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1

Chachine, Isaias Ezequiel. "Community, justice, and freedom : liberalism, communitarianism, and African contributions to political ethics /." Uppsala : Univ, 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017536099&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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2

Chachine, Isaias Ezekiel. "Community, Justice, and Freedom : Liberalism, Communitarianism, and African Contributions to Political Ethics." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Studies in Faith and Ideologies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8735.

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<p>This study deals with theories of community, justice, and freedom within liberalism, communitarianism, African philosophy and theology. The study maintains that there are different latitudes on how to formulate and articulate theories of community, justice and freedom informed by particualr moral experiences with bearing on different views of human. People differ and their claims on moral matters are influenced by contexts in which they find themselves, which means that cultural diversity has bearing on different interpretations of what it means to be a human being. Given the importance of this diversity, of particular significance in this study is the relationship between various theories of justice and freedom and different understandings of the relationship between the individual and the community. The study endorses that any contemporary discourse on community, justice, and freedom to be adequate should take notice on the political, economic, and cultural aspirations of the people it seeks to address itself. It argues that there might be alternative theories of community, justice, and freedom which may give a fuller appreciation to the fact that there are different understandings of what community implies as well as what justice and freedom means. One such alternative is the African view of human, that of "ubuntu", which maintains that "to be" is "to belong". In this view a person is because of others, and by inference one's humanity, including one's sense of personhood, is affirmed by affirming the humanity and personhood of others. The first aim of the study is to examine how we should understand different theories of justice and freedom within Western political philosophy, and African political theory and theology. The second aim is to analyse how different theories of justice and freedom are related to different conceptions of the relationship between the individual and the community. The third and final aim is to propose an adequate theory of community, justice, and freedom from an African perspective.</p>
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3

Konik, Inga. "Whither South Africa – neoliberalism or an embodied communitarian indigenous ethic?" Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21656.

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This thesis offers a critique of neoliberal transformation in South Africa, which process results in growing social inequality and political apathy among citizens. Many scholars have made political-economic and historical analyses of the neoliberal transition, emphasizing structural changes at work at a ‘macro’ level. However, little attention has been paid to changes that have taken place in South Africa at the ‘micro’ level – changes to individual subjectivity and gender codes. That said, the thesis opens by summarizing the above mentioned political-economic accounts of neoliberalism in South Africa, because such works are indispensable to understanding how the regime is embedded within and buttressed by major global institutions. Yet, to achieve a holistic grasp of ‘neoliberal South Africa,’ more is needed. A sociological investigation into the impact of neoliberalism on ordinary people’s self-identification uncovers deep cultural reasons for the continued perpetuation of this unjust political-economic system. Only if it can be understood why people comply with the system in the face of suffering, can effective counter-measures be proposed and implemented over time. This thesis is inherently transdisciplinary. The approach rejects the privileging of one discipline over others, and likewise cautions against collapsing or dissolving disciplines into one another. Instead, recognizing the valuable contribution that each discipline can make to critical scrutiny of a particular issue, a form of methodological transversalism is used to bring different disciplines into dialogue with one another. Following this interplay of structural and subjective analysis, the thesis uncovers the role that consumerism plays in the political neutralization of South Africans. Consumer culture, tied as it is to profitable accumulation, instigates the neoliberal ‘values’ of economistic calculation, competition, and social atomization. This ethos is inculcated in individuals, both at work and during leisure hours. Moreover, consumerism derives much of its power from its ‘sexual sell,’ the creation of fashionable and ‘exemplary’ models of masculinity and femininity. In South Africa, these hegemonic gender models serve to instill competitive individualism while derogating indigenous values. The thesis proposes that in order to counter neoliberal hegemony in South Africa, and begin reclaiming the cultural autonomy of its peoples, it is important to invigorate indigenous communitarian practices and norms. The original contribution of this thesis consists in placing the African ethos of ubuntu in transversal dialogue with global ecological feminist voices. Both political perspectives reinforce a liberatory alternative vision for a future based on principles of embodied relationality, care giving and protection of community.
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4

Zouari, Nabil. "Derrière le "ghetto", la centralité minoritaire : le rôle de la présence commerciale dans un quartier d'habitat social en rénovation." Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE2022.

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Cette thèse analyse le rôle du commerce dans un quartier défavorisé de grand ensemble. Elle évalue notamment la capacité d’un centre commercial dévalorisé aux yeux des acteurs publics à jouer le rôle d’espace « tremplin » pour les habitants du quartier. Pour ce faire, la thèse aborde le commerce comme un système social total, en multipliant les points de vue et les perspectives. Les plateformes commerciales de grand ensemble d’habitat social ont, dès les années 1970,connu un déclin de leur commercialité. Cette évolution est généralement expliquée par divers facteurs, dont la paupérisation de leurs quartiers d’implantation, ou le déploiement des hypermarchés en périphérie des villes françaises. Sont aussi mises en cause des erreurs de conception architecturale et urbaine, avec notamment la déconnexion de ces lieux vis-à-vis des flux piétons et motorisés. Parallèlement, l’image de ces plateformes s’est ethnicisée dans la mesure où les grands ensembles de banlieue sont devenus terres d’accueil d’une immigration postcoloniale. Forte de ces constats, la rénovation urbaine des quartiers défavorisés s’accompagne généralement d’une profonde refonte de l’armature commerciale existante et de la mise en place d’outils de régulation. Pourtant, certaines des polarités commerciales mises en cause par la rénovation urbaine affichent une bonne santé économique avec d’importants chiffres d’affaires, un faible taux de vacance et peu de rotation. C’est notamment le cas de la polarité commerciale du Mas du Taureau à Vaulx-en-Velin. Cette thèse propose ainsi de comprendre comment cet espace marchand de banlieue a pu et a su s’adapter. La thèse commence par explorer les capacités de résilience des commerçants du Mas du Taureau et leurs stratégies de développement économique. Celles-ci s’inscrivent dans une dynamique commerciale collective fondée sur le modèle « petits paniers, beaucoup de paniers ». Ce modèle prend appui sur un ancrage social populaire doté d’un régime d’interconnaissance et un réseau de sociabilité dense . Mais au-delà de l’ancrage dans la proximité, le centre commercial a été capable de rayonner à une échelle métropolitaine. En effet, l’enquête montre que la bonne santé économique et la forte fréquentation du centre commercial dépassent les standards de la polarité de proximité. La thèse analyse donc les principaux facteurs qui ont permis ce passage non programmé d’une polarité de proximité vers une centralité commerciale métropolitaine. Cette centralité s’appuie sur un marché bihebdomadaire et de nombreux commerces sédentaires (boucheries, boulangeries, restaurations) qui rayonnent dans un vaste quadrant de l’aire métropolitaine lyonnaise. L’attractivité du centre commercial du Mas du Taureau fait de lui une centralité minoritaire, s’approchant des standards de la « super diversité », un concept introduit en 2007 par Steven Vertovec. Il apparaît que la capacité du centre commercial à attirer des clients extérieurs au quartier s’opère dans un jeu de spécialisations « ethniques » plein de faux semblants. La plupart des commerçants n’ont pas une stratégie de marketing ethnique, et sont plutôt à la recherche d’un ancrage social et territorial propice au développement économique de leurs boutiques. La thèse s’attarde au demeurant sur les quelques marqueurs ethniques formés localement et qui procurent à l’offre commerciale du Mas du Taureau une image de centralité minoritaire. La thèse examine enfin le point de vue des décideurs publics locaux. Ceux-ci perçoivent souvent cet espace marchand au prisme du communautarisme, conduisant à de nouvelles formes de régulation publique. La polarité commerciale se trouve ainsi administrée par de puissants outils de gestion qui l’installent au centre d’une tension durable. Aujourd’hui, la réussite économique de la polarité commerciale n’est pas reconnue et son maintien ne semble pas envisagé<br>This thesis analyzes the role of commerce in a large underprivileged district. In particular, it evaluates the capacity of a local shopping centre, which some public actors aim to destroy, to be a place of opportunity for its inhabitants. To do so, the thesis approaches commerce as a “total” social system, by multiplying the points of view, including planning, urban design, economic, social as well as political perspectives. Commercial polarities of French large social housing estates have, since the 1970s, experienced a decline in their commerciality. This evolution is generally explained by various factors, including the impoverishment of the neighbourhoods in which they are located, or the deployment of hypermarkets on the outskirts of French cities. Architectural and urban design errors are also questioned, especially the disconnection of these places from pedestrian and motorised traffic. At the same time, following the population dynamics within large suburban complexes, the image of these commercial polarity has become ethnicized. From there, urban renewal in disadvantaged neighbourhoods is generally accompanied by major urban transformations and the introduction of regulatory tools. However, some of the commercial polarities involved in urban renewal are economically healthy with important sales figures, low vacancy rates and low turnover. This is notably the case of the commercial polarity of the Mas du Taureau in Vaulx-en-Velin. This thesis thus proposes to understand how this suburban shopping area has been able to adapt.The thesis begins by exploring the resilience capacities of the Mas du Taureau retailers and shopkeepers and their economic development strategies. Those strategies are based on a regime of mutual knowledge and a dense network of sociability. Besides, the shopping centre has been able to radiate on a metropolitan scale. Indeed, the survey shows that the good economic health and high sales of the shopping centre exceed the standards of proximity polarity. The thesis therefore analyzes the main factors that allowed this unplanned shift from proximity polarity to metropolitan shopping centrality. The latter type of centrality is sustained by a bi-weekly market and numerous sedentary businesses (butcher's shops, bakeries, restaurants) that radiate out over a vast quadrant of Lyon metropolitan area. The attractiveness of the Mas du Taureau shopping centre makes it a minority center approaching the standards of "super diversity", a concept introduced in 2007 by Steven Vertovec. It appears that the shopping centre's ability to attract customers from outside the neighbourhood is based on a game of "ethnic" specialisations full of make-believes. However, the thesis focuses on a few locally trained entrepreneurs and ethnic markers that give the Mas du Taureau's commercial offer an image of minority centrality.Finally, the thesis examines the point of view of local public decision-makers. They often perceive this market space through the prism of communitarianism, leading to new forms of public regulation. The commercial polarity is thus administered by powerful management tools that place it at the centre of a lasting tension. As of today, the economic success of Mas du Taureau commercial polarity is not acknowledged by local public actors and its maintenance is minimal. Through the analysis of the current urban renewal project, the thesis shows the representations of local actors that underlie the project to destroy a dynamic shopping centre in order to rebuild another one with an uncertain future
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5

Anthony, John. "The justfiable limitations of patient autonomy in contemporary South African medical practice." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2859.

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Thesis (MPhil (Philosophy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>ABSTRACT: The European Enlightenment secured man’s freedom from doctrinal thought. Scientific progress and technological innovation flourished in the 18th Century, radically changing the lives of all. Man’s mastery and transformation of his environment was matched by revolutionary political reform, resulting in the dissolution of empire and the transfer of power into the hands of the people. Social transformation saw the city-states of pre-modern man supplanted by a globalized community whose existence grew from time and space distantiation facilitated by the new technologies and the development of symbolic forms. These sweeping social, political and ideological changes of the 18th Century fostered the belief that man’s transformative authority was indeed his to command. Man believed he had a right to self-governance and to autonomous decision-making. Kant described moral autonomy as the freedom men have to show rational accountability for their actions and he saw in men a dignity beyond all price because of this moral autonomy. Personal autonomy is seen as the expression of the free will of individuals and is justifiably constrained by the need to respect the interests and agency of others. The principle of autonomy, in the context of medical practice, was not clearly articulated until the early 20th century. Prior to this, the ethical practice of medicine relied upon the beneficent intentions of the practitioners. The limits to patient autonomy have been delineated largely by issues of social justice based upon the need to share scarce resources fairly among members of society. However, autonomy remains a dominant principle and is most clearly exemplified by the process of informed consent obtained prior to any medical intervention. This thesis provides a conceptual analysis of autonomy in the context of informed consent. Following this, several different clinical scenarios are examined for evidence of justifiable limitations to patient autonomy. Each scenario is examined in the light of different moral theories including deontology, utilitarianism, communitarianism and principlist ethical reasoning. Kantian ethical reasoning is found to be resilient in rejecting any limitation to the autonomy principle whereas each of the other theories allow greater scope for morally-justified curtailment of individual autonomy. The thesis concludes with reflection on post-modern society in which the radicalization of what began with the European Enlightenment sees the transformation of pre-modern society into a global community in which epistemological certainty is no longer available. In this environment, the emerging emphasis on global responsibility requires ethical accountability, not only when individuals secure transactions between one another but also between individuals and unknown communities of men and women of current and future generations. The thesis concludes that patient autonomy is justifiably limited in South African medical practice because of issues related to social justice but that the impact of the new genetic technologies and post-modernity itself may in future set new limits to individual patient autonomy.<br>OPSOMMING: Die Europese Verligting het die mensdom bevry van verstarde, dogmatiese denke. Wetenskaplike en tegnologiese ontwikkelinge het tydens the 18de Eeu die lewens van almal radikaal verander. Die mens se bemeestering en transformasie van sy omgewing het gepaard gegaan met revolusionêre politieke hervormings wat gelei het tot die ontbinding van tradisionele politieke ryke en die oordrag van mag aan die mens. Sosiale transformasie het veroorsaak dat die politieke ordeninge van voor-moderne mense deur ‘n globale gemeenskap vervang is wat ontstaan het as gevolg van onder meer die ontkoppeling van tyd en plek (Giddens), en wat deur nuwe tegnologiese ontwikkelings en die ontstaan van simboliese vorms moontlik gemaak is. Hierdie uitgebreide ontwikkelinge het die idee laat ontstaan dat niks vir die 18de Eeuse mens onmoontlik is nie. Die mens het geglo dat hy ‘n reg het op self-bestuur en outonome besluite. Kant het die morele outonomie van die mens beskou as sy vryheid om verantwoordlikheid te neem vir sy eie rasioneel-begronde handelinge en verder het hy ‘n besondere waardigheid in die mens geïdentifiseer vanweë sy morele outonomie. Omdat ‘n mens hierdie eienskap besit, beskik hy oor ‘n hoër waardigheid as alle alle ander lewensvorme. Persoonlike outonomie is die uitoefenimg van die vrye wil van die individu en word om geregverdigde redes beperk deur die regte van ander mense. Die beginsel van outonomie met verwysing na mediese etiek het nie voor die begin van die 20ste eeu prominent geword nie. Voor hierdie tyd het mediese etiek staatgemaak op die goeie voorneme van die praktisyn. Die grense van individuele outonomie word nou bepaal deur die noodsaak van sosiale geregtigheid. Al is dit die geval, bly die beginsel van outonomie die belangrikste beginsel in die etiese debat en word meestal gesien as ‘n deel van die proses van ingeligte toestemming. Hierdie tesis verskaf ‘n omvattende ontleding van outonomie met betrekking tot ingeligte toestemming. Daarna word verskillende kliniese gevalle beskryf en ontleed, en verskeie etiese teorieë gebruik om die wyse waarop pasiënt outonomie reverdigbaar ingekort behoort te word, te bespreek. Die teorie van Kant is in staat om enige inkorting van outonomie in alle gevalle the weerstaan. Elkeen van die ander teorieë verskaf redes waarom die outonomie van individuele pasiënte legitiem ingekort mag word. Hierdie werk sluit af met besinning oor die post-moderne gemeenskap wat ‘n globale samelewing moet aanvaar sowel as die ontoereikenheid van enige kenteoretiese sekerheid. Die ontwikkelende verantwoordelikheid vir die totale mensdom in hierdie wêreld veroorsaak dat individue nie meer slegs moet besluit oor die morele verhouding met sy medemens nie, maar ook oor sy verhouding met mense van gemeenskappe wat geskei is in tyd en ruimte, insluitend sy verhouding met die mense van toekomstige generasies. Hierdie werk sluit af met die gevolgtrekking dat pasiënt outonomie regverdigbaar beperk word in die Suid Afrikaanse mediese praktyk deur die noodsaaklikheid van sosiale geregtigheid. Die verwagte impak van nuwe genetiese tegnologieë en die ontwikkeling van ‘n post-moderne gemeenskap mag nuwe beperkings bring vir pasiënt outonomie.
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6

Moraro, Piero. "Civil disobedience and civic virtues." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2886.

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This thesis examines the concept of civil disobedience, and the role the latter can play in a democratic society. It aims to offer a moral justification for civil disobedience that departs from consequentialist or deontological considerations, and focuses instead on virtue ethics. By drawing attention to the notion of civic virtues, the thesis suggests that, under some circumstances, an act of civil disobedience is the very act displaying a virtuous disposition in the citizen who disobeys. Such disposition is interpreted in light of a duty each individual has to respect her fellow citizens as autonomous agents. This grounds, in turn, a moral obligation to respect the law. The central claim of the thesis is that the obligation towards the law is fulfilled not only through acts of obedience but also, under different circumstances, through acts of disobedience. The status of non-violence as a necessary component of civil disobedience is questioned, and it is argued that a degree of force or violence may be permissible in civil disobedience, when it is compatible with the duty to respect others’ autonomy. Subsequently, the thesis offers an analysis of ‘reasonableness’ as a civic virtue, and by comparing three different approaches to the issue of reasonable disagreement among democratic citizens, it defends the deliberative approach as the most suited for treating fellow citizens as autonomous agents. The last two chapters focus on the importance, for an act of civil disobedience, of the agent’s willingness to accept the legal consequences of her law-breaking behaviour. It is argued that a civil disobedient has an obligation to face the prospect of being punished for the breach of the law. However, in considering the behaviour of a virtuous civil disobedient who appears at her criminal trial, it is also claimed that she should plead not guilty and aim to persuade her fellow citizens that she does not deserve to be punished, because what she did does not constitute a criminal wrong. In doing so, this thesis depicts civil disobedience not as a merely permissible form of behaviour, but as a morally praiseworthy conduct within a democratic community.
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7

Bjellvi, Johan. "Uppfattningar om värdeneutralitet i frågan om könsneutrala äktenskap : Argumentationsanalys av en riksdagsbebatt med utgångspunkt från Michael J. Sandels politiska filosofi." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Tros- och livsåskådningsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-296409.

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Although the ideal of liberal neutrality remains common in political philosophy, some authors argue that moral judgments are indispensable in public decisions. In particular, Michael J. Sandel has proposed that the question of legalizing same-sex marriage cannot be settled without ideas about the value and purpose of marriage. In this study, the final debate in the Swedish parliament about gender-neutral marriage is analyzed in terms of members of parliament’s opinions on state neutrality. It is shown that the ideal of moral neutrality are either rejected or accepted, but in the latter case the value-neutral ideal is not sustained throughout the course of the debate. Instead, members of parliament invoke ideas about the moral value of marriage and same-sex relationships. This adds some credibility to Sandel’s opinion that important public decisions rely on conceptions on what constitutes a good life. However, the ultimate success of Sandel’s argument depends on whether state recognition of civil marriage in itself can be justified on value-neutral grounds.
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8

Ba, Oumar. "La politisation des partis à caractère ethnique dans les pays postcommunistes d’Europe Centrale et Orientale : une comparaison des trajectoires de la Bulgarie, la Serbie, le Monténégro et le Kosovo." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40052.

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Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’<br>The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’
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Lopez, Ramon E. "On rights a defense and analysis of rights through natural law." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/461.

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One of the central questions in political theory deals with the nature of rights. What sorts of rights do people possess? How are these rights justified? How ought these rights be reflected and related when seen in political, economic, and social institutions? Following the publication of John Rawls' A Theory of Justice (1971) and Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), rights have once again returned to dominate much of contemporary political theory. However, natural law, which was the historical basis of the early Enlightenment theories of rights, is no longer the primary system appealed to when discussing rights. In fact, classical natural law has been all but discarded in most of political theory today. There has also been renewed debate over the nature of public neutrality, and what the relationship ought to be between the public and private sphere. The mainstream view of how our liberties relate to our rights, as well as what kinds of rights we have over our private affairs, has come under fire from a newly emerging political philosophy known as communitarianism. This thesis will present a robust theory of rights that provides a new understanding of the relationship between positive and negative rights through a defense of classical natural law as an ethical foundation for political theory. It will side with the communitarian critics of public neutrality, and offer a practical method of determining when the state is justified in limiting private liberties due to public interest.<br>B.A.<br>Bachelors<br>Sciences<br>Political Science
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10

Wehbe, Rabih. "Islam et Chiisme politique." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2013.

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Dans un essai qui aurait tout aussi bien pu s'intituler « L'islam chiite entre la politique et la religion, le cas du Liban », une analyse de l'islam politique demeure nécessaire pour mettre la lumière sur la différence entre islamisme et religion musulmane. Avec un peu moins de deux milliards de musulmans dans le monde, la religion musulmane est devenue la première religion pratiquée dans le monde actuel. Le dynamique de cette religion a permis la création d'un immense empire aux populations hétérogènes. Ainsi que, la coexistence entre religion et régime politique a provoquée de véritables luttes armées entre les grandes familles politico-religieuses, notamment le sunnisme et le chiisme. Le sunnisme ayant souvent l'étiquette d'orthodoxie a gardé cette aspect alors que le chiisme devint autres chose ce qu'il était à l'origine, lorsqu'on y voyait seulement le parti qui s'était rassemblé autour d'Ali ibn Abî Tâlib, cousin et gendre du prophète Mohammad. Dans ses quelques traitements de la doctrine islamique nous constatons que ces familles politico-religieuses, tant sunnites que chiites, proliférèrent les unes à côté des autres en même temps qu'elles se combattirent et souvent se condamnèrent réciproquement. Ceci est dû au fait qu'en l'islam, il n'y a jamais eu de pouvoir interprétatif qualifié, individuel ou collégial capable de s'imposer sans conteste.L'effondrement de l'Empire Ottoman donna l'occasion à la France et la Grande-Bretagne de partager le monde arabe sur la base des fameux accords Sykes-picot. La France va restructurer les territoires syrien et libanais, elle établit la structure constitutionnelle confessionnelle complexe du Liban, faisant du pays de Cèdre le plus grand laboratoire du communautarisme. Dans le Liban d'après-guerre, le communautarisme va de soi, il reflète l'état de la société et celle de la conciliation entre spécificités confessionnelle et principe fondamental de l'Etat nation. Le communautarisme libanais va évoluer à travers des mutations économiques, sociales et politiques, notamment chez la communauté chiite. Nous présenterons l'évolution de la communauté chiite dans cet environnement, ainsi que le rôle fondamental joué par Moussa el-Sadr dans la libération de la communauté chiite. Son objectif étant une réaction à la conscience politique du «Metwali». Sa première action était la lutte contre les inégalités sociales et devait s'engager avec l'Etat libanais dans une série d'affrontements qui couvraient souvent un aspect spectaculaire: grève générale en 1970, avertissement au gouvernement et à la réunion de 1974 à Baalbeck que Moussa-El -Sadr a annoncé la naissance du mouvement AMAL. Ce mouvement joue un rôle essentiel dans la vie politique libanaise. Enfin, nous consacrons une partie de ce travail à l'émergence d'une milice radicale pro-iranienne chiite, le Hezbollah, qui a pénétré le système politique libanais. Sa place est privilégiée à cause de ses succès dans la résistance contre Israël, de ses actions sociales et humaines et de ses organisations. La timide participation du « parti de Dieu » au parlement libanais constituait un premier pas vers la « libanisation » du parti. En 2012, le parti chiite annonce sa participation aux combats en Syrie à côté de l'armée de Bachar el-Assad, freinant ainsi le processus de libanisation. Le Hezbollah devient un des acteurs incontournables de la géopolitique du Moyen Orient et retourne en force sur la scène politique libanaise pour s'inscrire dans le cadre d'un chiisme politique international<br>In an essay that might as well have been entitled "Shia Islam between politics and religion, the case of Lebanon", an analysis of political Islam remains necessary to shed light on the difference between Islamism and religion Muslim. With just under two billion Muslims in the world, the Muslim religion has become the first religion practiced in the world today.The dynamics of this religion allowed the creation of an immense empire with heterogeneous populations. As well as, the coexistence between religion and political regime provoked real armed struggles between the big politico-religious families, notably Sunnism and Shiism.Sunnism often had the label of orthodoxy, but Shiism became something else that it was originally when one saw only the party that had gathered around Ali ibn Abi. Tâlib, cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Mohammad. In his few treatments of Islamic doctrine we find that these politico-religious families, both Sunni and Shiite, proliferated alongside each other at the same time that they fought each other and often condemned each other. This is due to the fact that in Islam there has never been a qualified, individual or collegiate interpretative power capable of imposing itself unquestionably.The collapse of the Ottoman Empire gave France and Britain the opportunity to share the Arab world on the basis of the famous Sykes-picot agreements. France will restructure the Syrian and Lebanese territories, it establishes the complex confessional constitutional structure of Lebanon, making the country of Cedar the largest laboratory of communitarianism. In post-war Lebanon, communitarianism is self-evident, reflecting the state of society and the reconciliation of confessional specificities with the fundamental principle of the nation-state. Lebanese communitarianism will evolve through economic, social and political changes, especially among the Shia community.We will present the evolution of the Shiite community in this environment, as well as the fundamental role played by Moussa el-Sadr in the liberation of the Shia community. His goal is a reaction to the political conscience of "Metwali". Its first action was the fight against social inequalities and was to engage with the Lebanese State in a series of clashes that often covered a spectacular aspect: general strike in 1970, warning to the government and to the 1974 meeting in Baalbeck that Moussa-El -Sadr announced the birth of the AMAL movement. This movement plays a vital role in Lebanese politics. Finally, we devote part of this work to the emergence of a radical pro-Iranian Shiite militia, Hezbollah, which has penetrated the Lebanese political system. His place is privileged because of his successes in the resistance against Israel, his social and human actions and his organizations. The timid participation of the "party of God" in the Lebanese parliament was a first step towards the "libanization" of the party. In 2012, the Shiite party announced its participation in the fighting in Syria next to the army of Bashar al-Assad, thus curbing the process of Lebanization. Hezbollah becomes one of the key players in the geopolitics of the Middle East and returns in force on the Lebanese political scene to be part of an international political Shiism
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11

Mwimnobi, Odirachukwu Stephen. "A critical exposition of Kwame Gyekye's communitarianism." Diss., 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1183.

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This dissertation argues that Gyekye, in his idea of communitarianism, has a contribution to make towards the understanding of the socio-political structures of multicultural communities in Africa. Gyekye's construct of metanationality, in relation to his communitarian ethics, addresses the socio-political and cultural problems confronting multicultural communities, with particular reference to Nigeria. In an attempt to achieve his idea of a "metanational state", Gyekye claims that: (1) "personhood" is partially defined by a communal structure; (2) equal moral attention should be given both to individual interests and community interests; (3) it is necessary to integrate the "ethic of responsibility" with "rights"; (4) members of the nation-state should be considered equal; (5) in order to achieve nationhood in a multicultural community, it is essential to move beyond "ethnicity" and (6) in an attempt to form a national culture, attention should be drawn to "the elegant" aspects of cultures of various ethno-cultural communities.<br>Philosophy<br>M.A. (Philosophy)
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12

Power, M., B. Doherty, Neil A. Small, S. Teasdale, and K. E. Pickett. "All in it together? Community food aid in multi-ethnic context." 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/12843.

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Yes<br>This paper derives from a study of community food aid in a multi-ethnic, multi-faith city in the North of England. The paper begins to make sense of the diversity of types of food insecurity assistance, examines the potential exclusion of certain groups from receipt of food aid, and explores the relationship between food aid providers and the state. Faith-based food aid is common in the case study area, particularly among food bank provision to the most ‘destitute’ clients. While food aid is adopting service responsibilities previously borne by the state, this does not imply an extension of the ‘shadow state’. Rather, it appears reflective of a pre-welfare state system of food distribution, supported by religious institutions and individual/ business philanthropy, but adapted to be consistent with elements of the ‘Big Society’ narrative. Most faith-based providers are Christian. There is little Muslim provision of (or utilization of) food aid, despite the local demographic context. This raises concerns as to the unintentional exclusion of ethnic and religious groups which we discuss in the concluding sections.<br>CLAHRC
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13

Watadza, Mhazo. "A critical assessment of African communitarianism for environmental well-being." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21210.

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It is an undeniable truism that the world at large and Africa in particular is facing serious environmental problems such as deforestation, water pollution, air pollution, wetlands destruction, poaching as well as global warming. These problems are mainly caused by economic pressure for industrialisation, technological advancement, population growth, poverty and ignorance. Efforts to tone down these environmental problems have been largely influenced by the employment and deployment of Western ethical theories like land ethic, deep ecology, ecofeminism and social ecology as well as scientific approaches. Whilst these strategies are credited for forming the foundation of environmental discourse, they have not been a one-size-fits-all approach. As a result, they have registered modicum results in mitigating environmental challenges especially with particular reference to Africa. This is simply because they have proved to be anthropocentric and they are not flavoured with socio-cultural realities which identify the indigenous folk and shape their relationship with the natural environment. It is against this backdrop that the researcher feels that African communitarianism as a theory embedded on Ubuntu, Indigenous knowledge system such as taboos and totems and African traditional religion and morality, can chip-in to supply a home-grown solution to African environmental problems. Conscious of the pejorative effects of colonial hegemony through Christianity and the ever-present modern world of scientific undertakings, the researcher recommends a formulation of an environmental ethic that integrates traditional African religion, Christian ethics and scientific conservation methods to ensure an environmental policy that informs and directs sustainable socio-economic trajectory in contemporary Africa.<br>Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology<br>M.A. (Philosophy)
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14

Domsky, Darren. "Extending beyond ethical extensionism : a search for the most plausible theoretical basis for any non-anthropocentric, non-sentientist environmental ethic /." 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=1251845491&SrchMode=1&sid=16&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1195153143&clientId=5220.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in Philosophy.<br>Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 314-322). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=1251845491&SrchMode=1&sid=16&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1195153143&clientId=5220
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15

Mokolatsie, Chris N. "Revisiting virtue ethics and spirituality of Botho: a study of an indigenous ethic of character formation in the moral thought and practice of Basotho." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26809.

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The current Afro-communitarianism (AC) articulation and analysis of botho is characterised by two main approaches. First it treats botho as if it is a universal concept that can be expounded independently in a theoretical manner devoid of any specific cultural perspective that give it meaning and authority. Second it abstracts the Sesotho proverb “motho ke motho ka batho” (MKKB) from the rest of Sesotho narrative elevating it as foundational to the definition and meaning of the concept, where a particular reading of this proverb has come to be taken as the quintessential articulation of the meaning of this concept. This thesis problematizes this account within the context of Sesotho culture from which the proverb derives. Firstly, it rejects the abstraction and exceptionalism of MKKB as poor scholarship and a deficiency in the knowledge of the ethical significance of narratives in Sesotho culture, arguing that this is an unjustified abstraction of MKKB from Sesotho narratives inconsistent with how proverbs are interpreted and used. It asserts that MKKB is best understood not in isolation, but within the context of the unity of African narratives and their meaning and unique role as the chief means of moral education into botho. Secondly, the thesis questions the dominance of one specific reading of Ubuntu in the current botho discourse and the privileged status this reading has enjoyed over other, equally justified, interpretations. It argues for a definition of botho (moral personhood ) based on the definition of this term as a moral statement describing good admirable moral qualities of character of motho. The study thus starts from the premise that talk about botho turns out to be talk about character of motho because botho cannot be fully realised independently of the characters of individuals who make it a reality. The study recommends a character centric definition of botho as a fresh alternative, where an understanding of the possession of botho by motho, entails inculcation of makhabane or virtues of botho, many of which are found narratives especially proverbs. Its attractiveness is that it is consistent with the nature of African ethics as character-based ethic, but also underscores important assumptions behind botho including the primacy of character and the existence of a particular social order as a prerequisite for botho to flourish, all of which are worth serious consideration in the current botho discourse.<br>Research Institute for Theology and Religion
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16

Ndemuweda, Daniel Shiyukifeni. "Luke 6:12-7:17 as an ethical model for egalitarian socio-economic praxis in post-independence Namibia." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/10788.

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This study is a contextual exegetical encounter with the text of the Sermon on the Plain in Luke 6:12-7:17 which is an ethical discourse embedded in the Jesus tradition where Jesus speaks and acts in solidarity with the poor and the marginalized. The study applies the ethical paradigms of the discourse for socio-economic and political justice to the context of the present Namibian public economic establishment which is unjustly increasing socio-economic disparities in society. The study has therefore adopted Burridge’s (2007) ethical model of an open and inclusive community of Jesus in Luke which Jesus forms and in which he encourages egalitarian socio-economic praxis. Burridge finds this model -the “all-embracing portrait of Jesus” - in Luke’s community. It opens up to all as “it seeks to imitate Jesus”. The Sermon on the Plain is in the current study seen as the epicenter of Luke’s presentations of Jesus’ socio-economic and political ethical teaching and praxis for an egalitarian community, the ethical model which Luke expands throughout his narrative account of the gospel. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia (ELCIN), the particular contextual focus of this study, is taken as an open and transformative community of Bible readers where this ethical model could be embraced and effect some changes in human behavior that may lead to a more fair, inclusive and equitable socio-economic community, both within the Church and in the predominantly Christian Namibian society. For necessary methodological and hermeneutical approaches to ways in which the New Testament ethics of Jesus - which are the ethical paradigms of ancient communities - can be relevant and applicable to our present day contexts, this study has made use of Burridge’s method that considers New Testament ethics as starting with the historical Jesus. The reconstruction of the historical Jesus and our access to the ethics of Jesus are, according to Burridge, possible through our reading of biblical texts and gospels which are like stained glass so that our picture of what lies behind the text is not unimpeded. This model has been employed by the current study to see beyond Luke’s text the historical Jesus who is part of the peripheral peasant communities. In his context, he encourages the families and villages to sustain their limited socio-economic power through sharing, a form of resistance that Moxnes (1988) terms the “moral economy of the limited good” within the exploitative ruling system. The study identifies the ancient levels of the early Jesus tradition through which the socio-economic and political ethics of Jesus underwent adaptations and continuation. Burridge’s method of the imitation of Jesus and its hermeneutic approach of the gospels as stained glass are in this study applied in Draper’s (1991) African contextual exegetical tripolar framework for our present appropriation. Burridge reads the gospels as narrative biographies of Jesus, presenting Jesus’ words and activities, the umbrella narrative genre in which the ethics of Jesus are not considered as isolated rules or moral prescription. Rather they are rather part of the whole life story of Jesus in which both his rigorous and unconditional acceptance ethics are checked against each other. This approach has led the present researcher to see the community of the followers of Jesus as the place where our ethics of love, mercy, and grace are lived out in tension with the justice of God, which is also at the centre of Jesus’ proclamation of the reign of God as the alternative to socio-economic and political exploitation. This study has therefore argued for the love of Jesus for the marginalized, a love which pushed Jesus to the margins, risking even his life for the sake of justice. ELCIN has been implicated by the dense empirical data of this study. Both the interviews and sermons collected in its Eastern Diocese substantially confirm ELCIN”s timidity, even silence, when it comes to addressing socio-economic and political injustice in Namibia. The study’s findings constitute a qualitative pattern that is transferable to the whole of ELCIN. Therefore the study concludes that ELCIN is collaborating with the proponents in our present government of an unjust system. The data indicates that this situation is accountable for socio-economic and political polarization. The study conscientizes ELCIN, in its prophetic task, to speak from the perspective of the poor and the marginalized, among whom the Church’s “social location” is situated as it continues “seeking to imitate Jesus”. The study suggests that the Church should shift from the traditional spiritualizing of human daily life experiences to critical contextual biblical hermeneutics and appropriation which motivates self-theologizing and local debates. It crucially suggests that ELCIN distances itself from the euphoric excitement of political independence to choose a position of critical solidarity with the state and to operate without its voice being marred by ambivalence. Transformative and liberating formal and informal education is suggested as essential for empowering the marginalized, whereby ELCIN can play a vital role. Reading the Bible together as an open community of the followers of Jesus is suggested so that ELCIN will become an interpretive community that dialogues and openly debates socio-economic and political issues in the light of its unbiased appropriation of the biblical message.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)-Unviversity of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.
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17

Kuczynski, Vanessa Fanny. "An analytical evaluation of Macintyre's critique of the modern conception of the enlightenment project." Diss., 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2011.

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Modernity has generally been interpreted as a radical expression of human progress in the light of the advances of modern science and technology. According to Alasdair MacIntyre, however, modernity is a project "doomed to failure". Given the progressive-linearity of the modern model of rationality, the past has, in principle, been ruled out as a source of moral-political wisdom and guidance. From the perspective of modernity, the present (as the progressive moment of the future) has therefore nothing to learn from past traditions. MacIntyre contends that the moral confusion within modernity comes from its loss of telos, mediated in terms of the past. Modernity therefore harbours a paradox based on its inability to provide a philosophical justification for establishing the possibility of human solidarity in the present, while simultaneously affirming its faith in the future. In this regard, MacIntyre's work is an important contribution to the philosophical debate on modernity.<br>Philosophy<br>M. A. (Philosophy)
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18

Novitzky, Peter. "Osobni svobody a bonum commune - Analýza díla Teorie spravedlnosti Johna Rawlse z pohledu křesťanské etiky." Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311422.

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This work tries to present the importance of the theory of justice of John Rawls from the point of view of Christian ethics, pointing out selected aspect of this theory. The basis for this reflection gives the fact, that the theory of justice of John Rawls is repeatedly cited in the presentations of the principles of Catholic social teaching. In some points they show similarities, in others are in opposition. Furthermore, John Rawls formulates his formal theory in a way to make it acceptable for every rational human being. In this group are also included persons with religious and moral ideas, or how John Rawls call them himself: people with comprehensive doctrines. The rationale to examine the theory of justice is justified also by the fact that Rawls ascribes not ignorable function in the aforementioned theory to religious ideas. Thirdly, in the case of John Rawls is possible to see one of the advocates and fore-representative of the liberal tradition. Liberalism is, because of its ambiguous definition but simultanously real presence in the society and thinking of people, not ignorable challenge for the Church and religious ideas, with which she already tries for two hundred years to tackle. In this work therefore will be presented the life and works of John Rawls, together with the basic theses of...
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19

King, Judith Ann. "An Afro-European communitarian ethic as a model for a private sector response to HIV/AIDS, with special reference to the King II Report on Corporate Governance for South Africa." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/1691.

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This thesis formulates and argues for a composite conceptual framework of ethics for strategic and sustainable corporate benevolence as a means of addressing HIV/AIDS in South Africa. The template consists of the following theoretical elements: modern virtue ethics, contemporary Western communitarian ethics, the African philosophy of Ubuntu and a feminist ethic of care. This template is applied to relevant pragmatic ends through the proposition that the King I I Report - as it explicitly advocates a universally communitarian and essentially African code of ethics for a business response to HIV/AIDS - offers a viable and valuable model to both understand and transcend the tensions between profits and caring in the post-apartheid era of the South African experience of the pandemic. Specific features of the thesis include contextual perspectives on the ethical variances of HIV/AIDS stigma and behaviour change, cached as the thought-form of " I and We" as opposed to "Us and Them", and the psycho-social linguistics of re-interpreting "the wounded other" as "the wounded us". This is drawn together conceptually in discussion around the individual in and of, rather than as opposed to, the community, stressing how the impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic is compelling our society to integrate this reverence into our disposition and conduct. In the spirit of this Afro-European communitarian ethic, and to apply this postulated theory for a concrete social morality in the wake of HIV/AIDS, the thesis argues that there is an ethical role for businesses in restoring the balance between nurturing and selfinterest - an equilibrium that is essential for both human expression and human survival. This involves underscoring the elderly and young women, as well as children, who head households and care for orphans of AIDS in circumstances of great vulnerability, (particularly the nation-wide body of informally organised volunteer home-based caregivers), as target beneficiaries for a gravely urgent and massive empowerment effort by the business sector.<br>Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.
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