d.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Diss.--Philosophisch-historische Fakultät--Heidelberg--Ruprecht-Karl-Universität. Titre de soutenance : Kapitulation und Entnazifizierung. Kriegsgefangenschaft und Internierung in Heilbronn 1945 bis 1947.<br>Bibliogr. p. 441-461. Index.
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Ansari, Khizar Humayun. "The emergence of Muslim socialists in North India, 1917-1947." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.360454%7C.
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Yu, Teresa. "Australia and the Palestine Question, 1947–1949: A New Interpretation." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8903.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
By 1947, the conflicting national aspirations of the Arab majority and Jewish minority within Palestine had developed into an intractable problem. The responsibility for the political future of Palestine fell upon the fledgling United Nations and thereby weighed upon the shoulders of all its constituent states. This was a time, however, when the nations of the globe were emerging from the shadow of a world war, and were re-evaluating their construction of foreign policy. In this thesis I utilise the Palestine Question as a prism through which to explore the nuances in the Australian conception of postwar diplomacy.
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Silva, Raquel Oliveira. "O PCB e Comitês Populares Democráticos em Salvador (1945-1947)." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2012. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/13331.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
134f.<br>Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-09T13:31:16Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação Raquel O Silva.pdf: 3688910 bytes, checksum: 3e0135b4a0a355ed282dd9fa9e48b09c (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-10-30T17:46:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação Raquel O Silva.pdf: 3688910 bytes, checksum: 3e0135b4a0a355ed282dd9fa9e48b09c (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-30T17:46:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação Raquel O Silva.pdf: 3688910 bytes, checksum: 3e0135b4a0a355ed282dd9fa9e48b09c (MD5)<br>FAPESB<br>O objetivo dessa pesquisa é investigar a atuação dos Comitês Populares Democráticos dos bairros de Salvador, enquanto componentes da política de massas do PCB (Partido Comunista do Brasil), de 1945 a 1947, procurando analisar o desenvolvimento dos mesmos na capital baiana, em meio a um contexto de pós-guerra e de redemocratização. Foi realizada uma comparação dos programas dos Comitês Populares Democráticos dos bairros de Salvador, no intuito de verificar o nível de autonomia entre esses núcleos, variação nas reivindicações entre os organismos e o grau de independência partidária e ideológica, pretendida pelos comunistas. Também se conferiu a maneira pela qual os comunistas procuraram organizar a população dos bairros soteropolitanos, nos Comitês Populares Democráticos, em defesa das necessidades imediatas da população nos locais de moradia. E, finalmente, foram abordadas as campanhas financeiras empreendidas pelos Comitês e o modo pelo qual esses organismos se situaram dentro da linha política de ―ordem e tranquilidade‖, adotada pelo PCB.This research aimed to investigate the performance of the Popular Democratic Committees of the districts of Salvador, as components of the PCB (Brazilian Communist Party) actions among the masses during the years 1945-1947, searching to analyze their development in the capital of the state of Bahia, amid a context of post-war and democratization. A comparison of the programs of the Popular Democratic Committees of the districts of Salvador was made, in order to evaluate the level of autonomy between these nuclei, variation in claims between organisms and the degree of political and ideological independence, sought by the Communists. Attention was also paid to the way by which the communists attempted to organize the population of the districts of Salvador into the Popular Democratic Committees to fight for the immediate needs of the population in its places of residence. Finally, we have discussed the financial campaigns undertaken by the Committees and the way by which these
organisms were included within the policy line of "order and tranquility," adopted the PCB in those years.<br>Salvador
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Pizzamei, Daniele. "Monthly report: la società triestina nel primo dopoguerra, 1945-1947." Bachelor's thesis, Università degli Studi di Trieste, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10077/21667.
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Taylor, Matthew P. "Pakistan's Kashmir policy and strategy since 1947." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FTaylor.pdf.
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Vasquez, Cesar A. "A History of the United States Caribbean Defense Command (1941-1947)." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2458.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The United States Military is currently organized along the lines of regional combatant commands (COCOMs). Each COCOM is responsible for all U.S. military activity in their designated area of responsibility (AOR). They also deal with diplomatic issues of a wide variety with the countries within their respective AORs. Among these COCOMs, Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), whose AOR encompasses all of Central and South America (less Mexico) and the Caribbean, is one of the smallest in terms of size and budget, but has the longest history of activity among the COCOMs as it is the successor to the first joint command, the United States Caribbean Defense Command (CDC 1941-1947).
Existing from 1941 to 1947, the CDC was tasked with protecting the Panama Canal, the Canal Zone, and all its access points as well as defending the region from Axis aggression and setting up a series of U.S. bases throughout the Caribbean from which to project U.S. military power after World War II. Throughout its short history, however, the CDC was plagued with the same types of resource scarcity that its successor commands would later experience. Early successes, as well as the progress of the war saw to it that the original mission of the Command was quickly rendered moot. Ironically, it was partially the success of the U.S. war effort that kept the CDC from ever reaching its full potential. Nevertheless, the CDC evolved into something different than had originally been envisioned. In the end, it became the model that other COCOMs would follow after November 1947 when the system of regional combatant commands was formally established. Although some research has been conducted into the history of these commands, this dissertation is the first academic attempt to chronicle the history of the United States Caribbean Defense Command.
Research into this topic involved combing through the Archives of the United States Southern Command in its offices in Miami, Florida (SOUTHCOM Archives), as well as the CDC archives in Record Group 548 in the U.S. National Archives II in Suitland, Maryland. Secondary sources as well as references regarding treaties and international agreements were also consulted as necessary.
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Samarasinghe, Nira. "Colonial policy, ethnic politics and the minorities in Ceylon, 1927-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302940.
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Long, Emma. "Drawing the line : Religion, Education, and the Establishment Clause, 1947-1997." Thesis, University of Kent, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504658.
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