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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Democratization AND Democratisation"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 10 dicembre 2022

Ultima modifica: 28 gennaio 2023

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Democratization AND Democratisation"

1

Dinneya, G. "An econometric analysis of the impact of democratisation on domestic savings and investment in Nigeria". South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 9, n. 4 (22 maggio 2014): 478–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v9i4.1048.

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This study employs four-dimensional and one composite indices of democratization constructed to capture the democratization processes in Nigeria’s transition polity, to investigate the empirical relationships between the levels of democratization in Nigeria and two economic growth variables – domestic savings and domestic investment. As would be expected, the findings do not settle the debate in any direction. However, they could shed some light on the differences between the dimensional and the overall effects of democratization on economic variables. The results of the analyses show that the short-run responses of growth variables to changes in democratization may differ from their long-run responses.

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2

Montle, Malesela Edward. "Democratization as a Catalyst for Women Empowerment: A Feminist of Reading of Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me". IDEAS: Journal on English Language Teaching and Learning, Linguistics and Literature 10, n. 2 (19 dicembre 2022): 1187–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24256/ideas.v10i2.3129.

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This paper aims to explore the role of democratisation in the socio-economic and political empowerment of women from various walks of life. Women were and are still one of the marginalised groups in the globe. Prior to democratisation, women’s authentic voices and identities were abridged to subservience and their societal roles were, predominately, pinned to domesticity whereas their male counterparts relished in administrative dominance. It is the advent of the democratic jurisdiction that occasioned and championed equality amongst men and women in socio-economic and political spaces. This democratisation authorised and empowered women to assert and reassert their identities, which are, sometimes, questioned, berated and shunned despite the autonomous dispensation. This is evinced by the appalling patriarchal, sexist and misogynistic attitudes that menace the women’s rise and impact in society in the present day. The paper employs a qualitative method guided by textual analysis to probe into democratisation as a catalyst for women empowerment from a literary perspective. It selects and utilises Nadine Gordimer’s None to Accompany Me as a case in point to crystalise the focal theme of the study. Furthermore, the study scrutinises Gordimer’s literary work above, which is a reflection of democratisation as an impulse for women empowerment with a feminist lens. This paper, among other things, finds that whilst democratisation has aided and granted women rights to create a platform to authenticate their voices and reconstruct their identities, it has not utterly liberated the women from socio-economic and political maladies.

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3

Ross, Cameron. "Federalism and democratization in Russia". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, n. 4 (1 dicembre 2000): 403–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00013-1.

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The scholarly literature on democratic transitions has largely ignored developments at the local level and the relationship between federalism and democracy. In this work I examine the development of federalism in Russia and I assess the impact of Russia’s highly asymmetrical form of federalism on democratisation. The study shows that federalism far from promoting democracy has allowed authoritarianism to flourish in many of Russia’s eighty nine regions and republics. Federalism and democratization in Russia exist in contradiction rather than harmony. In a vicious circle, authoritarianism at the centre has been nourished by authoritarianism in the region and vice versa. “Elective dictatorships” and “delegative democracies” are now well entrenched in many republics, and mini-presidential systems are firmly established in a majority of the regions.

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4

Desperak, Iza. "Gender Dimension Of Waves Of Democratization: Abortion And Reproductive Right Between Eastern And Western Europe". European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, n. 1 (29 gennaio 2016): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n1p56.

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This paper focuses on the gender dimension of the transition processes of Western and Eastern Europe, which is viewed from the perspective of democratization processes, i. e. waves of democratization. Adding gender perspective to the analysis, results in the reconceptualization of the democratic approach to the transitional processes. As proposed by Charles Tilly, it requires an alternative approach such as de-democratisation. Some examples of countries with a chosen Western and Eastern European transitions system include: Spain, Portugal, Poland, and Romania. During the last fifty years, they showed how politics concerning reproductive rights, especially on the issue of abortion, differentiate between the real shape and the direction of transition processes which leads either to democratization or its complete opposite.

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5

Falode, Adewunmi James. "Civil Society Groups (CSGs) and the Democratisation Process in Nigeria, 1960-2007". International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 71 (luglio 2016): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.71.6.

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This paper analyses the significant role the civil society groups (CSGs) played in the democratisation process in Nigeria between 1960 and 2007. The paper discovers that the CSGs made use of the conceptual mechanism in the democratisation process of Nigeria. The conceptual mechanism allowed the CSGs to inject such important concepts as accountability, rule of law, democracy, transparency, human rights and due process into the democratisation process between 1960 and 2007. These concepts were used to tackle some of the major democratization challenges, such as corruption, religious crisis and governance that confronted Nigeria between 1960 and 2007. By using the historical methodology, the paper analyses the crucial role the CSGs played in both the civilian and military administrations thatgoverned Nigeria between 1960 and 2007. The central thrust of the paper is to show how the CSGs contributed to the enthronement of democracy and democratic practices in Nigeria.

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Riza, Faisal, e Junaidi Junaidi. "Islamic Activism, Local Politics, and Contradiction of Democratisation in North Sumatra". Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 11, n. 1 (31 gennaio 2019): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v11i1.676.

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This paper focus on examining the transformation of Islamic activism in North Sumatra especially their movement, which was echoed by the Aksi Bela Islam in Jakarta 2016, in this region in post- punishment of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama between 2017 and 2018. The study analyses their movement in keeping the narration of politics, discourse of intimidated Islam, and then all these have been capitalised for political interest in regional election such as governor election in North Sumatra 2018. The study is approached by social movement theory, Islamic social movement, and then being related to the project of democratization and the contemporary narration of Indonesia nationalism. This study argues that firstly, this movement is still going on move longer than many scholar predicted because their ability to keep discourse and analize political structure opportunity. Secondly, fragmentation in the body of movement can not be avoided because working disorientation and their relation with political elit and electoral politics. Third, the shadow of this movement existence remains a big challenge for democratization project in North Sumatra and generally Indonesia.

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Bogaards, Matthijs. "Microscope or Telescope? The Study of Democratisation across World Regions". Political Studies Review 16, n. 2 (29 giugno 2016): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916645360.

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This review article brings together six recent books on democratisation. They cover Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, East Central Europe and the Balkans, Eurasia, and East and South East Asia. The review asks what we can learn from reading about democratisation in different parts of the world. The aim is twofold: to identify regionally specific processes of democratisation and to explore cross-regional commonalities. When viewed in combination, these regional studies of democratisation reveal the limitations of area studies and the need for comparative area studies. Cheeseman N (2015) Democracy in Africa: Successes, Failures, and the Struggle for Political Reform. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hale H (2015) Patronal Politics: Eurasian Regime Dynamics in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hsin-Huang MH (ed.) (2014) Democracy or Alternative Political Systems in Asia: After the Strongmen. London: Routledge. Mainwaring S and Pérez-Liñán A (2013) Democracies and Dictatorship in Latin America: Emergence, Survival, and Fall. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Petrovic M (2013) The Democratic Transition of Post-Communist Europe: In the Shadow of Communist Differences and Uneven Europeanisation. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Sadiki L (ed.) (2015) Routledge Handbook of the Arab Spring: Rethinking Democratization. London: Routledge.

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Udeoji, Ebele. "D DEMOCRACY, DEMOCRATISATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA: AN OVERVIEW". Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, n. 9 (2 ottobre 2020): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.9020.

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ABSTRACT Democracy and development are key concepts in the developmental discourse, and they are considered crucial to a sustainable developmental strategy. This study thus appraised the nexus between democracy and development in Nigeria. The study utilized content analysis and descriptive method to actualize the objectives of the research. This study revealed that absence of democratic paraphernalia like free and fair election, rule of law, constitutionalism among others, have constituted series of misunderstandings in the tenets and principles of liberal democracy, especially in Nigeria. The study further ascertained that factors such as: poor state of economy, high level of unemployment, illiteracy, ignorance, ethnicity, tribalism, ethno-religious crises, and poverty have coalesced to constitute impediments to the smooth and effective operation of democracy in Nigeria, with serious implications for democratization and sustainable development. Among others, the study recommends political, structural and institutional reforms of the Nigerian state in a manner that promote and deepen democracy and national development.

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9

Stokke, Kristian, Olle Törnquist e Gyda Marås Sindre. "Conflict Resolution and Democratisation in the Aftermath of the 2004 Tsunami: A Comparative Study of Aceh and Sri Lanka". PCD Journal 1, n. 1-2 (6 giugno 2017): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25670.

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The earthquake off the west coast of Sumatra on 26 December 2004 unleashed a tsunami in the Indian Ocean that affected more than a dozen countries throughout South and Southeast Asia and stretched as far as the northeastern coast of Africa. The two worst affected areas - North-East Sri Lanka and the Aceh region in Indonesia - have both been marked by protracted intra-state armed conflicts. In the immediate aftermath of the tsunami, international journalists and humanitarian actors argued that the disaster could actually constitute and opportunity for conflict resolution, as the scale and urgency of humanitarian needs should bring the protagonists together in joint efforts for relief, reconstruction and conflict resolution. In contrast, research on the impacts of natural disasters often concludes that disasters tend to deepen rather than resolve conflicts. Four years after the tsunami it can be observed that Aceh and North-East Sri Lanka have followed highly divergent trajectories. In Aceh, a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Indonesia and Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) was signed shortly after the tsunami and has been followed by peace and a process od political integration into Indonesian democracy. In Sri Lanka, the tsunami created a humanitarian pause from the gradual escalation of hostilities and an attempt to create a joint mechanism between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) for handling humanitarian aid, but Sri Lanka has since the returned to full-scale warfare between the GOSL and LTTE. This brief article, which is based on work in progress, will highlight some key lessons and preliminary conclusions for each of these research quetions: (1) How and to what extent has reconstruction/development been linked to processes of conflict resolution and rights based democratization?; (2) How and to what extent has a process of rights based democratization been related to the parallel processes of revonstruction/development and conflict resolution?; (3) How and to what extent have the parallel processes of reconstruction/development, conflict resolution and democratization generated political transformations of the armed insurgency movements?

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Moloobhoy, Zain Al Husain, e Amina Inloes. "Marjaʿiyya in the digital era: Renegotiating the relationship between marjaʿ and muqallid in the era of the democratization of knowledge". Marjaʿiyya and Society: A special issue of the Journal of the Contemporary Study of Islam 2, n. 1 (27 marzo 2021): 24–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37264/jcsi.v2i1.72.

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The marjaʿiyya is the dominant religious authority structure among Twelver Shiʿis. This study explores the attitudes of ‘lay Shiʿis’ (non-marjaʿs) towards the institution of the marjaʿiyya outside of the Iranian political system. Rather than assuming that the relationship between authority and follower is one-way, it considers that both the marjaʿ and the follower might negotiate the relationship. It examines ‘lay Shiʿis’ commitment towards following a marjaʿ, regional variation, their understanding of religious leadership, and contemporary concerns regarding the marjaʿiyya. Insofar as the marjaʿiyya has undergone roughly three phases of development, a key point of enquiry in this paper is whether or not the marjaʿiyya is undergoing a fourth phase of development as a result of advances in digital technology, the democratisation of knowledge, and the global Shiʿi diaspora. Data for this paper was collected through surveying Shiʿis worldwide as well as interviewing five prominent marājiʿ in Iraq.

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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "Democratization AND Democratisation"

1

Wong, Yin Fan Cecilia. "Confucianism and democratisation". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670142.

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Carnegie, Paul. "Uncertainty, continuity and change : an inquiry into Indonesian democratisation /". [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2006. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19436.pdf.

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3

Tansey, Oisín. "Democratic regime-building : democratisation in the context of international administration". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2fc9be17-09c2-4b7a-97ad-e6ee79ae3c06.

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This thesis examines democratic transitions that occur in the context of international administration, where international actors not only provide assistance and guidance regarding domestic development, but also hold temporary executive authority over some or all of the functions of government. It argues that the process of regime change in the context of international administration is systematically different from more conventional settings, where such extensive international intervention is absent. The theoretical framework of the thesis suggests that the most significant impact of international administration derives from the fact that external actors assume roles conventionally held by domestic actors, and thus have available to them extensive mechanisms of influence at the domestic level. International agents can favour some local elites over others, structure the political environment through agenda-setting and veto powers, and ultimately bypass local actors if deemed necessary by drafting and imposing laws and institutions. As a result, the presence of international administrators heavily shapes the final mode of transition, and one of the most significant implications of the external influence is that purely non-democratic regime outcomes are unlikely to emerge. However, the influences of international administration are not always positive, and neither are they constant across contexts. The final impact on the transition process itself will depend in large part on the nature of the domestic political landscape, and in particular the balance of power and ideology among the domestic political parties. When domestic elites are favourable to democracy, international administrations can work with local actors to co-author a new democratic regime through a pacted transition. When dominant local parties are opposed to democratic development, however, the international and domestic interaction may contribute to a more conflicrual and contentious mode of transition entailing elements of international imposition. The nature of the transition mode will, in turn, have implications for post-transition regime consolidation. These findings are based on a structured, focused comparison of three cases, those of Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor. In attempting to isolate the international influence, the case studies utilise the process tracing method to identify the causal mechanisms that connect international actions to democratic political outcomes, and the experiences in each case are compared to facilitate the generation of bounded generalisations about the impact of international administration on the processes of regime change.

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4

Azad, Abul Kalam. "Determinants of Asian Democratisation (1981-2005)". AUT University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/952.

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As a culturally distinctive region, Asia was chosen as the sample for this study. This empirical study investigated what the major trends of democratisation were in Asia between 1981 and 2005: why some countries became democratic while other countries failed to follow suit during that period. The main research hypothesis was: “That is it was mainly economic development that drove democratisation in Asia between 1981 and 2005”. Although some studies have studied the impact of economic development on democratisation in Asia, their findings have been inconclusive and focuses sometimes different. [To investigate the research hypothesis, 24 Asian countries were selected…measurement tools used etc…] For this research work, statistical and case study methods were applied. The data used in the analyses were collected from established data sources e.g. Freedom House (Freedom in the World, n.d.) and United Nations Statistics Division (UN Stat, n.d.). Repeated Measures in Linear Mixed Modeling (LMM) were used to analyse the quantitative data. Three case studies supplemented the findings of statistical analyses. Historical information and institutional and legal facts were also used in the case studies. This study found that increases in the level of economic development along with its equitable distribution in society and positive roles of political actors increase the level of democratisation in Asia. Some pro-democratic political and social institutions, such as tradition of parliamentarianism, and international organisations, for example Bretton wood institutions, also led to democratisation. A low extent of national political divide was found to result in a considerably high level of democratisation in a country where confrontation between major political forces is the main feature of politics. This study also found that a partial democracy with Asian values, economic legitimacy, a lack of corruption and a “systematic control” over opposition politicians can survive, and is not prone to higher level of democratisation. The Taiwan case revealed that, amongst other factors, the role of political actors and economic equity along with economic development is also vital for democratisation. The Singapore case explained how a “hybrid regime” in a rich country outsmarts democratisation. The study of Bangladesh provides an idea about other elements, e.g. lower level of political confrontation, that push for higher levels of democratisation.

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Upadhyaya, Krishna Prasad Sriprapha Petcharamesree. "The impact of democratisation on the human rights of dalits in Nepal /". Abstract, 2003. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2546/cd357/4238420.pdf.

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Gatos, Alexander. "Reforming the Bundeswehr : a study of Graf von Baudissin's ideological principles and ideas for the democratisation of German society and the armed forces 1951-1956". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=228643.

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This thesis investigates the intellectual foundations of the thinking of the father of the modern West German armed forces, Wolf Graf von Baudissin, during their establishment between 1951 and 1956. Its aim is to identify the main areas of reform as advocated by Baudissin as well as to shed light on central features of Baudissin's character and ideas, primarily his ideas on the role and impact of democracy in a modern society. The thesis demonstrates how the environment in which Baudissin operated was characterised by strong opposition to new ideas by former Wehrmacht soldiers, whose ideas belonged to a traditionalist movement of military thinking. It also reveals how Baudissin's ideas were to a large extent the product of collaboration with a great number of politicians, academics and intellectuals, some of whom dominated the intellectual scene of the early post-1945 Federal Republic. The thesis demonstrates how Baudissin's thinking was influenced by certain polarities, out of which he developed three historical types of soldiers as an intellectual response to opposition. Baudissin's proposals for reform were directed towards the German youth as those who were to build the new West German post-war society. He stressed the extensive democratic rights allocated by the Federal Republic's constitution and the positive educational value of the proposed reforms, all in the face of accusations that they were utopian. Investigating Baudissin's intellectual foundations, the thesis stresses Baudissin's positive image of occidental culture, with a strong attachment to ethical and communitarian values, and a negative image of Russia as the exponent of communism and authoritarianism. Looking specifically at democracy, the thesis highlights Baudissin's emphasis on democracy by proclaiming that his conversion to democracy was the product of amalgamation of pre-war conservative thinking with modern democratic liberalism. The thesis finally argues that the overall image of an ethical-democratic citizensoldier, the 'Staatsbürger in Uniform' negates the historical antinomy between the condition of being a soldier and a citizen.

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Mlitwa, Nhlanhla Boyfriend Wilton. "Globalisation : democratisation, neo-liberalism, and development-aid in South Africa". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52288.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has set to describe and explain the causal relationship between the process of globalisation, and that of democratisation and development in South Africa. Understanding this process required an analysis of the political and economic patterns followed, and policy choices made by state elites in South Africa, and to compare these processes with other countries that are also integrating into the global political economy. In South Africa, the dominance of the external factor on the country's socio-economic and development policy making process is exposed in this study. Analysis of the progress of South Africa's macro-economic policy (GEAR) in creating sustainable economic growth, and in linking it with the locally defined notion of 'people-based development' (as per RDP document, 1994) over a five-year period reveals firstly, that while GEAR is portrayed as both an economic and a 'people-based development' policy, it is an externally oriented policy whose ends are largely the promotion of transnational capitalist interest. The contradiction is that while a redress of development discrepancies (i.e. by providing social-welfare, health, education, clean water, electricity, transport and housing) calls for an increase in government expenditure, GEAR's fiscal stance prohibits such spending. South Africa's development policy represents a much broader and a common problem in the global socio-economic superstructure, solutions for which cannot be derived by analysing the policy of only one country, but the whole transnational political-economic system. The problems of the current global political-economic order and its development programs remains naked for all to see. Even common sense indicates that the North-South power relations are one-sided, problematic and should not be allowed to continue indefinitely as they stand. In addition, that the underdeveloped countries should continue to play an active role in global structures such as the UN, the UNOs such as UNCTAD, the WTO, and other international institutions if they are to impact on policies that govern the North-South relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verhouding tussen die proses van die ontplooiing van globalisasie, demokratisering, neo-liberalisme en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in Suid- Afrika, te beskryf en te verduidelik. Om hierdie verhouding te kan verstaan is 'n analise van die politiese en ekonomiese patrone wat gevolg word en beleidskeuses wat deur staatselites gemaak word, van hierdie nuwe demokratiese staat, nodig. Die oorheersing van eksterne faktore oor die Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsmaking ten opsigte van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelings het in die studie na vore getree. 'n Analise van die vordering van die Suid-Afrikaanse makro-ekonomiese beleid (GEAR), in die skepping van behoudbare ekonomiese groei en die skakeling daarvan met die plaaslike nosie (RDP dokument, 1994) van "mens-gebasseerde" ontwikkeling oor 'n periode van vyf jaar, het geopenbaar dat GEAR, wat voorgestel is as 'n ekonomiese en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsbeleid, terselfdetyd 'n eksterne georienteerde beleid is wat transnationale kapitalistiese belange promotiseer. Daar bestaan kontroduksie tussen die oogmerke van GEAR. Eerstens beoog GEAR die vernouing van die ontwikkelingsgaping in Suid-Afrika (deur die voorsienig van maatskaplike dienste, gesonheidsdienste, opvoeding, skoon water, elektrisiteit, vervoer en behuising) iets wat 'n verhoging van staatsuitgawes tot gevolg sal hê, terwyl GEAR se beleid sulke verhoogde uitgawes aan bande lê. Dit is voor die handliggend dat die Noord-Suid magsverhouding eensydig is, en problematies is vir ontwikkeling en moet dus nie toegelaat word om voortgesit te word nie. Verder moet onderontwikkelende lande voortdurend 'n aktiewe rol speel in globale strukture soos die UNCTAD, die WHO, die VN en ander internasionale institusies as hulle enigsins 'n impak op die beleid wat die Noord-Suid verhoudinge beheer, wil maak.

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Mileji, Gift. "‘Power-sharing government mechanisms' : are they a solution or an obstacle to democratisation in Africa? A focus on South Africa and Zimbabwe". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18628.

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After the Cold war, most African countries have strived to be democratic States by accommodating the idea of liberal democracy. Although these countries adopt this kind of system of governance, most of them do not adhere to the tenets which this type of democracy ascribes. The political systems in most African countries are organised and based on what is referred to as politics of identity. This is where the set up of political institutions is based on interest groups with an ethnic, religious or any peculiar identity configuration. The practice of identity politics based on ethnic, religious or merely any identity, leads to exclusion of some segmental groups from the governance system in most African countries.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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Samuelsson, Jacob. "American Foreign Policy : A Study of American Policy Decisions in Iraq to Promote Democracy". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91343.

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The essay aims to analyze and understand the policy decisions taken by the Americans during their tenure as occupying force from 2003-2004. By understanding what policy was enacted it is possible to judge how it impacted things down the line. Using democratization theory, it becomes possible to categorize a large amount of policy during that time. Meaning there can be a large-scale analysis of the policies and judge if they pushed democracy forward in Iraq. The two research questions are how the US planned to turn Iraq into a democracy and if the policy covered all the five arenas of democratization. After analyzing the material through the five arenas, the two research questions are answered. The US planned for the wrong things and only in Iraq did their plan crystalize. It involved focusing on changes in society that benefitted democracy, but with a top down approach. The policies covered all five arenas of democratisation meaning they were widely applied and pushed democracy in Iraq. The US intended to turn Iraq into a democracy and the policy employed during their tenure supports that goal.

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Lin, Chin-sheng, e n/a. "The One-China controversy, 1996-2002 : the impact of Taiwan�s democratisation on the cross-strait policies of Taipei, Beijing and Washington". University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070220.142540.

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The one-China issue before the 1990s was not particularly complex as both sides of the Taiwan Strait claimed that there was only one China in the world and Taiwan was part of China. Nevertheless, after Taiwan accelerated democratisation in the early 1990s, and especially after 1996 when it entered a stage of democratic consolidation, the one-China issue has become a bitter controversy. Taiwan was transformed from an authoritarian regime to a democracy through the revision of the constitution and the reform of elections for the Legislative Yüan and the presidency between 1991 and 1996. Democratisation not only legitimised the government�s rule on Taiwan, but also brought about Taiwanese nationalism, which forced the government to defend the sovereignty to which its democratic and economic achievements now entitled it. As the PRC has always claimed sovereignty over Taiwan, the one-China controversy has thus focused on Taiwan�s international status since the 1990s. In order to prevent Taiwan from declaring independence, the PRC adopted a carrot and stick strategy, but failed. Its "peaceful reunification" policy and the "one country, two systems" formula could not attract the Taiwanese, and its military threats were blocked by the US, which has strongly demanded a peaceful resolution for cross-Strait disputes since 1979. As the US also needs the PRC�s cooperation in many international areas, it did not support Taiwan�s formal independence. Under such circumstances, maintaining the status quo of the Taiwan Strait becomes the best choice for the three sides. The one-China controversy is not expected to be resolved in the near future. Democracy has been promoted as a universal value since the Cold War. As Taiwan has not ruled out the possibility of future democratic unification with the Mainland, the best way to resolve the one-China controversy might be the successful democratisation of the PRC, which the international community would welcome.

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Più fonti

Libri sul tema "Democratization AND Democratisation"

1

South Asia Alliance for Poverty Eradication, a cura di. Struggle for democratisation in South Asia. Mumbai: Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, 2010.

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Democratisation and constitutional reforms in Kazakhstan. New Delhi: Pentagon Press, 2014.

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3

Universities, Confederation of Indian, a cura di. Democracy and democratisation in the Arab world. New Delhi: Jnanada Prakashan (P&D) in association with Confederation of Indian Universities, 2014.

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4

Anna, Larson. Toward an Afghan democracy?: Exploring perceptions of democratisation in Afghanistan. Kabul: Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, 2009.

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5

Benjamin, Solomon Akhere. Grassroots democratisation in Nigeria: Constraints and prospects. Ibadan: Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research (NISER), 1998.

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6

Phiri, B. J. Democratisation in Zambia: The 2001 tripartite elections. Pretoria, South Africa: Africa Institute of South Africa, 2002.

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7

Cornelius, Herstatt, a cura di. User-innovation: Barriers to democratisation and ip licensing. New York: Routledge, 2009.

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8

The Democratisation process in Zanzibar: A retarded transition. Hamburg: Institut für Afrika-Kunde, 2001.

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9

Nationalism and democratisation: Politics of Slovakia and Slovenia. Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 2002.

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10

Anthony, Juma Okuku. Ethnicity, state power, and the democratisation process in Uganda. Braamfontein, South Africa: Institute for Global Dialogue, 2002.

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Più fonti

Capitoli di libri sul tema "Democratization AND Democratisation"

1

Lo, Shiu-hing. "Democratisation Postponed". In The Politics of Democratization in Hong Kong, 33–66. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25467-5_2.

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2

Szakolczai, Árpád. "Experiences of Democratisation". In The Experience of Democratization in Eastern Europe, 16–31. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14511-9_2.

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3

Lo, Shiu-hing. "The External Factor and Democratisation". In The Politics of Democratization in Hong Kong, 207–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25467-5_7.

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4

Lo, Shiu-hing. "Elite Values and Attitudes Toward Democratisation". In The Politics of Democratization in Hong Kong, 266–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25467-5_9.

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5

Sokolewicz, Wojciech. "The Legal-Constitutional Bases of Democratisation in Poland: Systemic and Constitutional Change". In Democratization in Poland, 1988–90, 69–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12057-4_4.

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6

Sanford, George. "The Polish Road to Democratisation: from Political Impasse to the ‘Controlled Abdication’ of Communist Power". In Democratization in Poland, 1988–90, 1–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12057-4_1.

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7

"Editors’ Introduction: Why Sustainability and Democratisation?" In Commons, Sustainability, Democratization, 17–38. New York : Routledge, 2016. | Series: Routledge advances in: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315647951-8.

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8

"Society and Democratisation". In Clans and Democratization: Chechnya, Albania, Afghanistan and Iraq, 73–98. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004415485_006.

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9

He, Baogang. "Nationalism, Democratisation and the Taiwan Question". In Governing Taiwan and Tibet. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748699711.003.0005.

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Abstract (sommario):

Chapter 4 compares nationalism and democratization in Taiwan and China, and, in particular, seeks to develop an understanding of the rise of Taiwanese nationalism and its impact on democratization, as well as the impact democratization has on the politics associated with the national identity question. It examines the effects of democratization and nationalism that continue to contribute to the outcome in managing the national identity conflicts across the Taiwan Strait.

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Kim, Sung-Young. "Wither developmentalism after democratisation?" In Routledge Handbook of Democratization in East Asia, 457–70. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315733869-28.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Democratization AND Democratisation"

1

Mansur, Suraya, e Evi Ganis. "Democratization of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) Through Political CSR in The DKI Jakarta Regional Election 2017". In Proceedings of the International Conference of Democratisation in Southeast Asia (ICDeSA 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icdesa-19.2019.27.

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