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Tesi sul tema "Democracy"
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1
Naqvi, Ijlal Kurzman Charles. "Democrats without democracy? a multi-level analysis of attitudes towards democracy in Muslim-majority countries /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1656.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Sociology." Discipline: Sociology; Department/School: Sociology.
2
Johansson, Andreas. "Dissenting Democrats : Nation and Democracy in the Republic of Moldova." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-64177.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Republic of Moldova was one of fifteen states to emerge from the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With weak historical legacy of statehood, deteriorating economy and serious national divisions, the young state lacked many of the prerequisites deemed necessary for successful democratization. From the very beginning of independence, Moldova became the battleground of Romanianists, propagating for the Romanian character of Moldova’s majority population, and Moldovanists, who viewed the people as a separate nation. In the literature on democracy and democratization, a divided nation is singled out as a serious threat to statehood and democratization efforts alike. Without a nation in place it is generally understood that democracy cannot take root. Nevertheless, Moldova in a few years time managed to make considerable progress on its path towards democracy. A main theme of the dissertation is thus the issue of national division and how it has affected political developments in general and democracy in specific. This picture is then further expanded by including close analysis of political support. The dissertation contributes to discussions about how nation and democracy goes together in transitional states with no legacy of either of them. The analysis shows that national division in Moldova works on different levels. While political actors often seek support from the electorate according to their positions on the nation, national identity by itself does not suffice to explain differences in political support. Instead other aspects, such as generational values, degree of urbanity and level of education, play a much larger role. Democracy, as a platform where different political ideas and ambitions may form, can both complicate transitions since it provides opportunities for conflicts, but democracy also holds the prospects to find ways to resolve disagreements. In the long run, this carries the seed of consolidation of both democracy and nation alike.
3
MAVHIKI, Ruvimbo Natalie. "Does democracy promotion promote democracy? The Zimbabwean case." Digital Commons @ Lingnan University, 2016. https://commons.ln.edu.hk/pol_etd/16.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Why has the increase in election funding by both Western international organizations and governmental donor agencies not resulted in the deepening and consolidation of democracy in most African countries? This study assesses this question with reference to Zimbabwe. Significant financial and technical commitments have been invested for the establishment and consolidation of democracy in Zimbabwe, but instead of democratic consolidation, Zimbabwe has oscillated from a de facto one party state to a competitive electoral democracy and then to an electoral authoritarian regime. What explains this puzzling phenomenon? Can democracy promotion promote democracy, and if not, what are the pre-requisites for successful elections and peaceful transfer of power? This project focuses on electoral democracy resulting in power transfer, where a successful election is followed by intra (within one party) or inter (between parties) transfer of power. In countries where elections are constantly held without an alternation of parties in power, can we say democracy promotion is ineffective or are there other factors that inhibit its effectiveness? In addressing these questions, this study argues that increases in election funding does not necessarily guarantee the advancement of democratization and good governance, although it finds that democracy promotion even where it does not result in power transfer does deepens democratic values. It does so by investigating the literature on the following variables presumed to affect democratization processes: democracy as a concept; democratic trends and its recession; democracy promotion’s motives, actors and strategies; democratization by elections in Africa; recipient practices; the role of opposition parties and their strength; the will of the recipient population; and the evolving problem of hybrid democracies given the rise of China and it's strengthening partnership and influence in Africa, all guided by electoral cycle processes. The study’s methodological contribution is a qualitative study of comprehensive empirical data of elections and democratic processes in Zimbabwe compared to those in Tanzania and Ethiopia. The study tests empirical generalizations on the development of democracy and African politics on Zimbabwe and evaluates various methodological approaches to the study of elections as they relate to Zimbabwe.
4
Schooley, Shawn Erik. "Appreciative Democracy." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/26696.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This is a qualitative exploratory, descriptive study to ascertain the feasibility of public administrators at the local government level using an Appreciative Inquiry approach to increase direct citizen participation. It is framed by the interpretive paradigm. Twenty city managers or their designees from cities of between 40,000 and 250,000 citizens were interviewed. Specifically, respondents were asked twelve semi-structured interview questions. Content analysis was used to identify six themes in the data. Ultimately, this study found that Appreciative Inquiry may be useful in limited circumstances as long as barriers to implementation were adequately addressed. However, the potential risks may outweigh the benefits.<br>Ph. D.
5
CEROVAC, IVAN. "Epistemic Democracy." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Trieste, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11368/2908039.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Il tema della mia tesi di dottorato è la giustificazione epistemica della legittimità democratica. Le questioni fondamentali sono: possono le nostre decisioni politiche essere giuste o sbagliate, oppure vere o false? Se possono essere vere o false, ci sono delle persone che sono più competenti nel realizzare le scelte giuste? Se la risposta è positiva, queste persone dovrebbero avere un’autorità politica superiore rispetto agli altri? Se la risposta è negativa, quale dovrebbe essere il ruolo degli esperti nei processi politici? Queste sono alcune delle domande più importanti alle quali cercherò di rispondere nella mia tesi di dottorato. Inizio con la confutazione della posizione chiamata “proceduralismo puro”, una posizione che sostiene che le decisioni politiche non possono avere il valore semantico di verità o che questo possibile valore è soggetto al disaccordo ragionevole. Cerco di dimostrare che le decisioni politiche possono essere giuste o sbagliate e che tutte le persone ragionevoli dovrebbero poter concordare almeno sull’indesiderabilità di alcuni casi chiari (per esempio le deprivazioni estreme e il genocidio). Confuto l'idea di uguaglianza epistemica, che sostiene che, anche se le decisioni politiche possono essere giuste o sbagliate, tutti i cittadini hanno un’uguale probabilità di prendere una decisione giusta. La nostra formazione, l’educazione ed il campo di specializzazione rendono alcune persone maggiormente affidabili dal punto di vista epistemico, almeno per quanto riguarda alcune questioni politiche. Infine, discuto e rifiuto l'idea per cui coloro che hanno maggiori competenze dovrebbero, in virtù di questo motivo, avere l’autorità politica di governare gli altri. I cittadini possono dissentire in modo ragionevole su chi sono gli esperti, e quindi l’autorità politica non può essere basata sulla competenza. Al contrario, deve essere basata sull'idea del consenso (normativo) tra i cittadini ragionevoli. Seguo la posizione di David Estlund e le offro ulteriore supporto. Questa posizione sostiene che, per poter avere la qualifica di legittimità, la procedura nella quale si prendono decisioni collettive dovrebbe avere qualità puramente procedurali (come il rispetto per l’uguaglianza morale dei cittadini) e qualità strumentali (come l’elevata probabilità di produrre decisioni corrette). La conseguenza è che le decisioni politiche sono legittime se (e soltanto se) sono il prodotto della procedura migliore dal punto di vista epistemico tra le varie procedure eque. Affermo che la democrazia deliberativa rappresenta una procedura di questo genere. Poiché l’equità delle procedure e le loro qualità epistemiche costituiscono ciò che può generare la loro legittimità, le procedure democratiche dovrebbero basarsi sulle qualità epistemiche dei più competenti (sebbene la competenza non sia più considerata come una delle basi dell'autorità politica), ma anche distribuire le risorse e gli incarichi pubblici con la finalità di favorire l’equità e l’uguaglianza nella comunità politica.<br>The subject of my thesis is the epistemic justification of democratic legitimacy. Can political decisions we make be right or wrong, or true or false? If they can be true or false, are there people who are better at getting it right or wrong? And if there are, does this imply that those who are better in making correct decision should have political authority over others? If not, what should be the role of experts in politics? These are some of the key questions I try to answer in this thesis. I start by rejecting pure proceduralism, a position claiming that political decisions have no truth-value, or that their truth-value is not above the reasonable disagreement. I argue that political decisions can be right or wrong and that, at least regarding some clear cases (like famine and genocide), all reasonable people should be able to agree on the (un)desirability of some end states. I also reject the idea of epistemic peerhood, one claiming that though political decisions are right or wrong, all citizens are equally likely to make a right decision. Our background, education and area of specialization make some people more epistemically reliable, at least regarding some political issues. Finally, I discuss and reject the idea that those who know best should have political authority to rule over others. Citizens can reasonably disagree on who the experts are, and thus political authority cannot be grounded in expertise, but instead in the idea of (normative) consent of reasonable citizens. I follow and further support David Estlund's position, claiming that a collective decision-making procedure should have both purely procedural (respect for the moral equality of citizens) and instrumental (good chance to produce correct decisions) qualities in order to have legitimacy-generating potential. Political decisions are therefore legitimate if (and only if) they are the product of epistemically the best procedure from among the set of fair procedures. I argue that deliberative democracy is such a procedure. Since the fairness of the procedure and epistemic quality of outcomes constitute its legitimacy-generating potential, democratic procedures should still rely on the expertise of those who know better (though expertise is no longer considered as a ground for political authority), but also distribute resources and positions to promote fairness and equality in a political community.
6
Whitfied, Lindsay. "Democracy as idea and democracy as process : the politics of democracy and development in Ghana." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422516.
Testo completo
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Fowler, Michael W. "Deepening democracy explaining variations in the levels of democracy /." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/dissert/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FFowler%5FPhD.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dissertation (Ph.D. in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Dissertation supervisor: Trinkunas, Harold. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Democracy, democratization, consolidation, transition, economic development, industrialization, insurgency, violence, diffusion, democratic norms, Philippines, Mexico, Senegal, quantitative, econometric computational model, supply, demand, structural actors, agency, institution, autocracy Includes bibliographical references (p. 257-275). Also available in print.
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Schneider, Andrew James. "Transparency democracy architecture supporting the social ideals of democracy /." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc_num=ucin1211936111.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Master of Architecture)--University of Cincinnati, 2008.<br>Advisors: Elizabeth Riorden (Committee Chair), Jay Chatterjee (Committee Co-Chair). Title from electronic theses title page (viewed Sept 4, 2008.). Includes abstract. Keywords: architecture and democracy; transparency; mediatheque; openness; library. Includes bibliographical references.
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SCHNEIDER, ANDREW JAMES. "Transparency = Democracy Architecture Supporting the Social Ideals of Democracy." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1211936111.
Testo completo
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Esperanza, Casullo Maria. "Expanding the borders of democracy deliberative democracy and populism /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/525166640/viewonline.
Testo completo
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Pilipovic, Josipa. "The body and democracy : Contemporary dance, technology and democracy." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för design (DE), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-76076.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this essay the research question; “How is the body movement de ned in times of democracy due to technology? “will be explored. e process will include a theoretical research on the de nition of democracy in relation to digitalization. e outcome of this project will be in the form of a performance with a con- temporary dancer. e purpose of this project will be to invite the audience to question the limitations and freedoms the digitalized world imposes on our political system and our body movement.
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Marzo, Pietro. "The international dimension of Tunisia’s transition to democracy : from consensus over democracy to competitiveness within democracy." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/66900.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Après le déclenchement des révoltes arabes en 2010, la Tunisie est le seul pays arabe à s'être démocratisé avec succès, dans une région où un repli autoritaire est en train de sévir. Les chercheurs ont étudié la transition démocratique tunisienne en se concentrant principalement sur ses facteurs internes, alors qu'ils ont accordé peu d'attention à l'impact des facteurs internationaux et des influences externes sur le processus de transition. S'appuyant sur une analyse qualitative, cette étude examine la dimension internationale de la transition de la Tunisie vers la démocratie et soutient que les facteurs et influences internationaux ont joué un rôle important dans le processus de démocratisation. Cette recherche se concentre sur l'impact que l'agence des promoteurs internationaux de la démocratie a eu sur la structure nationale tunisienne. Il met en évidence la façon dont l'interaction entre les acteurs internationaux et les groupes nationaux tunisiens a contribué au processus de démocratisation, sans soutenir que les facteurs externes ont imposé les choix et des acteurs politiques et sociaux tunisiens. L'étude expose trois résultats théoriques qui contribuent au débat sur la dimension internationale de la démocratisation. Premièrement, cette recherche suggère que lorsque les promoteurs internationaux de la démocratie soutiennent les oppositions nationales à développer une confiance mutuelle à renforcer leurs liens, et de combler les divisions, il favorise l'émergence des nouveaux ‘centres de pouvoir’. Les données empiriques fournies par cette étude démontrent que les programmes d'aide à la démocratie et les influences libérales internationales ont favorisé la création d'une coalition tunisienne pro-démocratie d'opposition au régime de Ben Ali. Deuxièmement, cette étude avance que le faible niveau de la bataille étrangère pour l'influence en Tunisie a facilité le processus de négociation entre les élites de transition pendant le processus de démocratisation. Troisièmement, cette étude soutient que lors de la transition tunisienne vers la démocratie, les promoteurs internationaux de la démocratie ont aidé les partis politiques tunisiens à passer d'un consensus initial sur la mise en place d'un système politique démocratique à une concurrence au sein du système démocratique mis en place. Bien que cette étude se concentre uniquement sur le cas de la Tunisie, tous les chapitres fournissent des preuves comparatives avec d'autres contextes régionaux.<br>Following the outbreak of the Arab revolts in late 2010, Tunisia is the only Arab country that has democratized successfully in a region where authoritarian retrenchment prevails. Scholars have studied the Tunisian transition to democracy focusing mainly on domestic factors, devoting little attention to the role international factors and external influences played in the transitional process. Relying on qualitative analysis, this study investigates the international dimension of Tunisia’s transition to democracy and argues that international factors and influences played a relevant role in the democratization process. This research focuses on the impact the agency of international democracy promoters had on Tunisian national structure during the transition to democracy, without downplaying the agency of Tunisian political and social actors. It highlights how the interplay between international actors and Tunisia domestic groups contributed to the making of the democratization process. The study lays out three theoretical findings that contribute to the debates on the international dimension of democratization and democracy promotion. First, it suggests that when international democracy promoters support domestic oppositions in developing mutual trust, strengthening ties and bridging divisions, they enhance the emergence of new alternative ‘centres of power’ to the regime. Second, this study argues that the low level of foreign squabbling for influence in Tunisia facilitated the bargaining process among transitional elites during the democratization process. Third, this study suggests that during the Tunisian transition to democracy, international democracy promoters helped Tunisian transition elites to move from the initial consensus over democracy to competition within the democracy. While this study focuses only on the Tunisia’s case, all the chapters provide comparative evidence with other countries in the Middle East and North Africa to back up the empirical findings and the theoretical reflections.
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King, Deborah. "Deepening democracy? : a study of democracy education programs in Thailand /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2004. http://adt.library.uq.edu.au/public/adt-QU20050410.120201/index.html.
Testo completo
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Kusmayati, Anne. "Democracy in Indonesia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1994. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA282900.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.S. in International Resource Planning and Management) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1994.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Thomas C. Bruneau, Roger Evered. "June 1994." Bibliography: p. 127-129. Also available online.
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Farley, Anne M. "Street-level democracy." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 204 p, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1257807131&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Testo completo
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Kangas, Lari. "Namibian democracy : consolidated? /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/210.
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Williams, Dustin Lienesch Michael. "Walter Lippman's democracy." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1615.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Cammack, Daniela Louise. "Rethinking Athenian Democracy." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10724.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly. The third chapter begins the constructive part of the project by comparing the assembly and courts as instruments of democracy in Athens, and the fourth shows how a focus on the courts reveals the deep political dimensions of Plato’s work, which in turn suggests one reason why modern democratic ideology and practice have moved so far from the Athenians’ on this score. Throughout, the dissertation combines textual, philological and conceptual analysis with attention to institutional detail and the wider historical context. The resulting account makes a strong case for the relevance of classical Athens today, both as a source of potentially useful procedural mechanisms and as the point of origin of some of the philosophical presuppositions on which the modern conception of democracy and its limits depends.<br>Government
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Danielsen, James. "Pyramidal deliberative democracy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74502.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation has two main objectives. First, to outline an ICT-facilitated model of democracy called ‘pyramidal democracy’ that reconciles deliberative democracy with mass engagement. Second, to suggest how this model of democracy might engender the democratisation of the global economy and thus the provision of a basic level of economic security for all global citizens. At the core of the model is the pyramidal deliberative network, a means of organising citizens into small online deliberative groups and linking these groups together by means of an iterative process of delegate-selection and group-formation. The pyramidal network enables citizens to aggregate their preferences in a deliberative manner, and then project social power by authorizing the delegates at the top-tier of the pyramidal network to communicate their social demands to elected officials or to other points of authority. The envisioned outcome is the democratisation of the public sphere by means of the proliferation of deliberative networks in the government, market, and civil society spheres. Transnational pyramidal networks may make it feasible to instantiate a new citizen-based schema of global governance and, thereby, facilitate the reform of the United Nations and enable a transition towards global peace, sustainability, and distributive justice. Distributive justice might be achieved by means of implementing the six components of a democratised economy: participatory budgeting, fee-and-dividend taxes, a basic income, monetary reform, workplace democracy, and the sharing economy. Taken together, these components might enable the universal provision of a social minimum – a universal basic income sufficient for basic security and real freedom. Taken to its logical conclusion, a democratised economy may also enable a transition towards a post-scarcity economic order characterised by a maximal stock of humanmade and natural capital that would not exceed the sustainable carrying capacity of the earth.
20
Félix, Sónia. "Democracy and fertility." Master's thesis, NSBE - UNL, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/11841.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics<br>This research is an empirical assessment of the causal relationship between democracy and birth rates. The question under study is whether a country is more likely to experience fertility declines as it becomes more democratic, holding the other country's characteristics constant. This study goes beyond the existing literature to establish a causal relationship between democratization and fertility declines. To establish a causal relation we adopt two complementary strategies. The first is to include country fixed effects in the estimation and
the second is to use an instrumental variables approach. The results suggest a robust negative causal relationship between democracy and birth rates. We interpret the effect of political rights on fertility as stemming from a decrease in overall societal risk, which diminishes as political institutions mature.
21
Jensen, Cecilia, and Ingrid Persson. "Elevdemokrati/Students' democracy." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Lärarutbildningen (LUT), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-32091.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Syftet med examensarbetet har varit att undersöka om klassråd och elevråd är fungerande demokratiska fora. Arbetet innehåller en enkätundersökning på tre skolor där vi vänt oss till elever i årskurs fem. Vi har även intervjuat klasslärarna i respektive klass. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att elever och lärare upplever klassråd och elevråd som bra demokratiska fora, men att den demokratiska processen upplevs som enklare i klassråd än i elevråd.
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Tavares, Kelly de Oliveira. "Evaluating Organizational Democracy." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12139.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
xii, 79 p. : ill. (some col.)<br>In this study I propose a framework to assess democratic practices in non-profit organizations. The purpose is to identify actions that strengthen empowerment, examine how they are applied in the managerial and educational practices, and determine the outcomes for participants and stakeholders. I developed an assessment protocol based on organizational democracy principles through an examination of peer reviewed literature and field observations. I applied the resulting evaluation framework in a case study of Juventud FACETA, a program at the Amigos Multicultural Services Center, an organization that has sought to incorporate democratic practices in their mission. This study will be useful for 1) testing a formulation of criteria to examine and develop democratic practices in organizations and 2) designing a piloted evaluation protocol that can be used to assess organizational characteristics and actions that yield democratic empowerment outcomes among organization constituencies and staff dedicated to these principles in action.<br>Committee in charge: Dr. John Fenn, Chairperson;
Dr. Doug Blandy, Member;
Dr. Deborah Jonhson-Shelton, Member;
23
Moller, Valerie, and T. Hanf. "South Africa’s new democrats : a 2002 profile of democracy in the making." Centre International des Sciences de l'Homme. International Centre for Human Sciences. Byblos, 2007, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1010768.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
[From the introduction]: South Africa’s dramatic conversion to democracy has been heralded as a modern-day miracle. In former Nobel peace prize winner Archbishop Tutu’s words, it was ‘touch and go’ whether all conflicting parties would participate in the first non-racial elections in April 1994. The ‘rainbow nation’, as the new South Africa liked to call itself in the first years of democracy, was heralded as a beacon of hope and enlightenment for Africa and the world. Since 1994, South Africa has successfully conducted two further national elections that have been declared essentially free and fair. The country has emerged as a leading representative of the economic and political interests of developing countries and the South in the international arena. The question is whether living under democracy has influenced the manner in which South Africans see themselves, their country and the world around them. This report seeks to document how South Africans think and feel some eight years into democracy about issues that are important in their own lives and have significance for the future of their society. The study covers personal experiences, attitudes and beliefs, and the aspirations and fears of ordinary people. It seeks to identify the sentiments and collective experiences that may contribute to or hinder the consolidation of democracy in years to come. The report is based on an inquiry conducted in March 2002 among over two thousand South African adults over 16 years of age in a nationally representative MarkData survey that included all regions of the country.<br>Lettres de Byblos / Letters from Byblos. A series of occasional papers published by UNESCO Centre International des Sciences de l’Homme International Centre for Human Sciences
24
Schirmer, Davis. "Occupy Wall Street as radical democracy : Democracy Now! reportage of the foundation of a contemporary direct-democracy movement." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-93353.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Democracy Now! is an independently syndicated hour long daily audio and video program that is broadcast on 1179 radio, television, and internet stations throughout the world, as well as being freely available on their website under a Creative-Commons License. They are a global news organization based in New York City, with the stated goal of providing “rarely heard” perspectives in their coverage. Democracy Now! was one of the early independent news organizations to provide continuous coverage of the Occupy Wall Street protest in New York's Zuccotti park. Their early coverage of the movement is relevant to the extent that it helps to obviate the demographics of the OWS movement as well as highlight the potential for a “radically-democratic agonistic pluralism,” as conceptualized by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Through the dual frames of discourse and intersectionality theories, this qualitiative study examines the coverage of Occupy Wall Street by Democracy Now!, in an attempt to understand the interplay of the movement's demographic heterogeneity and the manner in which its public antagonism is characterized by this independent media outlet. The sociopolitical and historical context provided by Democracy Now! is used to understand where the outlet exists with in the media as well as if this coverage can be part of “radical democratic possibilities.”
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Uhlin, Anders. "Democracy and diffusion transnational lesson-drawing among Indonesian pro-democracy actors /." Lund : Lund University, 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37925734.html.
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Samad, Khorshied. "Afghan women, media and democracy: Emerging democracy in post-Taliban Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27418.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The current transformation of post-conflict Afghanistan from a war-torn nation to an emerging democracy, and the evolving role of Afghan women in media, politics, and society in post-Taliban Afghanistan are the backdrop against which the theoretical framework of this thesis are tested. Theories of deliberative democracy are investigated, exploring the synergistic intricacies between media and democracy, assessing the extent to which they influence one another. The central research question guiding this study is what role media play in the midst of or in relation to social change. Through historical data, literary sources and interviews, the thesis demonstrates that post-conflict conditions either facilitate or hinder the development of media and the emergence of democracy. It will be argued that without the equal participation of men and women in society, Afghanistan's emerging democracy will remain weak and vulnerable to both internal and external forces of destruction, blocking the country's path to progress.
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Elliott, C. M. "The blackmail of democracy : a genealogy of British/Pakistani democracy promotion." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1393496/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis begins from the premise that identity is only possible as a function of difference. If someone is British, That is because they are not French or Pakistani. What matters, however, is not the fact of these divisions but how they operate and with what consequences. For contemporary practices of thought, the identification of others by means of temporal distinctions has become extremely important. To explore this, I work genealogically to draw on empirical material from colonia and post-‐colonial Britain and Pakistan, including legislation, political discourse, government projects and broader cultural representations. I make two main arguments. First, I show the importance of these modes of “temporal othering”. I empirically examine the temporal distinctions that constitute a British, democratic, national identity by dint of positing an “other” that is barbaric, alien, despotic, violent and – most importantly – backward. It is in encountering and constantly re-‐narrating these threats to democracy that the British come to have a sense of an imagined, democratic community that has emerged -‐ through a seamless, progressive history -‐ by virtue of what it is opposed to. Relatedly, democracy is understood as the endpoint of history, with consequences for overseas Democracy Promotion. Second, I argue that it is possible to narrate alternative versions of history. In examining the emergence of such teleological versions of history, I show that teleology isn’t the driving force of history, but rather emerges from the messiness of historical events. Furthermore, the practices that it legitimates are deeply involved in promoting the violence and social marginalisation for which democracy is thought to be the remedy. However, I show that the version of history that currently pervades practices of thought about British identity and democracy promotion is contestable and that therefore it might be possible to think, act and live differently.
28
Cruz, Carla. "Democracy : a (non) artistic intervention? : attempts to perform democracy through art." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2015. http://research.gold.ac.uk/12485/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the light of the contemporary discussions of political theory and philosophy, and current demonstrations regarding democracy, this practice-based research aims to examine the role of art at the dawn of new democratic understandings and practices focusing specifically on the function of the artist as author. Simultaneously an analysis of current and radical theories around democracy and an exercise of criticality from the practice of art, this project searches for ways of practising, experiencing and understanding democratic values. The function of the author/artist and its possible re-siting proposes an hypothesis of practising democracy in the ‘artworld’ that stems from my own artistic practice. Following the proposition of diluting oneself as an artist, this thesis hopes to clarify why we believe that art practices can fulfil a leading role in putting into practice new modes of democracy. The path outlined by my artistic projects selected for this research suggests a move towards not only the redefinition of the role of the artist, but also what constitutes an artistic gesture. The consequences of the disarticulation of the given triangulation of the art world authorship, artwork and spectatorship that gives an art project its coefficient of visibility and ultimate inscription in the realm of art, are at stake in this research. This particularly holds true for the displacement of the function of the author. I am looking for new understandings of democracy in art practices, the role of the artist, and her function in the respective projects and the different modes of relationality with either engaged or removed publics. The enquiry into these understandings is motivated primarily by my practice. My conclusion could lead to an understanding of democracy as a series of encounters with the possibility that the question ‘who speaks?’ be of no importance at all, opening up a possibility for a different and perhaps more egalitarian practice and experience of the arts. These conclusions and, subsequently, the types of practice that they might engender can overflow into broader fields and have an effect on different modes of being-together, i.e., the democratic encounter could offer not only a different experience of the arts but also from there be abstracted to a level of experience of other social assemblages.
29
Hamid, Shadi. "Democrats without democracy : The unlikely moderation of the brotherhood in Egypt and Jordan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527318.
Testo completo
30
Silander, Daniel. "Democracy From the Outside-In? : The Conceptualization and Significance of Democracy Promotion." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-399.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study explores the literature on factors favorable to democratization. It is argued that there has been a domestic dominance, with international factors a forgotten dimension. It is also argued that the limited body of work dealing with international factors has been empirical in nature. This study sheds lights on one international factor in democracy promotion. The theoretical contribution of this study is the presented analytical framework for democracy promotion. The analytical framework consists of actors, interests, methods, channels, relations and impact. It is argued that, within a specific time-context (setting): (1) There are actors (2) that may promote the democracy norm and reinforcing interests. ( 3) They may use different methods of pursuing their interests and (4) that may be channeled towards domestic actors. (5) This may create certain relations and (6) have different impact on domestic actors. The empirical aim of this study is to illustrate the analytical framework. The empirical contribution is to provide an improved understanding of democracy promotion and democratization in postcommunist Europe. This is done by analyzing the role of the EU as democracy promoter in Slovakia, Belarus and FRY from 1995 to 2003. The analysis illustrates different interests, methods, channels, relations and impact between the EU as democracy promoter and the targeted states in Slovakia, Belarus and FRY.
31
Breda, Vito. "Democracy and constitutional recognition : the political role of nationalism in modern democracy." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23754.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Does modern democracy require social cohesion? Is the nation-state the answer to this need? Is the constitutional protection of republican values enough? In Europe, the template of the national state bounded by a liberal constitution has provided the answer to these questions. However, authors like Habermas and Tully argue that the idea of a substantive relation between a homogeneous national-population and the constitutional state is stretched to its limits by pluralism and globalisation. On the one hand, pluralism pushes the template of the nation-state, which assumes the ethnic uniformity of the population under the umbrella of a republican constitution, to its limits. On the other hand, international organisations like the United Nations and the European Union have taken on the role of guarantor of republican values. Habermas proposes a new solution to the problematic relation between republican values and democracy. He asserts that a new model of social cohesion is needed: a democratic society should be founded exclusively on the acceptance of a system of constitutionally established rules which are the logical result of the historical evolution of constitution making. In contrast to Habermas, Tully argues that a democratic process based on the acceptance of liberal values will provide the template for a modem multinational society. In this thesis, I will point out the democratic incoherence and the internal shortcomings of these proposals, and I shall argue that a theoretical alternative of the national state should radically re-consider the role of national identities in a modem pluralistic society. Constitutional law can be more than formally legal only if two normative conditions are satisfied: public discourse in the public sphere and an extension of the later includes the recognition of multiculturalism. Thus, certain demands originating from more general claims to the legal protection for national particularities will not pass the rationality test of a democratic debate. The point is, however, that this can be considered as normative presuppositions in the public sphere only after discussion and it would not exclude the possibility of a constitutional system which promotes and defends national identity/ies.
32
Chan, Sylvia Sum Yee. "Liberalism, democracy, and development : the relevance of 'liberal democracy' for developing countries." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423917.
Testo completo
33
Powel, Brieg Tomos. "From democracy to stability : European Union Democracy promotion in Tunisia 1995-2007." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/73634.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Very little scholarship has been published on politics in Tunisia in the last two decades, resulting in scant coverage of the country’s political relations with the European Union (EU). Likewise, few studies of the EU’s democracy promotion and Mediterranean policies have provided any in-depth analysis of Tunisia. Meanwhile, much has been made by scholars of role played by democracy promotion in the EU’s foreign policy, particularly focusing on understandings of the Union as a ‘normative power’ or as an advocate of the ‘democratic peace theory’. By assessing EU democracy promotion in Tunisia, this thesis argues that democracy promotion has become a predominantly functional part of this foreign policy; its principal role being a means of realising the Union’s principal objectives of achieving security and stability for Europeans. By analysing the discourse of actors involved with the EU’s democracy promotion, the thesis traces a shift in EU policy from a more normative position in the mid-1990s to a more realist and securitised one since the turn of the twenty-first century. Tunisia has evolved over the last two centuries as a state strongly committed to European-influenced socio-economic reforms, but reforms which have led to little political contestability and few changes in government. However, as the EU forged a new approach to its Mediterranean neighbours, it established the promotion of democracy in its neighbours as an integral part of its foreign and security policies. Democracy was to be promoted in Tunisia within multilateral and holistic policy frameworks, such as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and by a range of methods that encourage reform of many levels of the region’s societies. Yet it appears that these reforms are failing to deliver the political reforms they once promised. Furthermore, democracy is gradually slipping off the EU’s agenda, and its policy objectives converge with those of the Tunisian government as security concerns come to dominate its policy discourses. In the Tunisian context at least, democracy is a purely utilitarian device used to achieve security. When that security already exists, democracy loses its utility, and fades from its once prominent place in the EU policy in Tunisia.
34
Carbone, Giovanni Marco. "No-party democracy? : political organisation under movement democracy in Uganda, 1994-2000." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1638/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Movement took power in Uganda in 1986 and established what it called 'movement' or 'no-party' democracy. Reacting to a history of ethnic conflict-prone parties, the NRM aimed at transforming electoral politics into individual rather than organisational competition. Party activities became subject to strict limitations. The actual functioning of Uganda's alleged 'alternative democratic model' has not been systematically empirically scrutinised. Understanding how it is working is not only an important topic in comparative political analysis but also for appraising external donors' policy. Despite the pressures placed on other African countries to open up to organised pluralism, donors have been uncritically supportive of Museveni's regime, failing to examine the extent to which 'no-partism' can be an authentic alternative to multiparty democracy. This thesis critically investigates the no-party arrangement, both empirically and normatively. It is based on extensive fieldwork carried out in Uganda in 1999 and 2000, when interviews were conducted with parliamentarians, political organisations' officials, NGO representatives, and various policy-makers. The research reconstructs the advent of 'no-partism' in the light of the Movement's reading of the country's political history. It investigates the extent to which party-like organisations retain a presence by mapping them empirically. Finally, it analyses the way 'no-partism' works by scrutinising how political action is organised during elections, in parliament, and in policy-making. The thesis demonstrates that the no-party system is largely no longer in place - since the Movement itself has adopted a party-like organisation. Uganda currently has a 'hegemonic party system'. Opposition parties, despite the legal ban, have tried to adopt new organisational stratagems. But the ban also prompted the emergence of alternative arrangements to surrogate party activities, as it is most apparent in an atomised parliament that mainly fails to operate effectively without formal political parties.
35
DOHERTY, WILLIAM. "ART + DEMOCRACY: Expanding the meaning and practice of Democracy through Public Art." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22783.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis contributes to an EU Policy Lab project entitled The Future of Government 2030+. The aim of which is to generate knowledge in the context of the rapidly changing relationship between citizens and government.Using a co-design and speculative design process this thesis specifically looks at informing a citizen centric perspective on envisioning and formulating the design of new interactive tools and forms of engagement. Looking at the potential of art’s role in rethinking the way democracy and governments operate and exploring how citizens could interact, participate and engage in democracy. Investigating how new forms of debate and decision making could unfold in both domestic and public spaces in a future model of participatory democracy.A framework for a future model of government is presented in this thesis through prototype scenarios. This framework emerged from citizens visions of communication and interaction with a future government. The framework focuses on two key areas where artistic expression is used: 1: The formulation and communication of issues of concerns. 2: Community organising for creative participation in addressing these issues.The discussions on art and democracy by philosophers John Dewey and Bruno Latour were influential in the formulation and selection of the methodological approach. Culminating in a sequential design research process conducted through public probes, cultural probes and co-design workshops.
36
Nickens, Bradley Harrison. "Postmaterialism and Democracy: What Does the Postmaterialist Value Shift Mean for Democracy?" Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9913.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis explores the possible impact of a postmaterialist value shift on the future of democracy in advanced industrial democratic countries.
Research over the past few decades has questioned the responsiveness of representative democratic institutions in advanced industrial democracies to individual and communal needs in society. Radical democratic theorists have called for direct action, structural reform, and other social and political changes to make democracy "stronger." Increased education levels brought on by continued economic and physical security in advanced industrial societies has led to a change in the ability of citizens to access the political process. How the relationship between the citizen and the state is altered as a result of continued prosperity is a primary motivation for this research.
Working with World Values Survey data, I examine individual and societal level relationships between postmaterial values and direct political participation and acceptance of participatory values. Empirical evidence supports the hypotheses that postmaterial values are positively associated with direct political participation and as the level of Postmaterialists increases in a given society the level of participatory behavior and acceptance of participatory values will also increase. Substantive analysis suggests that increase in the level of postmaterialism in a country will lead to increases in alternative political activity and other forms of direct participation.<br>Master of Arts
37
Boediarto, Feby. "Democracy in the Dark: An Energy Democracy Model Centering Property and People." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/81.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The United States’ electric macro-grid provides electricity for all people to sustain our lifestyle. The current governing institutions that generate our electricity limit community representation, causing procedural injustice particularly to communities of color. This thesis is a contribution to the Energy Democracy literature, describing a community-based electricity model that includes two components: property and people. I argue to include an in-depth study of John Locke’s theories on property, in addition to Elinor Ostrom’s Institutional Analysis and Development Framework to promote local knowledge in understanding how physical space and governing bodies strengthen the Energy Democracy movement. In addition, I utilize the works from Karl Marx and Grace Lee Boggs to describe the process of local self-reliance to community empowerment. This Energy Democracy approach centering property and people aims to revolutionize a system that promotes equity and democracy.
38
Pereira, Jessica Voigt Quintino. "É pra valer? Experiência da democracia digital brasileira: um estudo de caso do marco civil da internet." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-09052016-103754/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
O presente trabalho se insere no campo sobre Democracia Digital e procura compreender o funcionamento das iniciativas de participação digitais que visam incidir na decisão política. Será argumentado que, na ausência de ferramentas de agregação e de níveis de representação, é através de um processo de tradução que o Estado é capaz de lidar com os grandes volumes de informação difusa provenientes dessas iniciativas. Ao longo do trabalho, serão explorados os aspectos que compõem o processo de tradução e será utilizado como exemplo empírico o estudo de caso sobre o Marco Civil da Internet.<br>This work falls within the field of Digital Democracy and intents to understand the functioning of digital participation initiatives seeking to produce effects on political decision. I argue that in the absence of aggregation- and representation-level tools, it is through a translation process that the state is able to handle the large volumes of scattered information from these initiatives. Throughout the work, the aspects that constitute the translation process and the empirical example will be a case study on the Brazilian Civil Rights Framework for the Internet
39
Norton, Yvonne D. "Mexico : prospects for democracy /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA324852.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs (Western Hemisphere)) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1996.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Mary P. Callahan, Scott D. Tollefson. "December 1996." Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-111). Also available online.
40
Ingthorsson, Agust Hjortur. "In defense of democracy." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5154.
Testo completo
41
Ciplak, Bilal. "Democracy Promotion and Turkey." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1439.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey’s involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank.
My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms.
I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey’s case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey’s involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states’ foreign policy decisions.
42
Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Deliberative democracy within parties." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3365/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Political parties serve a number of vital functions in representative democracies. Connecting citizens to government is perhaps the most important one. This is how parties were traditionally conceived, and it continues to be the main standard according to which their legitimacy as representative institutions is evaluated. In recent times, observers have noted a growing disconnect between citizens and parties. Parties have gradually transformed from agents that mediate between state and civil society to agents of the state. This sits uncomfortably with the ideal of parties as connectors of citizens and government. How can their capacity to perform this function be restored? This thesis seeks to offer a new answer to this question. Its main argument is that to revitalise their capacity to connect citizens and government, parties need to become more internally democratic, and that they need to become more internally democratic in a particular way, namely more internally deliberative. By this is meant that parties need to strengthen channels of communication from the bottom up and avail themselves of their internal deliberative resources: of the partisans on the ground, who deliberate over the demands of their community in local party branches. The theoretical part of the thesis proposes a model—called a “deliberative model of intraparty democracy”—showing how these traditional sites of partisanship can be empowered. The empirical part of the thesis then asks whether such a model can be realised in real-world parties. The main focus is here on the deliberative capacity of organised party members, which is likely the first target of scepticism. I examine three questions, drawing on the findings of a small-scale study of deliberation in party branches in Social Democratic parties in Germany and Austria: (1) Do party branches provide favourable preconditions for deliberation? (2) Are the political discussions in the branches “deliberative”, in the sense that they are marked by respectful exchanges of reasons? (3) When does intra-party deliberation fail? Though mainly indicative, the analysis of the empirical material suggests that party members do possess the deliberative capacity required to realise a deliberative model of intra-party democracy, and that possible deliberative deficiencies can be countervailed using simple institutional fixes. In light of this, the thesis concludes that making parties more internally deliberative in order to reconnect citizens with government is well within reach.
43
Galantomos, Mary Eloise. "The internet and democracy /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg146.pdf.
Testo completo
44
Lenard, Patti Tamara. "Trust, democracy and diversity." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432217.
Testo completo
45
Luna, David Juarez. "Democracy, taxation and ideology." Thesis, University of Essex, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.573740.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis focuses on understanding the impact of different factors on affecting the tax rate in a democracy. The first model traces the influence of ideology on determining the tax rate in the presence of political competition. The main outcome is that when the salience of the ideology increases, the cohort of voters with the median ideological view become the swing voters and the equilibrium tax rate is then designed to benefit that cohort of voters. The second model focuses on the impact of inner group altruism on taxation. It establishes that, in a democracy, a minority elite, where altruism is present among its members, will be more influential and the equilibrium policy may reflect more the preferences of those elite. There are two main analytical results. First, the social group that exhibits higher inner altruism prefers a lower tax rate. Then the higher the inner altruism the rich exhibit, the lower is the tax rate they enjoy. Second, if both social groups increase their inner altruism by the same amount, then the equilibrium tax rate reduces. The third model makes precise the relationship between inequality of income and a social security tax rate. The model proposes a stationary overlapping- generations economy, in which all individuals currently alive vote every period on social security. There is ideology diversity. The main analytical result is that, in equilibrium, the generation that is less ideological benefits from lower inequality of income. We find that the less ideological generation enjoys a larger allocation of consumption and pushes the size of social security to be in its own favour.
46
Harrison, Katherine. "terror-democracy : an iconlogy." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.536041.
Testo completo
47
King, Loren A. (Loren Antony) 1968. "Democracy and city life." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8241.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 187-204).<br>The deliberative turn in recent political theory ties legitimacy to public deliberation about reasons, offered for and against exercises of authority by informed and sincere citizens, who share a commitment to finding mutually acceptable terms of social cooperation. But even such reasonable citizens may disagree on important matters, and some citizens will only rarely, if ever, see their sincere reasoned judgements reflected in democratic outcomes. I argue that, to be widely perceived as legitimate in plural settings, fair deliberative procedures must not only be inclusive and self-evidently grounded in a commitment to reasonableness and mutual respect; they must further ensure that dissenting parties have a reasonable expectation of eventually transforming features of the public sphere to better accommodate their distinctive values and interests. The result is a fair deliberative pluralism that reflects the cacophonous and variegated character of the public sphere in modern democracies. But I caution that this ideal requires conditions that can sustain spatial patterns of wealth and control over land uses that undermine the interests of certain spatially fixed groups. I draw on the experiences of U.S. cities to illustrate this tension. These cities feature profound and enduring inequalities of wealth and political influence, and urbanization generates patterns of industry and habitat that reinforce these inequalities. Municipal and state politics rarely alter the prevailing incentives for home and industry location that perpetuate these patterns,<br>(cont.) and when efforts are made to do so - for instance, urban growth boundaries, or new taxation schemes to fund public services - the result is often increased antagonism between central cities and their regions. I suggest that these problematic features of cities emerge from political processes that determine how urban spaces are valued, resulting in boundaries and behaviors that undermine the democratic credentials of much political activity in urban settings. I evaluate two classes of solutions to these urban pathologies in light of class-specific constraints on mobility that originate in political strategies of control over urban spaces.<br>by Loren A. King.<br>Ph.D.
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Chowcat, Ian. "Democracy, legitimacy and reconciliation." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10201/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis aims to recover the central importance of the deliberative aspect of democracy which recent liberal theorising has neglected, and to capture common intuitions about the foundational nature of democratic institutions. The fundamental problem of political philosophy is that of justifying principles or institutions which can reconcile individuals and the political community on a moral basis. The use of political authority is morally legitimate when it is grounded upon such a reconciliation. Attempts to justify as legitimate a liberal constitutional framework are shown to fail, whether carried out on the basis of membership of a community, or as given by principles of justice, or on the grounds of utilitarianism or a perfectionist ideal. All these approaches must rely ultimately on a claim that there is or can be a consensus around some conception of morality or the good. However, none of them is entitled to claim that such a consensus can be reached without there already being in place a political process through which we can discover or construct a consensus, or find a way to go on when disagreement persists. The question then arises of how such a ground-level political framework can be justified and precisely what form it takes. The starting point is a notion of agents each with their own views about social and political issues. An argument is constructed from the logic of having such views to the conclusion that each agent has obligations to be prepared to participate in public discussion, and to accept democratic political decisions which are based upon such discussions. Failure to do so is self-undermining. Political legitimacy resides in the achievement of reconciling individuals to collective decisions. The practical implications of this notion of deliberative democracy for institutions and for individuals are drawn out.
49
Maydom, Barry. "Migrant remittances and democracy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dda7fbac-feaf-439a-a82c-6d93ebdf31b5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
How do migrant remittances affect the prospects for democracy in receiving states? In this thesis, I use a range of methods including statistical analysis of macro-economic and micro-level survey data and qualitative interviews to investigate this question. I use cross-national data, barometer surveys from the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa and post-Communist countries and 63 interviews conducted with remittance recipients in Jordan and Tunisia. I find that remittances from migrants in democratic states are associated with political liberalisation and the downfall of authoritarian regimes, but that remittances from migrants in non-democratic states are not. An important causal mechanism is that of protests: remittances from democratic countries fuel protests in authoritarian regimes. On the individual level, I show that remittances are associated with greater non-electoral political participation because recipients perceive themselves to have higher levels of economic security. I also find that financial remittances from democratic countries are accompanied by and reinforce the transmission of social remittances in the form of pro-democratic political norms. In addition to the main findings, I present the first evidence for electoral remittance cycles in authoritarian regimes, clarify our knowledge about how and why remittances affect different forms of political participation and add to our understanding of the political dimensions of social remittances.
50
Francis, Kevin. "Democracy, citizenship and utopia." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1988. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30647/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this work I attempt to explore and correct a misconception of democracy. Standard accounts of democracy, I argue in Chapter One, adopt a functional/normative approach and focus upon either the institutional mechanisms for the fair and peaceful resolution of conflicts, or upon the moral opportunities of citizenship which the Liberal Democratic State provides, or upon the intrinsic benefits of political participation. The adoption of these perspectives leads to an account of democracy in which the citizen is seen as the holder of nominal political power. That this obstructs our understanding of democracy can be seen by asking what would be required in order to further democratise political agency, independently of extending democratic practice into non-expressly political life-spheres. The answer to this question requires a conception of the citizen as exercising effective political power; and only from this point can we construct the institutions within which such power is to be exercised. This is referred to as a 'bottom-up' perspective of democracy. The problem of democracy which confronts us is thus conceptual. The task is that of elaborating a concept of democracy which is centred on the citizen as the holder and exerciser of effective political power; i.e. one grounded on a 'rich' conception of citizenship. The argument of the thesis develops as follows. In Chapter Two I consider whether the justification of government is to be sought for solely in its good consequences or whether political participation is a necessary element. Here, I develop J S Mill's argument by considering the rule of a benevolent despot which would obviate the need for a protective function in political participation. The argument forms the ground for a critique of the instrumentalist view of political participation. In Chapter Three I begin the reconceptualisation of democracy by constructing non-functional models of democracy; models which are ordered according to the effective and formal power held by the individual citizen and which take the minimum expression of political power to be 'anterior popular consent'. The three models generated are termed Minimal, Medial and Maximal Democracies. The construction of these models restricts its focus to a central theme of democratic theory: the legislative process. This refusal to address the problem of the democratisation of executive, administrative and judicial powers both aids clarity and serves to emphasise the enormity of the project of democratisation. The models presuppose no given socio-economic context. Chapter Four seeks to clarify some of the sources of confusion in the conceptualisation of medial and maximal democracy by examining three non-minimal models: Robert Paul Wolff's model of an 'Instant Direct Democracy'; Jean-Jacques Rousseau's theory of the sovereignty of the general will; and the democratic practice of classical Athens. Both Wolff and Rousseau, it is argued, present medial and not maximal models of democracy. Our understanding of democracy, I argue, is underpinned by a conception of the responsible exercise of power. In Chapter Five I construct the reflective model of medial democracy: that of democracy as popular assent. The project here is essentially Rawlsian: of using the model to examine and refine our intuitions regarding democracy, thereby achieving a 'reflective equilibrium'. The model assumes an elective legislature which generates, discusses and revises, and approves or rejects legislative proposals; but that the ultimate power of enactment rests with the citizenry: popular assent must be secured before such proposals can become law. The reflective model envisages concentrating this power of assent in randomly chosen sub-sets of the citizen-body. This provides an opportunity for all citizens to exercise effective political power, but not conjointly. This places in a position of therapeutic trust those citizens chosen to confer or withhold assent for any given legislative proposal. The reflective model is thus analogous to the familiar practice of jury service. The question of whether all citizens should be invited to exercise effective political power is thus brought into sharp relief; and the tensions between the twin demands of democratic equality and democratic utility are explored. Chapter Six pursues that question through the attempt to sketch the characteristics of a rich conception of citizenship. The approach adopted is to ask what would have to be the case for citizenship to be considered a worthwhile activity. Mill's theory of lower and higher pleasures is adapted for this purpose. Neither the rich conception of citizenship, nor the consideration of political judgment which follows, conclusively resolves the tension between the demands of democratic equality and democratic utility. The attempt to elaborate a bottom-up theory of democracy, grounded on a conception of the citizen as the holder and exerciser of effective political power, represents a radical challenge to the pluralist conception of the Liberal Democratic State. That challenge, however, need not be external to liberalism. In Chapter Seven I argue that the eunomic strain of utopian thought, as represented by Thomas More's Utopia, offers a competing liberal conception of the State. This chapter thus examines some central issues in and critiques of utopian thought. The analysis of the Utopia is set within the context of More's life and leads to the identification of the 'utopian project' as the attempt to stimulate the desire for political reform by extending the bounds of plausibility with respect to political possibilities. The chapter concludes with the attempt to defend utopianism against both its liberal pluralist and its Marxian critics and argues that there is a need for a utopian element within Marxian socialism.