Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Art and state Germany History 20th century"

This chapter traces the development of Kenya’s tourism and handicraft industries from their roots in 20th century British colonialism to provide some of the broader history of Kenya’s tourism and co-operative development, their emergence in Mombasa, and their relationships with local governments. I draw on archival as well as ethnographic data collected just before the 2002 demolition of Mombasa’s roadside kiosks, which form the starting point for the larger longitudinal study. I focus on the array of experiences of Mombasa’s roadside traders of diverse backgrounds as they struggle with the privatization and segregation of urban residential and commercial space both before and after the demolitions. The economy was radically altered as the roadsides were “cleaned” and a new wave of economic formalization characterized the relationship between small-scale businesspeople and the state. For many entrepreneurs invested in the global crafts trade, this was the final straw that pushed them toward new technologies, jumping scales into global markets, and investing in export and wholesale businesses that were not spatially dependent upon a connection to the city center.

There exist many historical works on the new pedagogical movements in the beginning of the 20th century, at the level of one country and at the international level also. Our purpose is to focus on teaching of geometry with comparing situations in four countries: United Kingdom, France, Germany and United States. We show that, behind the agreements, there are deep differences in relation with questions posed by geometrical teaching. We use two kinds of materials, discussions and textbooks, and we specially examine the questions on parallels definitions and their introduction in teaching. Keywords: laboratory method, concrete geometry, experimental geometry, intuitive geometry, practical geometry, rational geometry, Émile Borel, Carlo Bourlet, John Dewey, George Halsted, Julius Henrici, Adelia Hornbrook, Jules Houël, Charles Méray, Eliakim Moore, John Perry, Peter Treutlein.

This concluding chapter demonstrates that under state management, Starved Rock State Park grew in popularity. The park provided specialists from the US Army Corps of Engineers with a training area to master the military art of pontoon bridge assembly in preparation for the Allied invasion of Germany in World War II. Equally important, the park was where locals came to work and to relax in the 1950s and 1960s, and it is where today over two million people come to hike, camp, picnic, fish, hunt, and enjoy nature every year. However, the very geologic composition of Starved Rock and its environs has created a new challenge for the twenty-first century. Sand companies now mine silica sand near the park. The challenge is one of balance between protection of the park's fragile natural resources versus the competing interests of local governments and residents desiring new employment opportunities. In addition, the Starved Rock Dam, completed in 1933, raised the level of the Illinois River above the dam about ten feet. Nevertheless, the Illinois Department of Natural Resources employees at Starved Rock State Park are dedicated to preserving and maintaining the park and to serving park visitors.

The past few years have seen a significant growth in the use of quantitative models in archaeology. Such modelling has a long, albeit uneven, history, using ideas going back to Christaller’s (1933) use of Dirichlet/Voronoi tessellations of space in the early 20th century to construct ‘central places’. These elementary techniques for geometrizing social relations survived as late as the 1980s, most simply supplemented or replaced by other low-technology, ‘ruler and compass’ methods, such as Renfrew’s XTENT model (Renfrew 1975a, 1975b; Renfrew and Level 1979). By that time, archaeological modelling (e.g. Clarke 1968, 1977; Johnson 1977) was already incorporating the graph theory techniques of the social geographers, exemplified by the burgeoning network modelling of proximal point analysis (PPA) (e.g. Terrell 1977, 1986) and by the network-based spatial interaction models (SIMs) of the social planners and transport modellers (e.g. Wilson 1970; Wilson and Bennett 1986). However, even when adapted to historical processes (Rihll and Wilson 1987, 1991), such quantitative models were not part of the archaeological mainstream and limitations on computer power and cost meant that they had only restricted application. By the 1990s, these limitations were reinforced by a post-processual critique which led to a shift in emphasis in archaeology towards viewing space as a construct of human activity, a movement from ‘space to place’ (Hirsch 1995). Although SIMs had led this shift by downplaying the role of geography in characterizing social interactions, the dialogue about quantitative modelling turned against its reductive nature, even to the extent of shying away from mathematical analysis (e.g. Sheppard 2001). However, cheap computer power and the ready availability of commercial software packages have led to a revival in network methods. See Lock and Pouncett (2007) for an early overview, and for the current state of the art see Kandler and Steele (2012) and recent monographs edited by Bevan and Lake (2013) and Knappett (2013), as well as the other chapters in this book. The main focus of this article concerns the ‘retrodictive ability’ of archaeological models. In the absence of ‘laws’ of human behaviour, there is great freedom in how to proceed.