Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Balkan conflicts"

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Balkan conflicts"

1

Gorodnia, Nataliia. "Coverage of International Situation in June-July 1914 by the «Kiyevlianin» Newspaper." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.5.

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Abstract (sommario):
The paper studies the ways in which international situation in June-July 1914 was covered by «Kiyevlianin», a daily influential newspaper published in Kyiv, then Russian Empire. This research focuses on the main international themes covered by the «Kiyevlianin» newspaper after assassination of Habsburg hair Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and until the Austro-Hungarian Note to Serbia was reported. The major focus of the study is international situation in the Balkans, especially the conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia, and Russian Empire’s Balkan policy. The author considers those days’ newspapers a valuable source for a historical research as they provided information while the events were ongoing, and their direction and outcomes were not known yet. The understanding of those days’ events by contemporaries may differ from later academic interpretations. For this reason, the study of these newspapers deepens our understanding of international situation before the Great War. The research has revealed that the Austro-Serbian conflict was only one of the numerous conflicts in the Balkans. The international situation on the peninsula dramatically changed after the Balkan wars of 1912-1913 in favor of Serbia, and the potential of further conflicts essentially increased. The reporters understood that any minor changes in the situation could trigger a new Balkan war. The major driving forces behind the Austro-Serbian conflict were “Great Serbian” idea, Serbia’s positioning as the “Piedmont” of Southern Slavs (at the expense of Austro-Hungary), and Russia’s Balkan policy. The latter was represented by the Russian envoy to Belgrade Nikolay Gartvig. According to him, backing of Serbia was caused by Russia’s geopolitical interests of anti-Austrian character. Russia’s backing in July 1914 prompted the Serbian regent Alexander not to comply with the Austro-Hungarian Note and to escalate the conflict. Thus, Russia’s pro-Serbian and anti-Austrian policy was the major factor which caused the war.
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2

Pavlovic, Vojislav. "A third Balkan war: France and the allied attempts at creating a new Balkan alliance 1914-1915." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738191p.

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Abstract (sommario):
The initial phase of the First World War in the Balkans 1914-1915 was a natural continuation of the conflicts opened during the Balkan Wars, but national fervor now encompassed all of the Balkans, from Rijeka and Ljubljana to Athens, Sofia and Bucharest, because the role of the Dual Monarchy had changed from that of an arbiter to that of a participant in the conflict. With the demise of the Ottoman Empire, the further survival of the Habsburg Monarchy was challenged by the Serbian government's Yugoslav project, creating conditions for implementing the nationality principle in all of the Balkans. It seemed that, in support of the alliances that were being created in the Balkans and in Europe as a whole, the time had come for the final fulfillment of the national aspirations of the Balkan peoples. The outcome of this third Balkan war no longer depended solely on the balance of power inside the Balkans, but also on the overall course of the war. After the initial victories in 1914, Serbia suffered a defeat in 1915 and her armies were forced to retreat southward to Albania and Greece, but her Yugoslav project was the foundation of her future policies and the basis for materializing the concept of a common South-Slavic state.
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3

Kantareva, Silva. "Balkans." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 7 (April 30, 2004): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.7.4.

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Abstract (sommario):
For more than a decade the Balkans were a bloody arena of monstrosities, the memory of which has still not subsided. Many heated discussions have been devoted to understanding the underlying logic and causes of the Balkan conflicts. Those futile “attempts,” however, have given rise to “balkanization”— a discourse that capitalized on the “Balkan essence” and diagnosed that the region is caught up in a vortex of ancient hatreds. Presenting a frozen image of the Balkans, such a discourse gradually gained autonomy that allows no dynamism and has the potential to turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. With this paper I will examine four theories explaining the emergence of the Balkan discourse. By utilizing a post-modernist approach to look into the specifics of Balkanism, I will investigate the signifier “Balkan” which has come to designate the geographical region as a cultural entity and inspect if such usage is justified. Providing a historical study, I will compare nationalisms in the Balkans with nationalisms elsewhere in Europe and investigate what, if anything makes Balkan nationalism qualitatively different.
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4

Kaloeva, E. B. "Power and civil society in the Western Balkans, their role in foreign policy through the eyes of balkan and foreign researchers." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.04.

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Abstract (sommario):
The article attempts to show the role of official authorities and civil society on the thorny path that the countries of the Western Balkans have to overcome towards mutual undestanding. Unfortunately, some tensions still persist in relations between the countries of the region, and from time to time some hotheads propose new projects for revising borders, which can lead to the resumption of armed conflicts. Such a development can be ruled out not only by the actions of sober-minded politicians, but also by civil society, which played an important role in restoring peaceful order of life after the end of the bloody Balkan conflict of the 1990 s. After all, the main cause of conflicts in the Balkans lies not in the desire to protect ethnic, cultural and religious differences between the Balkan peoples, but in the way their political and cultural elites understand national identity and use it to achieve their political goals. The article also analyzes the activities of some non-governmental organizations that emerged in the Western Balkans in the early 2000 s and still enjoying international prestige and continue their work, despite the not entirely favorable situation in the position of civil society in those countries where trends of authoritarianism and national populism are strong. Particular attention is paid to the issue of geopolitics in the Western Balkans during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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5

Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072447m.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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6

Peza-Perriu, Majlinda. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ALBANIAN AND BULGARIAN DURING 1912-1914." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (2018): 2447–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082447m.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.
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7

SADAKATA, MAMORU. "Regional Governance: Lessons from European Involvement in Yugoslav Conflicts." Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no. 2 (2003): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001130.

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Abstract (sommario):
The fragmentation of Yugoslavia has wrought extensive political and social change in the Balkans and Europe more generally. After the collapse of communism and the breakup of Yugoslavia, many Balkan countries have transformed their political systems. European states have attempted to engage and manage this breakup on an individual and collective basis. The involvement of the international community, and above all of EU countries adjacent to the Balkans, has greatly influenced processes of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction in the region.
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8

Echimovich, Mariana, Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov, Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova, and Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin. "Evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2021): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.37080.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.
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9

Echimovich, Mariana, Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov, Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova, and Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin. "Evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 4 (April 2021): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.37080.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.
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10

Efremenko, Dmitry. "BOSNIAN AND ALBANIAN QUESTIONS THREE DECADES AFTER THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA." Russia and the moslem world, no. 3 (2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.03.08.

Testo completo
Abstract (sommario):
The article examines the dynamics and prospects of the settlement of the main conflicts in the Western Balkans region. Three decades after the breakup of Yugoslavia, the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains explosive, and the Albanian question has not yet been resolved. The most important factors influencing the conflict dynamics in the region are ethnic homogenization and external interference. The intervention of the West allowed to stop the military actions, but at the same time it actually consolidated the results of ethnic homogenization. The prospect of integration of various countries in the region into Western alliances does not eliminate the remaining conflict potential. Rather, Western alliances are following the path of internalizing these conflicts. In these circumstances, there is a high probability of further changes in the borders between the Western Balkan states.
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