Tesi sul tema "Congresses, 1892"

This research examines the central question of representation in the California State Legislature and the United States House of Representatives. This thesis examines the proper size for both legislative bodies in comparison to their current sizes. Considering this analysis, this thesis proposes that the California State Legislature be doubled in size, and that the United States House of Representatives be increased in size in accordance with the Wyoming Rule. This thesis examines the advantages and drawbacks of a larger legislature in both settings. Increasing the size of the California State Legislature would lower campaign costs, improve representation for communities of interest, and reduce the effectiveness of partisan gerrymandering. Increasing the size of the U.S. House of Representatives would reduce malapportionment among states, make the Electoral College more equitable, and increase political diversity among the states.

The dynamic capabilities perspective has become one of the most vibrant approaches to strategic management. Despite its growing popularity, it has faced criticism because of ambiguity and contradictions in dynamic capabilities literature. There has been increasing calls to address the fragmentation in the literature and provide empirically collaborated insights if it is to fulfil its potential as a distinct approach to strategic management. The microfoundations research agenda remains an emerging theme in the dynamic capabilities literature and since the overarching emphasis of a microfoundational approach is in the explanatory primacy of the micro-level especially in its relation to macro-level entities, it covers a wide array of subjects at several levels. One of the main criticisms of the microfoundations approach is a lack of multi-level analysis and there has been calls for multi-level theory development to connect levels within particular contexts since dynamic capabilities are path dependent and context-specific. This thesis explores the multi-level nature of dynamic capabilities in the Information Technology Security context and empirically investigates the impact of microfoundations of dynamic capabilities on firm capability renewal and reconfiguration. It overcomes the challenge associated with fragmentation in dynamic capabilities by presenting a conceptual model for the multi-level nature of dynamic capabilities. By explicating where dynamic capabilities reside, we can more purposely impact on them to advance our scholarly understanding and proffer practical managerial interventions to directly enhance specific abilities of sensing, seizing and reconfiguring to achieve superior outcomes. The research employed the Gioia qualitative case study research methodology and research methods used were 35 semi-structured interviews and observations. The research findings suggest that firms renew and reconfigure their capabilities to align with the changing industry and industry standards, and client needs. Firms also renew and reconfigure capabilities and capability framework due to internal strategic organisational learning and to align with firm’s specific business strategies. Capability renewal and reconfiguration is vital to achieve technical and evolutionary fitness. In addition, findings inform that dynamic capabilities in the form of ability to sense, seize and reconfigure exhibit at macro, meso and micro levels. Actor’s external engagement with significant institutions enables superior sensing ability. Accumulated experience is exploited to gain credibility with clients to win business, and demystifying firm processes and clarity of language in firm artefacts achieve superior knowledge articulation and codification processes by actors. Structuring of simple routines and capabilities enable ease of internal knowledge transfer but susceptibility to intellectual property theft by outsiders whereas complex routines and capabilities create challenges for knowledge transfer but are harder for competitors to discern and copy. Drawing on the research findings, the thesis presents a conceptual model for the multi-level microfoundations of dynamic capabilities in knowledge-intensive domains with relevance for theory and practice.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-05T18:29:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-06-11. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2016-02-05T18:33:04Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000857665.pdf: 1056093 bytes, checksum: 29a041961c7d850f1a2e6880d6bfa769 (MD5)<br>Este trabalho enseja estudar duas modalidades do fazer-se, ou, caso se prefira, da formação do intelectual brasileiro, a partir de uma análise das autoconcepções dos sujeitos históricos que as aborda como uma hibridização - ou seja, a fusão de elementos alienígenas com outros, internos à realidade dos atores - marcada por expedientes de convencimento (retóricos) engendrados pelos agentes para legitimar as suas próprias noções de intelectual. Na primeira modalidade, a ser estudada a partir dos romances e da trajetória de Rachel de Queiroz, enseja-se acenar ao universo dos mediadores e produtores dotados de visibilidade nacional e às formas retóricas propriamente literárias do Romance de 30. Na segunda, se enfoca as vivências literárias de um grupo de escritores cearenses de pouco vulto nacional, o coletivo CLÃ. Estes letrados de pouca sorte realizaram no ano de 1946 um congresso de escritores cuja pauta principal se resume nos problemas do intelectual/escritor de província. Noção que ensejava aludir às limitações que restringiam suas obras e suas atividades à dimensão local<br>This work aims to study two types of make up, or, if you prefer, the construction of the Brazilian intellectual, from an analysis of the self-conceptions of historical subjects that refers to hybridization - or the fusion of alien elements with other, internal reality of the actors - marked by expedients of persuasion (rhetorical) engendered by the agents to legitimize their own intellectual notions. In the first mode, we study the novels by Rachel de Queiroz and her trajectory, by aiming to show the universe of mediators and producers endowed with national visibility and proper literary rhetorical forms of the Romance of 1930s. Second, we focus on the literary experiences of a group of writers from Ceará little, the collective CLÃ, These scholars of bad luck made in 1946 a congress of writers whose main agenda is summarized in the problems of intellectual/province writer. Notion that showed the limitations that restricted their works and activities to the local dimension

Since Woodrow Wilson's (1885) analysis of Congress, researchers assumed that members of Congress look to one another for information, cues, and advice on unfamiliar policy areas. The amount of time and effort that each legislator and their staffers would have to put in to make all of these voting decisions would be insurmountable. Fellow legislators are a resource to turn to for guidance or assistance. Legislators are able to influence their colleagues above and beyond each of their individual preferences. The members of Congress that are most influential will not necessarily be the same for every bill. The significant legislators may be one's co-partisans and the party leadership or they may be a group of legislators with whom they share a common interest. Spatial analysis allows researchers to look more explicitly at the relationships between legislators and their colleagues. I use spatial probit and a spatial duration model to study these issues by examining the factors that influence voting decisions and the timing of position announcements. I look at a variety of different policy areas, including foreign policy, education, and agriculture, over an extensive time period (1933-2014) to test which relationships are most influential on their decisions. I study the interdependence between three different relationships, same party, state delegation, and ideological similarity, and hypothesize that these ties will lead legislators to behave more similarly. The use of the spatial analysis provides an opportunity to test these relationships and see if even after controlling for other influences there is dependence between legislators. In my research, I find that legislators are interdependent regardless of their individual characteristics. When I analyze voting behavior, legislators' behave similarly from one another across all three relationships above and beyond what we would expect given their personal preferences. These positive findings do not hold when I study the timing of position announcements where legislators behave dissimilarly from one another when interdependence exists. The study, overall, suggests that legislative ties are especially important in explaining voting behavior and that it is critical to account for these relationships.

Cette thèse évalue l'étendue et les limites du contre-pouvoir syndical aux Etats-Unis à travers l'analyse de certaines prises de position de la fédération syndicale américaine AFL-CIO, et des différents syndicats qui lui sont affiliés, au cours des années 1955 à 1979, soit sous la présidence de George Meany. Elle analyse certains aspects de la stratégie politique et économique de L'AFL-CIO, elle étudie l'étendue des moyens mis en œuvre par la centrale pour atteindre ses objectifs, et cerne les limites de son champ d'action, afin d'éclairer l'évolution des rapports de force entre le gouvernement, le monde des affaires et le monde du travail et d'en tirer certaines constantes valables pour le mouvement syndical dans son ensemble. Elle montre, à travers les succès et les échecs de L'AFL-CIO tant au niveau du gouvernement qu'au niveau de l'entreprise, comment les syndicats ont tenté d'accéder au pouvoir, ou tout du moins d'éviter une trop grande inégalité dans la répartition de ce dernier. Elle apporte, enfin, certains éléments permettant d'expliquer le déclin actuel du mouvement syndical dans l'ensemble des pays industrialisés<br>This thesis studies the extent and the limits of the power of the trade unions in the united states by analysing certain attitudes of the American labor federation, AFL-CIO, and of the various trade-unions affiliated to it over the years 1955 to 1979, that is to say during George Meany’s terms of office as president. It analyses certain aspects of the political and economic strategies of the AFL-CIO, studies the extent of the human and financial resources used by the federation to achieve its objectives, and defines the limits of its influence in order to throw light on the changing balances of power between the government, the business world and organized labor, thus identifying certain constants which hold good for the entire trade-union movement. The thesis shows, by describing the successes and failures of the AFL-CIO both at government and grassroots levels, how the union tried to achieve power, or at least to avoid a too great imbalance in its distribution. Finally, it offers an explanation of the present decline of the trade union movement throughout the whole industrialized world

Recent research in economics and psychology has examined the childhood noncognitive skills which predict future economic success. However, there has been relatively little research on whether these skills predict future unemployment. This thesis uses data from four cohort studies (total N = 47,328) from Great Britain and the United States to examine how lifetime trajectories of unemployment are affected by childhood differences in self-control (chapter 3), conscientiousness (4), and mental health (5-6). These are some of the first studies to examine how pre-labor market measures of these psychological characteristics prospectively predict future unemployment. Chapters 3, 5 and 6 are the first studies to examine how early psychological characteristics interact with recessions to produce differential unemployment outcomes. After adjusting for cognitive ability and key sociodemographic indicators (e.g. gender, SES), all three of these psychological characteristics are found to predict future unemployment. The effects are statistically significant and economically meaningful, comparable in magnitude to the effects of intelligence. Chapter 3 shows that childhood with poor self-control were disproportionately more likely than their more self-controlled peers to become unemployed during the 1980s UK recession, and chapters 5 and 6 find a similar effect for children with high psychological distress compared to their less distressed peers during the 1980s UK recession and 2007 US recession. These studies demonstrate the value of using psychological research to examine economic outcomes. The chief policy implication is that interventions which improve childhood levels of self-control, conscientiousness and mental health may be an effective way to reduce future population unemployment levels. In the short term, remediation programs which take into account individual psychological differences may improve the efficacy of unemployment interventions, particularly during recessions when certain groups are more likely than others to become unemployed.

Questo lavoro fa parte di una più ampia ricerca sul rapporto tra l’Italia e i Paesi Nordici, guidata dal prof. Antonello Alici presso l'Università Politecnica delle Marche. Il lavoro è stato organizzato cronologicamente, attorno all'analisi di articoli italiani sul tema paesi nordici e di materiali d'archivio originali, tracciandone i rapporti reciproci con il pubblico italiano, e concentrandosi su viaggi ed esposizioni architettoniche e artistiche. In particolare, la ricerca si concentra sugli eventi legati alla nazione –la Svezia– che per prima ha avuto l'introduzione più rilevante nel panorama italiano, a partire dalla prima Biennale veneziana nel 1895. Il primo capitolo indaga la genesi di questo rapporto prima dell'inizio della prima guerra mondiale, grazie al contributo di persone come Vittorio Pica e Ferdinand Boberg. Il secondo capitolo affronta le conseguenze della prima guerra mondiale, con l'emigrazione del futurista Arturo Ciacelli (1883-1966), l'incisore Guido Balsamo Stella (1882-1941) ed i viaggi dell'architetto Giuseppe Broglio (1874-1956). Il terzo capitolo si concentra sui due decenni fascisti, concentrandosi sul ruolo di istituzioni come la Triennale di Milano e l'Istituto Svedese di Studi Classici a Roma. Infine, l'ultimo capitolo esamina il periodo del dopoguerra, quando l'ammirazione italiana per il design e l'architettura svedese ha trovato risonanze interessanti sia nei piani INA Casa che in alcuni progetti espositivi, nel lavoro di architetti quali Piero Bottoni (1903-1973), Piero Maria Lugli (1923-2008), Gio Ponti e Franco Albini (1905-1977). La ricerca ha evidenziato come le nuove Istituzioni, sulla scia di quelle fondate nei decenni precedenti, come l'Istituto Svedese (SI) e l'Istituto Italiano di Cultura di Stoccolma (IIC) –oggi ancora attive– abbiano avuto un ruolo fondamentale nel propaganda internazionale. Infine, la ricerca vuole mettere in luce come questa complessa combinazione di esperienze personali, riviste (di arte e architettura) e istituzioni costituisca il vero sfondo per storici come Bruno Zevi (che fu il primo a inserire tre maestri nordici nel suo pamphlet Verso un'architettura organica) e Leonardo Benevolo, che nel 1960 riconobbe il ruolo di aree ‘periferiche’ come la Svezia e la Finlandia, nella sua Storia dell'architettura moderna.<br>This work is part of a wider research on the relationship between Italy and the Nordic countries, headed by prof. Antonello Alici at the Università Politecnica delle Marche. The work is organized chronologically around the analysis of both Italian articles on Nordic countries and original archival materials, tracing back the mutual relationships with the Italian audience, focusing on artistic and architectural travels and exhibitions. In particular, the research focuses on the events related to the nation –Sweden– which first had the most relevant introduction into Italian Architecture since the first Venetian Biennale in 1895. The first chapter investigates the genesis of this relationship before the beginning of the First World War, thanks to the contribution of figures as Vittorio Pica and Ferdinand Boberg. The second chapter deals with the consequences occurred after the First World War, with the emigration of the futurist Arturo Ciacelli (1883-1966), the engraver Guido Balsamo Stella (1882-1941) and the travels of the architect Giuseppe Broglio (1874-1956). The third chapter concentrates on the two Fascist decades, focusing on the role of Institutions like the Triennale in Milan and the Swedish Institute of Classical Studies in Rome. Finally, the last chapter examines the Post-war period, when Italian admiration for Swedish design and architecture found interesting resonances both in the INA Casa plans as well as in some exhibition projects, in the work of Italian architects like Piero Bottoni (1903-1973), Piero Maria Lugli (1923-2008), Gio Ponti and Franco Albini (1905-1977). The research highlights how the new Institutions, on the heels of the ones founded in the previous decades, like the Swedish Institute (SI) and the Italian Institute of Culture in Stockholm (IIC) –both still active nowadays– had a fundamental role in the International propaganda. Finally, the thesis discusses how this complex combination of personal experiences, art and architectural magazines and official institutions formed the real background for an historian like Bruno Zevi, who was the first to insert three Nordic masters in his seminal pamphlet Verso un’architettura organica, and Leonardo Benevolo, who in 1960 recognized the role of ‘peripheral’ areas like Sweden and Finland, in his History of Modern Architecture.

This thesis attempts to critically and comparatively analyse the issues relating to the passing of property and risk under the United Nations Convention on the Contract for International Sale of Goods (CISG) and English Law (SGA). The passing of property and risk plays a central role in the area of international legislation in relation to sales contracts. These elements can be the most significant components in contracts of sale between parties, whether in the international or domestic field. The reason is founded on their legal nature and the close relationship between them. The passing of property and risk has been a central issue for practitioners, judges and lawyers dating back to the Roman period and several ideas have been proposed to resolve it. Where the situation is different for contracts of sale in relation to the passing of property and risk, whether in the domestic or international field, it still creates many unresolved problems, because of ongoing changes in the field of modern commerce, which may contribute to unfair implications between the parties. It has been observed in this thesis that both English law and the CISG adopt the party autonomy principle, where the intention of the parties - whether in relation to the passing of property or risk - is the basic rule. However, the difference lies in the default rules. While English law involves default substitutional rules, which apply in cases where there is an absence of an expressed or implied indication regarding the intention between the parties, the CISG lacks such default rules regarding the transfer of property, which could be viewed as its main weakness, although the CISG does involve such provisions with respect to the transfer of risk. This thesis willdiscusses, the legal nature of the rules in relation to the passing of property and risk, and the role of the party autonomy principle, and the impacts and legal difficulties that might arise through the application of these rules, whether they are default rules or based on the party autonomy principle. It will also examine the legal gaps and weaknesses of both legal systems in an attempt to identify such legal difficulties and to find appropriate solutions and remedies.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

És convenient focalitzar l’atenció a l’entorn de la Societat Artística i Literària de Catalunya perquè representa una institució fonamental per comprendre el dilatat i complex fenomen que van suposar les societats d’artistes a l’Europa de l’època. No només això, ja que l’entitat ens hauria de permetre analitzar en profunditat la seva notable trajectòria, les seves ambicions estètiques i tots aquells factors que la varen circumdar. Aquí rau el punt de partida del nostre projecte d’investigació, el qual representa la culminació d’un període acadèmic i l’inici d’un rigorós camí científic que avui pot veure la llum. Tot i així, mai s’havia escrit sobre aquesta entitat de forma exhaustiva i monogràfica. I aquest fet sorprèn quan constatem la notable trajectòria que va tenir al llarg dels tres primers decennis del segle XX. Sorprèn encara més quan sabem que el seu instigador va ser el gran mestre paisatgista Modest Urgell, secundat per Enric Galwey i Lluís Graner, els quals precediren altres pintors i també escultors que arribarien a sumar al voltant d’un centenar de firmes. El nostre projecte d’investigació, ara materialitzat en la present tesi doctoral, esdevé la primera proposta per desvetllar d’una manera exhaustiva quins antecedents es van produir al voltant de la Societat Artística i Literària.

This thesis analyses the legal status and the importance of short titles in the legislative processes of the Westminster Parliament, the Scottish Parliament, and the US Congress. Through a large quantitative survey of US short titles that spanned over 30 years and 18 Congresses, it was demonstrated that there has been a paradigm shift in the way the US Congress titles its bills, in which it transitioned from a largely descriptive, technical style to a wider range of styles, among which a more explicitly evocative style became both acceptable and frequently used. Such titles are permeating the legislative process and the US statute book with what I argue is overly political language, and are blurring the lines between proselytizing and what has historically been regarded as a formally descriptive (not political) element of legislative drafting. Conversely, save for a few choice titles, the Westminster Parliament and Scottish Parliament continue to employ mostly descriptive short titles, similar to the previously innocuous style of the US Congress. From a contemporary and historical perspective in all three jurisdictions, the short titles of bills have been viewed as relatively insignificant reference points for those engaged and/or interacting with legislation from a drafting, legislative process or larger legal or political perspective, and have subsequently received little attention in the academic community. By employing a comparative research approach primarily focused on a cross-disciplinary literature review and hypothesis testing through three empirical projects, this thesis draws upon both qualitative and quantitative methods of research to answer the primary research questions. The main empirical method used was a qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews with lawmakers, staffers, bill drafters, government officials and media members from all three jurisdictions. Although the legal status of short bill titles in each jurisdiction differed, many individuals from each jurisdiction viewed short bill titles as a considerably important part of the lawmaking process. Also, to varying degrees in each jurisdiction, interviewees repeatedly offered the opinion that short titles: may affect a bill’s chances of becoming law; are at times misleading; serve as more than referential points; at times may pressure legislators to vote for a bill; may be used as framing devices; and sometimes employ language that is not justified during the legislative process. These support the proposition that short titles have legislative process and political implications. The interviews support the legislative process analysis of the three jurisdictions that Chapter IV discusses, which is that the Scottish Parliament operates with the strictest regulations in regards to short title accuracy. In addition to being the only jurisdiction studied that openly endorses a ‘proper form’ in which bills must be drafted (which explicitly mentions short titles), many Scottish interviewees stated that such titles were important in the legislative process for different reasons than US and Westminster interviewees, stressing descriptive legal accuracy and taking care in regard to bill scope, among other concerns. The thesis’ quantitative survey portion includes separate surveys and sample populations from the US and Scotland. Though data collection was marred by an error in the US, thus hindering the analysis of such data, the Scottish results suggested that short bill titles may have psychological effects when analysing the favourability of proposals: all four evocative naming types produced higher favourability ratings than bland titles, and some results were statistically significant. However, the naming types were not statistically significant in assessing why the measure was supported or whether participants desired more information on bills. In response to the absence of short bill title standards in the US Congress and Westminster Parliament, and with the aim of describing how the Scottish Parliament standards might be made more thorough, the thesis provides short title recommendations that are suitable for all three jurisdictions. These recommendations largely accentuate proper form for language and processes in order to ensure short title accuracy, and have the potential, if applied consistently, to significantly reduce the chances of overtly political or evocative language entering the country’s legislative processes or statute books. While acknowledging that in all three institutions studied short bill titling may be in many respects a small aspect of the monumental and lengthy policy process, this thesis advances the proposition that it is considerably important to those who interact with and encounter legislation frequently, and that preventing evocative language from entering short bill titles is a benefit for the legislative processes of all three jurisdictions.

Este trabalho visa discutir o papel do Legislativo Federal no governo Campos Sales através das discussões ocorridas entre 1900 e 1902 nas reuniões da Comissão Especial da Câmara dos Deputados responsável pela análise do Código Civil de 1917. Esse processo polêmico, intentado desde a Independência, foi considerado como uma das metas mais importantes do governo. Em tempos de inauguração da “Política dos Governadores”, este recorte visa perceber os movimentos de parlamentares em torno de polos, procurando problematizar a relação de controle do Legislativo aventada pela bibliografia clássica do período. Através de ferramentas da prosopografia, algumas definições da análise de redes e considerando as intenções dos autores em seus discursos favoráveis ou contrários ao projeto apresentado, esta dissertação relaciona os Deputados em torno de ideias e demonstra a pluralidade de posições divergentes apresentadas, buscando demonstrar que a lógica que demarcava a tônica era ditada pelo uso dos repertórios, como conceituados por Tilly. Finalmente, expõe o papel desses agentes no processo de aprovação buscando mostrar a centralidade que alguns assumem durante os trabalhos.<br>This work intent discusses the legislative role in the Campos Sales’ government by the meetings occurred between 1900 and 1902 in the Congress’ Special Commission for the analysis of the Brazilian Civil Code of 1917. This polemical process, wanted since the independence, was thought as one of the most important tasks for the executive. In the beginning of the “Politica dos Governadores”, this approach intent perceive the movements of the parliamentarians around deferments points of view, searching for questioning the control from the Legislative by the Executive, suggested by the classical works on this period. Using some prosopographical tools, some definitions on the network analysis and considering the actors intentions in theirs speeches for or against the Project, this work groups the parliamentarians on some different ideas and shows the range of divergences in positioning, showing that the logical for these was the same as the Repertoir, as conceived by Charles Tilly. In the end, expose the role of these actors in the aprovation process to show the centrality assumed by some parliamentarians during this works.

The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.

The first International Congress of Mathematicians (ICM) was held in Zurich in 1897, setting the standards for all future ICMs. Whilst giving an overview of the congress itself, this thesis focuses on the Swiss organisers, who were predominantly university professors and secondary school teachers. As this thesis aims to offer some insight into their lives, it includes their biographies, highlighting their individual contributions to the congress. Furthermore, it explains why Zurich was chosen as the first host city and how the committee proceeded with the congress organisation. Two of the main organisers were the Swiss geometers Carl Friedrich Geiser (1843-1934) and Ferdinand Rudio (1856-1929). In addition to the congress, they also made valuable contributions to mathematical education, and in Rudio's case, the history of mathematics. Therefore, this thesis focuses primarily on these two mathematicians. As for Geiser, the relationship to his great-uncle Jakob Steiner is explained in more detail. Furthermore, his contributions to the administration of the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology are summarised. Due to the overarching theme of mathematical education and collaborations in this thesis, Geiser's schoolbook "Einleitung in die synthetische Geometrie" is considered in more detail and Geiser's methods are highlighted. A selection of Rudio's contributions to the history of mathematics is studied as well. His book "Archimedes, Huygens, Lambert, Legendre" is analysed and compared to E W Hobson's treatise "Squaring the Circle". Furthermore, Rudio's papers relating to the commentary of Simplicius on quadratures by Antiphon and Hippocrates are considered, focusing on Rudio's translation of the commentary and on "Die Möndchen des Hippokrates". The thesis concludes with an analysis of Rudio's popular lectures "Leonhard Euler" and "Über den Antheil der mathematischen Wissenschaften an der Kultur der Renaissance", which are prime examples of his approach to the history of mathematics.

Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.

This study investigates modern Yugoslav architecture in the 1945-1965 period, taking an analysis of museum projects as a basis. Rebuilding of the country and urban development in Yugoslavia after the World War II enabled planning the construction of a significant number of museums. This period is also characterized by the fact that, in addition to seven museums that were built, there were a significan! number of projects that have never been realized. Ali of them, the realized and those which were only designed, made a significant contribution to the development of museum architecture. Moreover, some of them are pointed out as the culmination of a period rich in architectural construction and represent the best Yugoslav architecture. The intention is to thoroughly analyze the criteria and ideas that govern the development of the architectural language of all these projects and to explain, on the basis of that, whether there are or not the original features defining the museum architecture of the mentioned historical period in Yugoslavia. In particular, we do not intend to limit our analysis to the study of specific types of buildings, nor to those museums that are historical examples, but rather to emphasize and insist on influences and relationships that are reflected, within the subject we are dealing with, within the Yugoslav context. ldentification of these complex relationships occurring within a specific modernity is analyzed based on four approaches. The first approach consists of a museum study observed under the prism of socio-political reality of the newly founded socialist state. The second principle describes the environment, evolution and consequences of architectural competitions for museums. The third principle focuses on museum buildings and puts them in the framework of the general context of intense urban transformation. Finally, the fourth principle analyzes the characteristics of functional and formal aspects. Now, we can conclude that the mutual relationships that exist among the different approaches create a common place and specific characteristics of the museum architecture. Also, they cause that the principles and strategies of the international architecture in this period, which were very well known then, obtained in Yugoslavia a personal touch that sets them apart from others. lntending to place these specific issues in the appropriate ideological, cultural and geographical context, this study presents opinions of the protagonists of these events and of the period (architects, commissioners. panelists, politicians). Thus. this study presents a text that serves as a "choral'' thinking about this period of Yugoslav architecture, while maintaining a critical spirit of this group of opinions.<br>La presente tesis analiza la arquitectura moderna yugoslava entre 1945 y 1965 tomando como eje vertebrador el estudio de los proyectos museísticos. La reconstrucción del país y el desarrollo urbano que tiene lugar en Yugoslavia tras la guerra, hacen posible planificar la construcción de un importante número de museos. Este período es también característico porque, además de los siete museos que se construyen, hay un significativo número de proyectos que no se llegan nunca a realizar. Todos ellos, los construidos y los únicamente proyectados, contribuyen en gran manera al desarrollo de la arquitectura de los museos. Es más, algunos de ellos destacan como la culminación de un período rico en construcciones arquitectónicas y son representativos de la mejor arquitectura yugoslava. El propósito es conocer en profundidad los criterios y las ideas que rigen el desarrollo del lenguaje arquitectónico de todos estos proyectos y en base a ello dilucidar si existen, o no, rasgos genuinos que definan la arquitectura museística de dicho período histórico en Yugoslavia. En concreto, no se trata de limitar nuestro análisis al estudio de un tipo determinado de edificio. ni al de aquellos museos que sean ejemplos históricos, sino más bien resaltar e insistir en las influencias y conexiones que se reflejan, en el tema que nos ocupa, dentro del ámbito yugoslavo. La identificación de estas complejas relaciones que acontecen en el marco de una contemporaneidad específica, se analiza a partir de cuatro enfoques. El primero consiste en el estudio de los museos contemplado bajo el prisma de la realidad político social del recién fundado Estado Socialista. El segundo describe el ambiente, la evolución y las consecuencias de los concursos arquitectónicos para museos. El tercero centra su atención en los edificios museísticos enmarcándolos dentro de un contexto general de intensas transformaciones urbanas. Finalmente el cuarto enfoque analiza las características de los aspectos funcionales y formales. Y así podemos concluir que son precisamente las interrelaciones que se dan entre estos diferentes enfoques, las que crean el discurso común y los rasgos específicos de la arquitectura museística. También influyen en que los principios y estrategias de la arquitectura internacional de aquel momento, que por entonces son ya bien conocidos, adquieran en Yugoslavia el acento personal que los distingue. La tesis con el propósito de encuadrar estas cuestiones específicas en su adecuado contexto ideológico, cultural y geográfico da voz a las opiniones de los protagonistas de aquellos hechos y época (arquitectos, comisarios, miembros de los jurados, políticos). Así, la tesis, manteniendo un espíritu critico sobre este conjunto de opiniones, construye un texto que funciona como reflexión "coral" sobre este periodo de la arquitectura yugoslava.

Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.<br>Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.

Les débuts d'une agitation proprement « antisémite » en France (non seulement en 1886 avec la parution de La France juive d'Édouard Drumont mais dès le début de la décennie) n'ont guère été considérés par l'historiographie qu'au regard de la situation nationale. Pourtant, ces débuts coïncidèrent très exactement avec divers développements de la « question juive » à l'échelle européenne auxquels les premiers antisémites français firent d'ailleurs abondamment référence. La thèse se propose d'explorer cette séquence exceptionnelle de quelques années (approximativement 1878-1884) à travers sa réception française et tâche de mettre en évidence sa profondeur historique. L'adoption d'une focale large (ou perspective européenne) permet ainsi de dégager une dynamique de fond qui correspond à l'émergence progressive, tout au long du XIXe siècle, d'une « question juive » considérée par l'ouest du continent comme typiquement est-européenne. À ce titre, le tournant des années 1880 ne fut pas seulement le moment où se fit jour en Allemagne puis ailleurs cette forme d'hostilité antijuive supposée nouvelle et autoproclamée « antisémitique ». Elle fut également – en particulier avec les polémiques sur les juifs de Roumanie lors du congrès de Berlin puis l'écho international donné à la vague de pogroms russes de 1881-1882 – une étape cruciale dans la rencontre de deux hémisphères à la fois géographiques et thématiques de la « question juive ».Ainsi mis en contexte, les débuts de l'agitation antisémite en France ne se limitèrent pas à l'émergence d'une forme particulièrement radicale d'hostilité antijuive, initiative de quelques polémistes plus ou moins en vue et de structures militantes souvent marginales. Ces débuts confirmèrent parallèlement l'existence de profondes équivoques chez les tenants d'une approche libérale de la « question juive », c'est-à-dire ceux qui étaient les plus susceptibles de défendre les juifs face aux attaques de leurs ennemis<br>The beginnings of the "anti-Semitic" agitation in France in the 1880s – not only with the publication of Edouard Drumont's La France juive in 1886 but even earlier in the same decade – have been explained above all by national factors in the historiography. Yet, they coincided with various concerns about the "Jewish question" on a European scale, concerns to which the first French anti-Semites were extensively referring in their texts.This PhD thesis explores (in depth) the French reception of a European phenomenon during the span of a few exceptional years (approximately 1878 to 1884). By focusing on the European context this study reveals the gradual emergence, throughout the nineteenth century, of a "Jewish question" considered by the West of the continent as typically Eastern European. As such, the turning point of the 1880s was not only the moment when, first in Germany and then in other countries, this supposedly new form of anti-Jewish hostility arose, which was called by its actors itself "anti-Semitic". These years were also – especially with the controversies over the Jews of Romania at the Congress of Berlin and the international echo given to the wave of pogroms of 1881-1882 in Russia – a crucial step in the confrontation between two hemispheres, both geographical and thematic, of the "Jewish question."Thus put in context, the beginnings of anti-Semitic agitation in France were not limited to the emergence of a particularly radical form of anti-Jewish hostility, initiated by some more or less known polemists or rather marginal groups. These beginnings also confirmed the existence of profoundly equivocal attitudes among proponents of a liberal approach to the "Jewish question," that is to say, those who were most likely to defend the Jews against the attacks of their enemies

Cette thèse s’inscrit dans la lignée des récents travaux de réévaluation de l’histoire des études cinématographiques. Son objectif est de réviser la conception actuelle de l’historiographie du cinéma en France de 1896 jusqu’au début des années 1950 en remettant en question la vision homogène du courant historique de l’histoire traditionnelle du cinéma telle que l’ont présentée les tenants de la nouvelle histoire du cinéma. Cette thèse se divise en trois parties. J’expose dans la première mon cadre et mon principal outil d’analyse. Je présente l’opération historiographique telle que définie par Michel de Certeau, soit comme le croisement d’un lieu social marqué par des cadres intellectuels dominants, d’un ensemble de procédures dont l’historien se sert pour sélectionner ses sources et construire les faits, et enfin, d’une écriture qui implique l’élaboration d’un système de relations entre les différents faits construits. Je décris ensuite les courants historiques en France des années 1870 jusqu’au début des années 1950. Ce panorama me permet de mieux identifier les échanges, les emprunts et les enrichissements qui se sont opérés entre l’histoire et l’histoire du cinéma durant cette période. Dans la deuxième partie, je « construis » depuis l’intérieur d’un vaste ensemble de discours d’historiens du cinéma, d’historiens de la culture et de théoriciens du cinéma ce qui deviendra la conception dominante de l’historiographie du cinéma. Je montre qu’elle est élaborée par ceux que plusieurs commentateurs nomment les nouveaux historiens du cinéma et qu’elle se réduit à la succession de deux grands courants historiques : l’histoire traditionnelle et la nouvelle histoire du cinéma. J’expose ensuite comment cet acte de périodisation est instrumentalisé par ceux qui l’effectuent. L’objectif des nouveaux historiens n’est pas d’exhumer la pluralité des écritures de l’histoire du cinéma, mais plutôt de mettre en évidence la rupture qu’ils opèrent au sein de l’historiographie du cinéma. L’examen de la place accordée au dispositif cinématographique Hale’s Tours dans les histoires générales parues avant et après le Congrès de Brighton me permet finalement d’atténuer la rupture entre ces deux courants historiques. Dans la troisième partie, j’engage l’examen de plusieurs manières d’approcher l’histoire du cinéma. J’identifie différentes ruptures dans l’historiographie française du cinéma concernant l’objet historique que les historiens se donnent, les outils conceptuels qu’ils convoquent et leurs relations aux sources qu’ils utilisent. Ces études de cas me permettent au final de témoigner de la richesse de l’historiographie française du cinéma avant le début des années 1950.<br>This thesis is one of several recent works to re-evaluate the history of film studies. Its goal is to revise the present-day conception of film historiography in France from 1896 to the early 1950s by calling into question the view of traditional film history as homogeneous portrayed by the new film historians. This thesis is divided into three sections. In the first, I describe my tools and analytical framework. I discuss the historiographical operation as it defined by Michel de Certeau, as the three-way encounter of a social space marked by dominant intellectual frameworks, a range of procedures used by historians to select their sources and construct events, and, finally, the writing of history, which involves creating a system of relations between the various events so constructed. I then describe historical currents in France from the 1870s to the early 1950s. This survey enables me to better identify the exchanges, borrowings and enrichments that occurred during this period between history and film history. In the second part, I “construct” from within a vast range of discourses – those of film historians, cultural historians and film theorists – the dominant conception of film historiography. I show that it is created by product of those who are known by many commentators as the new film historians and that it is reduced as the succession of two great historical currents: traditional film history and new film history. I then discuss how this periodisation has been instrumentalised by those who created it. The goal of the new historians is not to bring to light the plurality of writings on film history, but rather to show the break that they have brought about in film historiography. Finally, a discussion of the role accorded to the mode of film exhibition known as Hale’s Tours in general film histories published before and after the Brighton Congress enables me to soften the break between these two historical currents. In the third part, I examine several ways of approaching film history. I identify various breaks in film historiography in France with respect to the historical topic historians adopt, the conceptual tools they call upon and the relations between these historians and the sources they employ. These case studies, finally, enable me to document the wealth of film historiography in France before the early 1950s.<br>Thèse de doctorat effectuée en cotutelle au Département d’histoire de l’art et d’études cinématographiques de la Faculté des arts et des sciences de l'Université de Montréal et à la Section d’histoire et esthétique du cinéma de la Faculté des lettres de l'Université de Lausanne.

This is a historical study of AWG Champion, the former leader of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) and provincial President of the African National Congress, in the politics of Zululand and Natal from 1965 to 1975. The study examines the introduction of the Zulu homeland and how different political forces in that region of South Africa responded to the idea of a Zulu homeland during the period under review. It also deals with Champion's political alienation from the ANC. This dissertation is also a study of the development of Zulu ethnic nationalism within the structures of apartheid or separate development, the homelands. Issues running throughout the study are the questions of how and why Champion tried and failed to manipulate `separate development' in order to build a Zulu ethnic political base.<br>History<br>M.A. (History)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)<br>Although the main emphasis of this study is Lane and his part in the Republican Party, another important part to this thesis is the examination of Indiana and national politics in the 1850s. This thesis studies the development of the Hoosier Republican Party and the obstacles the young organization experienced as it transformed into a major political party. Party leaders generally focused on states like New York and Pennsylvania in national elections but Indiana became increasingly significant leading up to the 1860 election. Though Hoosier names like George Julian and Schuyler Colfax might be more recognizable nationally for their role in the Republican Party, this thesis argues that Lane played a guiding role in the development of the new third party in Indiana. Through the study of primary sources, it is clear that Hoosiers turned to Lane to lead the organization of the Republican Party and to lead it to its success in elections. Historians have long acknowledged Lane’s involvement in the 1860 Republican National Convention but fail to fully realize his significance in Indiana throughout the 1850s. This thesis argues that Lane was a vital leader in Hoosier politics and helped transform the Republican Party in Indiana from a grassroots movement into a powerful political party by 1860.