Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Early christianity"

It is no coincidence that the church in Luke's narrative bore the nickname “The Way.” The Evangelist's “mental map” of the early church's development is more fluid and open than the hierarchical model of later centuries.

The Separation of Early Christianity from Judaism The moving apart of early Christianity from Judaism was a gradual process of de- judaisation, with separation taking place on several levels. Chapter One looks at the spread of Christianity and the physical moving apart of Jews and Christians by observing the geographical locations of the bishops attending various councils. Chapter Two examines the question of the Jewish-Christians who attempted to be both Jewish and Christian at the same time. In Chapter Three, statements about Jews in the early church councils which reveal judaising practices have been examined. Chapter Four studies the process of juridical separation of Jews from Christians as shown by an examination of the Theodosian Code. The fifth chapter examines the Jewish roots of Christian liturgy and focuses on the element that radically differentiated Christian from Jewish liturgy - its christological focus. Chapter Six speaks of the separation of Sabbath observance from Sunday observance, outlining the struggle to prevent Christians, who were accused of judaising, from celebrating the Sabbath as well as Sunday. Chapter Seven concentrates on the separation of Passover from Easter. While Chapter Eight investigates the development of a distinctly Christian archaeology, the ninth area of separation concerns the subject of Christianity in the rabbinic writings. In the nine areas studied, two pervasive causes of separation have been identified. The first concerns the non-practice of Jewish ritual law, when Christianity became predominantly a religion of non-Jews. Christianity, in order to define itself closed its ranks to Jewish practices. The second cause leading to separation was the messianic movement centred on Jesus, and the growing emphasis on the divinity of Jesus. This was reflected in the developing Christian liturgy, in the christianisation of Passover, the Eucharist and the practice of Sunday over and above the Jewish Sabbath.

In the early Church, several views on martyrdom co-existed. The ‘orthodox’ position, generally accepted by scholars, was that a Christian should choose martyrdom rather than deny the Faith, but should not, on any account, court death. Although it has been recognised that some in the early Church did in fact seek out death, by giving themselves over to arrest, most scholars have dismissed these martyrs as ‘deviant,’ ‘heretical,’ and not displaying ‘the normal Christian attitude to martyrdom.’ Therefore, instances of volitional, or radical martyrdom, as I term it, have been largely ignored in scholarly investigation into the theology and origins of Christian martyrdom. However, this thesis argues that, far from being a deviant strand of early Christianity, radical martyrdom was a significant, and widely held idealised form of Christ-devotion in the late first to early third centuries. Since scholars have largely carried out historical and theological investigations without reference to radical martyrdom, their conclusions are incomplete. This project aims to make up for this omission, re-examining the presentation, theology, and origins of Christian martyrdom up to the beginning of the Decian persecutions. First, I demonstrate the pervasiveness of radical martyrdom in the second and early third centuries, noting that the phenomenon is found even in those martyr texts regarded as being ‘orthodox.’ Next, I examine the theological world in which the early Christians inhabited, making radical martyrdom (at least ideally), a viable option. I argue that the early Christian construction of reality clashed so dramatically with the Roman State, that Christians could not demonstrate even the base level of piety required by the Romans. This brought Christians into conflict with their pagan neighbours; conflict which they then Imperialised. After assessing various theories accounting for the development Christian martyrdom, I conclude that a matrix of factors influenced Christian martyrology, and in particular, a Christianisation of Jewish Holy War tradition.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation aims to trace a Christian letter tradition, i.e. the pastoral letter type, during the first five centuries of this era. With this in mind I outlined the problem statements, goals, theoretical points of departure, research questions, hypotheses, methodologies and structures in Chapter I of the dissertation. I surveyed the history of modern studies on Greco-Roman epistolography in Chapter II. There I looked at how the study of Christian letters was related to Greco-Roman epistolography and what it contributed to the history of modern study on Greco-Roman epistolography. In the process I also focused on the study of the Christian letter tradition that flourished especially during the middle of the twentieth century. I pointed out some weaknesses in the preceding studies, such as limiting the analysis of letters to certain periods, failure to consider generic features and lack of attention to psychagogical intention. At the end of the chapter I concluded by pointing out what still remains to be done, such as considering a broader range of sources and periods, and paying more attention to how the pastoral letter continued to function during the first five centuries of our era. On the basis of the preceding survey I then focused in Chapter III on the generic features of Greco- Roman hortatory letters and their psychagogical functions to provide the background of a broader hortatory tradition for explaining the generic features and functions of the earliest Christian letters, i.e. the letters in the NT. From this research I concluded that Greco-Roman hortatory letters followed the pattern of common Greco-Roman letters in terms of structural and formal features. However, they not only focused on the guidance or education of the recipients in terms of function, but for effective persuasion the authors also employed various rhetorical devices which are often found in the other genres of hortatory works. In Chapter IV I analysed the letters in the NT in order to show that these letters resonate with the hortatory letters that were composed for psychagogy (viz. pastoral care). Firstly, I focused on the analysis of Paul’s first letter, i.e. 1 Thessalonians, to show that the author of the first Christian letter was as pastor above all concerned with pastoral care, and for effective pastoral care he borrowed from the Greco-Roman hortatory letter tradition. From this analysis I concluded that 1 Thessalonians can be located in the hortatory letter tradition, but has its own distinct character differing from common hortatory letters. These features must have resulted from Paul’s efforts to take care of his believers in the Christian faith. In the remainder of this chapter I analysed the rest of the letters in the NT, considering the outcome of the analysis of 1 Thessalonians together with the broader hortatory tradition. I found that the rest of the letters in the NT could be classed as hortatory letters for the purpose of psychagogy, i.e. pastoral letters, in terms of both their structural and formal features, and of their composition, purpose and function. In Chapter V I analysed a number of selected pastoral letters from early Christian authors. Firstly, I surveyed the history of Christian letters and their authors to provide a general background for this chapter. From these authors and their letters, I chose sixteen pastoral letters from fifteen Christian leaders based on stated criteria, and analysed them, considering both the earliest Christian pastoral letters (viz. the letters in the NT) and the broader Greco-Roman hortatory letter tradition. As a result of this analysis I found that these selected letters had features in common with the earliest Christian pastoral letters, especially in terms of their purpose and function, as well as distinctly Christian characteristics. I then compared the outcome of this analysis with selected letters from non-pastoral Christian letter types (viz. the festal or paschal letter type, the synodic letter type, the papal letter type and the “essay in letter form”). I found that, though the selected pastoral letters and nonpastoral letters had some literary features in common, such as structure and form, and employed rhetorical devices, they nevertheless differed in terms of purposes and function. In the last chapter, Chapter VI, I briefly summarised the entire dissertation
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif het ten doel om die bestaan van ’n Christelike brieftradisie, nl. die pastorale brieftipe, in die eerste vyf eeue van hierdie era na te spoor. Vir hierdie doel het ek die probleem- en doelstellings, teoretiese uitgangspunte, navorsingsvraagstukke, hipoteses, metodologieë en strukture van die proefskrif in Hoofstuk I uiteengesit. In Hoofstuk II het ek ’n oorsig gegee van moderne studie oor die Grieks-Romeinse epistolografie. Ek het ook nagevors hoe die studie van Christelike briewe aansluiting vind by die Grieks-Romeinse epistolografie, en watter bydrae hierdie studie tot die ontwikkeling van moderne studie oor die Grieks-Romeinse epistolografie gemaak het. Bykomend hiertoe het ek gefokus op die studie van ’n Christelike brieftradisie wat veral gedurende die middel van die twintigste eeu gefloreer het, en het sekere leemtes in hierdie vooraafgaande studies uitgewys, nl. die feit dat die analise van briewe tot slegs sekere periodes beperk is, en die versuim om generiese eienskappe en pastorale oogmerke in aanmerking te neem. Daarna het ek aan die einde van die hoofstuk aangedui wat nog gedoen behoort te word, soos om ’n breër spektrum van bronne en tydperke te benut, en om aandag te gee aan volgehoue tendense in die teorie en praktyk van psigagogiese briewe gedurende die eerste vyf eeue van hierdie era. In die lig van bogenoemde oorsig het ek in Hoofstuk III gefokus op die generiese eienskappe van Grieks-Romeinse hortatiewe briewe en hulle psigagogiese funksies, om die agtergrond te skets waarteen die generiese eienskappe en funksies van die vroegste Christelike briewe, nl. die briewe in die NT, teen ’n breër hortatiewe tradisie bestudeer kan word. Na aanleiding van hierdie ondersoek het ek tot die slotsom gekom dat Grieks-Romeinse hortatiewe briewe die algemene patroon van Grieks-Romeinse lettere met betrekking tot strukturele en formele eienskappe gevolg het. Nietemin was die funksie daarvan nie net gemik op die voorligting of onderrig van die ontvangers nie, maar die skrywers het ook vir die doel van oorreding verskeie retoriese middels ingespan wat dikwels in ander genres van hortatiewe werke gebruik is. In Hoofstuk IV het ek die briewe in die NT ontleed om aan te toon dat hierdie briewe behoort tot die hortatiewe briewe wat opgestel is vir die doeleindes van psigagogie, d.w.s. pastorale sorg. Eerstens het ek gefokus op die analise van Paulus se eerste sendbrief, nl. 1 Tessalonisense, om uit te wys dat hierdie eerste Christelike skrywer as pastor boweal gemoeid was met pastorale sorg, en vir die doeleindes van effektiewe pasorale sorg deels gesteun het op die Grieks-Romeinse hortatiewe brieftradisie. Uit hierdie analise kon ek aflei at 1 Tessalonisense geskaar kan word by die hortatiewe brieftradisie, maar tog die eiesoortigheid behou waardeur dit verskil van algemene hortatiewe briewe. Hierdie eienskappe moes voortgespruit het uit Paulus se bemoeienis om te sorg vir sy volgelinge in die Christelike geloof. In die daaropvolgende deel van hierdie hoofstuk ontleed ek die ander sendbriewe in die NT teen die agtergrond van die resultate van die analise van 1 Tessalonisense asook die breër hortatiewe tradisie, en geraak tot die gevolgtrekking dat die ander sendbriewe in die NT ook geklassifiseer kan word as hortatiewe briewe vir psigagogie, d.w.s. pastorale briewe, beide wat hulle strukturele en formele eienskappe aanbetref, en die doel van hulle samestelling en funksie. In Hoofstuk V het ek probeer om ’n aantal geselekteerde pastorale briewe van vroeë Christelike skrywers te ontleed. Eerstens het ek die geskiedenis van Christelike briewe en hulle skrywers as algemene agtergrond vir hierdie hoofstuk uitgelig. Uit hierdie skrywers en hulle briewe het ek sestien pastorale briewe van vyftien Christelike skrywers, leiers van mede-Christene, gekies, gebaseer op bepaalde kriteria. Dié het ek geanaliseer teen die agtergrond van die vroegste Christelike pastorale briewe, nl. die briewe in die NT, asook die breër Grieks-Romeinse hortatiewe lettere tradisie. Deur hierdie analise kon ek vasstel dat hierde geselekteerde briewe behalwe hulle Christelike eienskappe ook ooreenkomste met die vroegste Christelike pastorale briewe toon, veral met betrekking tot hulle doel en funksie,. Daarna het ek die resultate van hierdie analise vergelyk met geselekteerde briewe van nie-pastorale Christelike brieftipes, nl. die feesbrief, die sinodale brief, die pouslike brief en die essay in briefformaat. Alhoewel die geselekteerde pastorale briewe en die nie-pastorale briewe ooreenkomste getoon het wat literêre eienskappe soos struktuur, formaat en retoriese gebruike aanbetref, verskil hulle van mekaar in terme van doel en funksie. In die laaste hoofstuk, Hoofstuk VI, word die proefskrif kortliks opgesom

Early sixteenth century radical Anabaptism emanated in Switzerland during Huldrych Zwingli's protest against the Roman Catholic Church. Much like Martin Luther, Zwingli founded his reform effort on the Bible being the final arbiter of the faith, sola scriptura, and the sufficiency of the shed blood of Christ plus nothing for eternal salvation, sola fide. Based on these principles both adopted the doctrine of the Priesthood of the Believer which recognized every believer's Spirit empowered ability to read and interpret the Bible for themselves. These initial theological tenets resulted in the literal reading of the Bible and a very pragmatic Christian praxis including a Pauline pneumatology that recognized the efficacy of the manifestation of the charismata. Radical adherents of Zwingli rejected infant baptism as being totally unbiblical and insisted upon the rebaptism of adults but only on a personal confession of faith, thus the term Anabaptist. Notwithstanding any knowledge of the Anabaptist movement, early twentieth century Pentecostalism had a similar response to a literal reading of Paul with the same results, the manifestation of the charismata. This thesis identifies the similarities between Anabaptism and Pentecostalism notwithstanding the lack of knowledge of the early Anabaptist movement on the part of early Pentecostals.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.

Now in Russia new rise in temple architecture is observed. In this regard it would be interesting to address to cult architecture of the early and medieval period of Christianity. The author analyzed the theoretical concepts of Gothic churched in South France (Occitany) XIII-XIV. In rich amendments to the article the author describes social-ideological context of the period of church construction and its character

The article considers a set of measures aimed at strengthening the unity of the European and Asian parts of Russia within the Empire. The article analyzes the role of the spread of agriculture among the indigenous population in the process of economic integration of the Siberian region. It also shows the role of Christianity as an additional and no less important tool for attracting nomadic Buryats to settle.

Philo of Alexandria (ca. 20 B.C.E. -50 C.E.), or Philo Judaeus as he is also called, was a Jewish scholar, philosopher, politician, and author who lived in Alexandria and who has had a tremendous influence through his works (mostly on the Christian exegesis and theology). Today hardly any scholar of Second Temple Judaism, early Christianity, or Hellenistic philosophy sees any great imperative in arguing for his relevance. After the research (contribution) of V. Nikiprowetzky in the field of philonic studies, it seems that the prevailing view is that Philo should be regarded above all as an “exegete “. Such an opinion in one way or another seems to neglect to some extent Philo's place in the History of philosophy. This article defends the position that Philo should be considered primarily as a “hermeneut”. Emphasizing that the concept of hermeneutics has a broader meaning (especially in the context of antiquity) than the narrower and more specialized concept of exegesis.

Taking into account the fact that the acolouthy of the Footwashing on Maundy Thursday had been formed in Jerusalem, probably during 5th Century, the existence of this rite in Typicon of Nicodemus, Archbishop of Serbia (1316- 1324), is an inspiring subject for liturgiological research. Although this acolouthy is well-known in Greek as Ὁ νιπτὴρ or τὸ νίμμα, we have approached to this topic by theological and teleturgical studying of its origin. The roots of this rite lie in the early centuries of Christianity, with various additions, deletions and variations of the specific acolouthy in use even nowadays in some of the centers of the Eastern Orthodox Church. The acolouthy of the Footwashing on Maundy Thursday has been shaped in 10th Century in two different modalities, one for the urban churches, and another one for the monastic churches at the Orthodox East. The rite from Typicon of Nicodemus (1319) belongs to the group of monastic acolouthies with direct impact of liturgical praxis of the Holy City of Jerusalem and Constantinopolitan monasteries. It implies that should be performed immediately after the Ambo prayer on Maundy Thursday’s Holy Liturgy in the pronaos of the monastic church. Such an acolouthy had retained some aspects of the earlier prayer for the sanctification of the water for the footwashing and also rubric for the anointing of all assembled in the church. The acolouthy of the Footwashing on Maundy Thursday in Typicon of Nicodemus is very important testimony about vivid and strong liturgical life of the Eastern Orthodox Serbs and Archbishopric of the Serbian and Maritime Lands in the 14th Century.

The following paper is an attempt at a complete analysis of the theme of Cyril and Methodius in the iconography at the Arapovo Monastery. In 1864 in the cella of the “St. Nedeliya” church, ten paintings, depicting the work of the Slavic teachers, were painted. They have been examined numerous times over the years, but different publications offer different interpretations of depiction for each of the scenes. The paper presents the current condition, as well as content, of said depictions. An attempt has been made to provide a background for the scenes depicted, based on available texts from the 19th century. One of the paintings depicts St. Cyril as the one who converted the Bulgarian ruler to Christianity, which contradicts the legend of Methodius, that was popular during the Bulgarian National Revival. The depiction of St. Cyril in this role could be based on “The Legend of Thessalonica” (better known in Bulgarian as “Solun”), “The Dormition of Cyril” and “The Czech Legend”, which were available in publications dating from the early 19th century. The examples lead to the conclusion that the switch of roles in the conversion scene was an intentional choice, representing the patriotic understandings of young painter Georgi Danchov regarding the fight for an independent church which was occurring during that decade. A thematically identical scene, which depicts St. Methodius in the role of baptizer, was painted in the monastery’s holy spring. The paper also provides an image with initials present, according to which, the painting was done in 1870 by Aleksi Atanasov. It depicts the Thessalonica Brothers as they are compiling the alphabet, surrounded by their pupils. There are nine people present, as opposed to the usual seven, usually referred to as the “Seven Saints”. A brochure, put out in 1857 by the bishop Polycarp, provides an explanation for that number. In publications from 1988 and 2008, there are mentions of painted figures, identified as St. Cyril and St. Methodius. These depictions serve as basis for two hypotheses for identifying them that the paper explores. The more likely of the two is the one that connects these depictions to St. Cyril and St. Athanasius of Alexandria. The monastery’s katholikon features depictions of St. Cyril and St. Methodius at the southern entrance, as well as two icons, signed by Georgi Danchov in 1866 and Nikola Danchov in 1871.