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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Ibn"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 16 febbraio 2022

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1

Panigrahy, Rabi Narayan, Susanta Kumar Panda e Prabhakar Reddy Veerareddy. "FORMULATION AND IN VITRO EVALUATION OF COMBINED FLOATING-BIOADHESIVE TABLETS OF IMATINIB MESYLATE". International Journal of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences 9, n. 10 (1 novembre 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22159/ijpps.2017v9i11.18894.

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Objective: Gastro retentive drug delivery system (GRDDS) pertaining to its attributes like gastric retention time and the extended drug release profile has significantly improved patient compliance. The objective of the present study is to formulate and evaluate a stomach-specific floating-bioadhesive tablet of imatinib mesylate for prolonged residence in the stomach in the treatment of gastrointestinal stromal tumors (GIST).Methods: All the tablets were prepared with hydroxypropylmethylcellulose (HPMC), guar gum, sodium alginate, and carbopol using direct compression technique. Physical characterization, in vitro dissolution, the mucoadhesive force along with data analysis was done on each tablet. Results: The pre-compression characteristics of powder mixtures found to be satisfactory for all formulation batches. The results of physical evaluation for all batches were complying with pharmacopeia specification. The swelling index for all formulation batches was approximately 100% after 8 hours. The bioadhesive force (mean ± SD) reported in a range of 0.05 ± 0.09 to 0.18 ± 0.06 N/m2. It was observed that the release rate of tablets was decreased when the viscosity and concentration of the polymer were increased. Formulation batches IB1, IB2, IB4, IB5, IB6, IB9, IB10, IB11, and IB13 follows Higuchi Matrix model kinetics; whereas IB3, IB7, IB8, and IB12 follows Korsmeyer- Peppas model kinetics.Conclusion: Formulation batch IB9 reported a considerable swelling index, floating behavior, more bioadhesive strength with uniform drug release pattern. Therefore formulation batch IB9 was selected as optimized batch and were kept for further evaluation studies.

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SAMIR, Kh. "Ibn Tarīk ou Ibn Turayk?" Le Muséon 101, n. 1 (1 gennaio 1988): 171–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.101.1.2011422.

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Kubat, Mehmet. "İBN TEYMİYYE'NİN İBN ARABÎ ELEŞTİRİSİ". Birey ve Toplum Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 9, n. 2 (28 dicembre 2019): 223–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20493/birtop.601427.

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Gutas, Dimitri. "IBN ṬUFAYL ON IBN SĪNĀ'S EASTERN PHILOSOPHY". Oriens 34, n. 1 (18 gennaio 1994): 222–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028_032_02-20.

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Gutas, Dimitri. "Ibn Ṭufayl on Ibn Sīnā's Eastern Philosophy". Oriens 34 (1994): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1580510.

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Nemoy, Leon, Ḥabīb Bāchā e Habib Bacha. "Ibn al-Maḥrūmah's "Ḥawāshī sur Ibn Kammūna"". Jewish Quarterly Review 77, n. 1 (luglio 1986): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454452.

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E.B. "Ibn Battûta". Encyclopédie berbère, n. 23 (1 ottobre 2000): 3599–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.1627.

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Camps, G. "Ibn Khaldoun". Encyclopédie berbère, n. 23 (1 ottobre 2000): 3600–3604. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.1628.

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E.B. "Ibn Toumart". Encyclopédie berbère, n. 23 (1 ottobre 2000): 3604–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.1629.

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Ibrahim, Zakyi. "Ibn Hazm". American Journal of Islam and Society 30, n. 2 (1 aprile 2013): i—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1129.

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As one of history’s most prolific Muslim writers, the theologian and jurist IbnHazm (d. 1064) had a remarkably successful intellectual career. Scholars continueto argue over him, perhaps due to his own diverse perspectives, potentials,and achievements. I consider his multiple achievements, notwithstandingany deserved negative impressions, a cause for celebrating this intellectualgiant. Consequently, it is appropriate that he be profiled here. While this formatmay be restrictive, I hope to pursue some specific aspects in subsequent editorialsto paint a more comprehensive and coherent picture of this multifacetedscholar. Charles Pellat, in his article on “Ibn îazm al-Andalus¥” writes:“Ab´ Muúammad ‘Al¥ ibn Aúmad ibn Sa‘¥d ibn îazm, a poet, man-of-letters,historian, polemist, juriconsult, theologian, logician, metaphysician, and psychologist,was certainly one of the most refined and productive representativesof the Arab culture in Spain.” ..

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Miharja, Nurhidayahti Mohammad. "Ibn Khaldun". American Journal of Islam and Society 31, n. 3 (1 luglio 2014): 143–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i3.1064.

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Syed Farid Alatas’ Ibn Khaldun is a welcome addition to an emerging Khalduniansociology. It represents one of the few socio-historical studies of histhought that pays attention to this North African thinker’s historical milieuand life. Regarded by many scholars as a precursor of sociology, Ibn Khaldun(1332-1406) is also known for his contributions to the philosophy of history.His pioneering work, Kitāb al-‘Ibar, is more than just a historical account ofthe Arabs and Berbers. Popularly known as the Universal History, it containsthe important Muqaddimah (Prolegomenon) that details his “science of humansociety” (‘ilm al-ijtimā‘ al-insānī) or “science of human social organization”(‘ilm al-‘umrān al-basharī).This six-chapter book opens with “Ibn Khaldun’s Autobiography and HisCharacter,” which outlines his life and presents other biographies that providethe socio-intellectual context of his thought. The second chapter, “Ibn Khaldun’sScience of Society,” focuses on his founding of the science of humansociety and is followed by “Ibn Khaldun on Education and Knowledge,”which examines his modern educationist views of pedagogy and knowledgein terms of its social, political, and economic aspects. Alatas shows that IbnKhaldun’s perspective on education, as seen through the various lenses of historyand sociology, was refreshingly different from the then dominant perspectivesof philosophers, theologians, moralists, and jurists.The ensuing chapter, “The Reception of Ibn Khaldun,” situates him in theevolution of Islamic thought and contemporary social sciences, whereas thetwo final chapters, “The Significance of Ibn Khaldun for the Modern SocialSciences” and “Further Reading and Works Cited,” encapsulate Alatas’ suggestionsfor developing a Khaldunian sociology and include a list of furtherreadings, alongside discussions on works ranging from Ibn Khaldun’s biographyto critiques of his methodology.In the introductory chapter, which provides the context for the formationof Ibn Khaldun’s thought, readers are better able to appreciate his empiricallyoriented scholarship. Embedded in the politically fragmented Maghrebian society,his political career as a judge and government official required him toshift his political loyalties consistently. This played a determining role in developinghis ideas on how states rise and decline. Alatas highlights Ibn Khaldun’spolitical involvement as instrumental in his systematic uncovering of theflaws in existing historical works. Ibn Khaldun himself identifies seven causal ...

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Tanenbaum, Adena. "Ibn Gabirol". Journal of Jewish Studies 41, n. 2 (1 ottobre 1990): 276–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1560/jjs-1990.

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Cheddadi, Abdesselam. "Ibn Khaldūn". Prospects 24, n. 1-2 (marzo 1994): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02199003.

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SINDAWI, Khalid. "Jesus and Ḥusayn Ibn 'Alī Ibn 'Abū Ṭālib". Ancient Near Eastern Studies 44 (31 dicembre 2007): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/anes.44.0.2022825.

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Mat Idris, Mohd Faiz Hakimi bin, Ishak bin Suliaman, Ahmad Zahid bin Salleh, Sofyuddin bin Yusof, Abdillah Hisham bin Abdul Wahab e Mohd A’Tarahim bin Mohd Razali. "Al-Asha‘irah: Faktor Perkembangan dan Metodologi Argumentasinya [Al-Asha'irah: Developmental Factors and Methodology of Argument]". Jurnal Islam dan Masyarakat Kontemporari 11 (1 ottobre 2015): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/jimk.2015.11.3.141.

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This paper aims to trace the history of how al-Asha‘irah emerged, factors that contributed to its development, prominent figures in this stream, and the stream’s method of proving with dalil (reasoning based on analogy). This stream was founded by ‘Ali Ibn Isma‘il Ibn Ishaq Ibn Salim Ibn Isma‘il Ibn ‘Abd Allah Ibn Musa Ibn Bilal Ibn Abi Burdah Ibn Abi Musa al-Ash‘ari. The stream employed two methods of proving with dalil. They referred to naqli dalil, which refers to the Quran and hadith, and they employed sensible dalil to strenghten the reasoning obtained from the Quran and hadith. Keywords: Al- Asha‘irah, methodology, school of thought. Artikel ini bertujuan melakukan sorotan tentang sejarah kemunculan aliran al-Asha‘irah, faktor-faktor yang menyumbang kepada perkembangannya, tokoh-tokoh aliran ini serta metodologi pendalilannya. Aliran ini diasaskan oleh ‘Ali Ibn Isma‘il Ibn Ishaq Ibn Salim Ibn Isma‘il Ibn ‘Abd Allah Ibn Musa Ibn Bilal Ibn Abi Burdah Ibn Abi Musa al-Ash‘ari. Aliran ini menggunakan dua metodologi pendalilan iaitu dalil naqli dengan merujuk kepada al-Qur’an dan hadith, dan penggunaan dalil akal bagi memperkuatkan pendalilan yang diambil dari al-Qur’an dan hadit. Kata kunci: Al- Asha‘irah, metodologi, aliran pemikiran, argumentasi

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Bozkurt, Birgül. "Muhyiddin İbn Arabî ve Abdulhak İbn Seb‘in’in Vahdet Anlayışlarının Mukayesesi". Journal of The Near East University Islamic Research Center 6, n. 2 (25 dicembre 2020): 311–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32955/neu.istem.2020.6.2.01.

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In this article, the idea of unity of two great Andalusian thinkers Muhyiddin Ibn Arabî (d.1240) and Abdulhaq Ibn Sab‘în (d. 1270) were compared. Ibn Arabî was born in 1165 Ibn Sab‘în was also born in 1217 in Murcia. Ibn Sab‘în was influenced by Ibn Arabî in numerous issues, both two thinkers growing up in the same cultural environment. Ibn Arabî and Ibn Sab‘în defended the idea of unity in their philosophy but they were separated in the content of this understanding. While Ibn Arabî’s thought of unity was named as “wahdat al-wujûd” (unity of being), Ibn Sab‘în called his thought of unity as “wahdat al-mutlaqa” (absolute unity). Ibn Arabî’s thought of wahdat al-wujûd has a more comprehensive and profound feature, Ibn Sab‘în’s thought of wahdat al-mutlaqa has a modest structure. In Ibn Arabî’s thought Allah (God) is manifested in beings with his attributes and names. The realization of this manifestation takes place at various levels. On the contrary the formation and manifestation of beings does not exist in Ibn Sab‘în. He accepts only Allah as being and contributes the truth only to Allah. Ibn Sab‘în took Ibn Arabî’s thought to an advanced level with his notion of wahdat al-mutlaqa.

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Çelik, Ali. "İbn Sa‘d’ın Hadisçiliği". Bingöl Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 7, n. 13 (30 aprile 2017): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.29029/busbed.310595.

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Macierowski, E. M. "Ibn Rushd’s Metaphysics". Ancient Philosophy 9, n. 1 (1989): 144–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil19899137.

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Kurbanova, Dilshadkhan. "KUTAYBA IBN MUSLIM." Theoretical & Applied Science 86, n. 06 (30 giugno 2020): 310–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15863/tas.2020.06.86.59.

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Benhima, Yassir, e Pierre Guichard. "Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr". Bulletin d’études orientales, n. 66 (1 aprile 2018): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/beo.5467.

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Khelifa, A. "‘Oqba (ibn Nâfi‘)". Encyclopédie berbère, n. 35 (1 giugno 2013): 5789. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.2819.

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Sarrafzadeh, Asita S., Nuri Sarafian, Almut von Gladiss, Andreas W. Unterberg e Wolfgang R. Lanksch. "Ibn Sina (Avicenna)". Neurosurgical Focus 11, n. 2 (agosto 2001): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/foc.2001.11.2.6.

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Ibn Sina (often known by his last name in Latin, Avicenna; 980–1037 A.D.) was the most famous physician and philosopher of his time. His Canon of Medicine, one of the most famous books in the history of medicine, surveyed the entire medical knowledge available from ancient and Muslim sources and provided his own contributions. In this article the authors present a unique picture of the neurosurgical technique of Ibn Sina and briefly summarize his life and work.

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SEKMAN, Aziz. "İBN RÜŞD’ÜN EPİSTEMOLOJİSİ". İnönü Üniversitesi Kültür ve Sanat Dergisi 4, n. 2 (26 dicembre 2018): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22252/ijca.529478.

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Poonawala, Ismail K. "Ibn Taymiyyah’s Ethics". American Journal of Islam and Society 3, n. 1 (1 settembre 1986): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2764.

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Except for the works of the French scholar Henri Laoust and a recent studyby Muhammad Umar Memon, Ibn Taimiya's Struggle against Popular Religion(The Hague and Paris: Mouton, 1976), very few studies of the thought of IbnTaimiya have appeared in English. Makari’s work is therefore a welcome additionto this meager list. Its main contribution lies in dispelling some of themisunderstanding that has all along bedevilled a true appraisal of the thoughtof the Hanbalite doctor.It is unfortunate that some bright and bold spirits of Islam, such as thecelebrated Hanbali doctor and theologian Ibn Taimiya, have remainedmisunderstood not only in the West but also among the Muslims themselves.A good part of the musunderstanding stems no doubt from the fact that formost of his life Ibn Taimiya managed to remain a quite controversial figure.A substantial part of the misunderstanding results from the close associationof his name with the Wahhabi movement which erupted violently towardthe end of the eighteenth century. Muhammad b. Abd al-Wahhab, the founderof the Wahhabi movement, was certainly influenced by Ibn Taimiya and hiswritings, especially in his bitter denunciation of the Sufi rituals, tomb worship,and the cult of saints, and no less in his moral and puritanical activism.In their scrupulous observance of the word of the Qur’an and the sunnu, indeedboth Ibn Taimiya and the Wahhabis resemble each other closely. Justas Ibn Taimiya had led bands of people in raids against the local taverns andshrines, the Wahhabis in their time, too, razed tombs and sacked the holy cities.A distinction must be made, however, between the two. While the Wahhabisrepresent a religio-political movement, Ibn Taimiya was concerned, mainly,with reforming Islam and with reinculcating a positive attitude toward thisworld. He never condemned Sufism per se; rather, his criticism was directedagainst what he defined as inadmissible deviations in doctrine, ritual, andmorals. He has, moreover, left behind a vast legacy of writing. A close scrutinyof his works reveals him as a man of unrelenting intellectual conviction. Heused his uncommon erudition to criticize and reject most of the commonly ...

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JANSSENS, Jules. "Ibn Sīnā’s Aristotle". Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge, n. 3 (31 marzo 2018): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v0i3.10773.

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Ibn Sīnā’s reading of Aristotle is that of an Arabic and Neoplatonized Aristotle, but, above all, critical, as the two commentaries of his Kitāb al-Insāf, i.e., on Lambda 6-10 and the pseudo-Theology, show. Ibn Sīnā read Aristotle’s works only in Arabic translation and was therefore influenced by their very wording. However, as his commentary on Lambda 6-10 shows, he looked at different translations, or even indirect testimonies, as e.g. Themistius’ paraphrase. Moreover, Ibn Sīnā offers a Neoplatonic inspired interpretation of Aristotle’s metaphysics, especially its theology. Such Neoplatonic reading is almost natural if one, as he does, considers the Theology, which mainly offers a paraphrase of Plotinus’ Enneads IV-VI, as a genuine Aristotelian work, even if Ibn Sīnā suspects a manipulation of the text by dishonest people, in all likelihood some Isma‘ilites. Eventually, Ibn Sīnā, despite his great reference for Aristotle, detects some flaws in the latter’s thinking, or, at least, in its very wording. All in all, Ibn Sīnā reveals to be a critical commentator, who considered Aristotle as the father, or even Godfather, of philosophy, but who nevertheless placed the search for truth above all.

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DAVID, A. "Gedalia Ibn Yahia". Revue des Études Juives 153, n. 1 (1 gennaio 1994): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rej.153.1.2012636.

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DAVID, A. "Gedalia Ibn Yahia". Revue des Études Juives 154, n. 1 (1 luglio 1995): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rej.154.1.519430.

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Amr, Samir S., e Abdelghani Tbakhi. "Jabir ibn Hayyan". Annals of Saudi Medicine 27, n. 1 (gennaio 2007): 52–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5144/0256-4947.2007.53.

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Saidi, Farrokh. "Ibn Al-Nafis". Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 91, n. 9 (settembre 1998): 508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014107689809100931.

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Oaks Takacs, Axel M. "Rethinking Ibn ‘Arabi". Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 30, n. 1 (5 novembre 2018): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2018.1541618.

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Amr, SamirS, e Abdelghani Tbakhi. "Jabir ibn Hayyan". Annals of Saudi Medicine 27, n. 1 (2007): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/0256-4947.51533.

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Malkawi, Fathi Hasan. "Remembering Ibn Rushd". American Journal of Islam and Society 15, n. 2 (1 luglio 1998): vii—xi. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2175.

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This year is the 800th anniversary of Ibn Rushd's (1128-1198) death.Our editorial is dedicated to his memory as a great Muslim scholar. Hislegacy is one of the greatest contributions to human understanding andintellectual scholarship. The occasion deserves much more than an editorial.This issue reports on a conference celebrating Ibn Rushd'sachievements and later this year MISS will have a report on the seminarthat the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT) is organizing inAmman, Jordan, honoring his work. In this editorial I will try to clarifyIbn Rushd's place in Islamic Intellectual history and underscore his contributionsto the development of philosophical, theological, and scientificthought in the Muslim and Western worlds.Although Ibn Rushd has an important position in the Islamic intellectuallegacy, his contributions have not received due recognition in theMuslim world. Even among those who are aware of his works, to a greatextent, he has been misunderstood and misrepresented, and his positionhas undergone multiple distortions. We feel it is essential to understandhis work free of historical and contemporary ideological biases and distortionsin order to fully comprehend the problems and concerns thatmotivated Muslim scholars and provided the framework for Islamicthought. It is also important that we understand the reasons why he wasnot given the place he deserves in the Islamic heritage and why he isoften misinterpreted.Ibn Rushd was a great integrator of knowledge. He was a preeminentphysician and a prominent judge of his time. He was also a philosopherand theologian. His mastery of knowledge demonstrated two dimensions-he was both encyclopedic and specialist. In the areas of his specializations-medicine, jurisprudence, and philosophy-he was a masterwithout peer. Ibn Rushd had two outstanding qualities. He was extremelyintelligent and he was also extraordinarily just and fair in his approachto religion. It is important that we understand and appreciate his unprejudicedapproach to the study of religion. Indeed, it is one of his most distinctivequalities.Ibn Rushd was a committed Muslim and a very humble man. Thishumility manifests itself in his writings as well as in his methodology.His search for truth allowed him to explore all sources, including earlyGreek philosophers. He believed that we must examine all sources, even ...

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Feldman, Cláudio. "Salomon Ibn Gabirol". Arquivo Maaravi: Revista Digital de Estudos Judaicos da UFMG 13, n. 25 (30 novembre 2019): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1982-3053.13.25.264-267.

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al-Naqìb, Abd al-Rahmàn. "Avicenna (IBN Sìnà)". Prospects 23, n. 1-2 (marzo 1993): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02195025.

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Mohamed, Yasien. "Applying Ibn Khaldūn". American Journal of Islam and Society 36, n. 2 (15 aprile 2019): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v36i2.581.

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The intellectual legacy of Ibn Khaldūn is unique among Muslim historians, and yet he is not fully appreciated in the East. Many Muslim scholars—including Muhammad Abdullah Enan, Muhsin Mahdi, and Mahmoud Dhaoudi—have written about Ibn Khaldūn in English. Their treatment of him was either comparative or historical, but none presented his theory as a valid framework for sociological analysis today as Syed Farid Alatas does in his Applying Ibn Khaldūn.

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Safitri, Lis, Nurlaela Nurlaela, Ulul Huda, Kuntarto Kuntarto e Muhammad Riza Chamadi. "Pemikiran Pendidikan Ibn Tufail: Studi Atas Kitab Hay Ibn Yaqzan". Matan : Journal of Islam and Muslim Society 1, n. 1 (22 ottobre 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.matan.2019.1.1.1916.

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Abu Bakr ibn Tufail, known as great Islamic philosopher, meanwhile his education idea can be found in Hayy ibn Yaqzan, his magnum opus. He lived at the golden age of Andalusia in middle age, but his education idea appropriates as a contemporary teaching model. This paper has been written by analyzing and comparing Hayy ibn Yaqzan with contemporary teaching models. Ibn Tufail used rationality and intuition as a major source of human knowledge, both represent equal knowledge. His teaching model has the same characteristics as personal method teaching with a scientific approach. He hammered at the development of self creativity of problem-solving. Discovery method and inquiry methods used as his teaching method with neuro language program of metaphor and analyze case study as a technique of learning.

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Rashed, Roshdi. "IBN AL-HAYTHAM, IBN SĪNĀ, AL-ṬŪSĪ : ÉGALITÉ OU CONGRUENCE". Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 29, n. 2 (12 agosto 2019): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423919000018.

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AbstractAs their greek predecessors, mathematicians and arab-speaking philosophers raised several important epistemological questions. One of those questions concerns the concept of equality and the concept of congruence of geometric magnitudes. What was the meaning of such concepts? How were they related to the idea of movement? Answers to these questions were often combining metric elements and other, philosophical (topological) elements, and I chose to study those of a mathematician, of a philosopher, and of a mathematician-philosopher.

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Bozovic, Mihajlo. "The process of civilization in ibn Tufayl's Hayy ibn Yaqzan". Kom : casopis za religijske nauke 6, n. 3 (2017): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kom1702077b.

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Ali Yazid Hamdani. "Debut Politik Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahhab & Muhammad Ibn Saud". Ishlah: Jurnal Ilmu Ushuluddin, Adab dan Dakwah 1, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2019): 176–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32939/ishlah.v1i2.38.

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Pada pertengahan abad 18 tepatnya tahun 1746, kekuasaan baru Saudi Arabia berhasil dibentuk dan dimulai dengan dua orang yang berpengaruh yakni Muhammad Ibn Saud dan Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab. Melalui otoritas keagamaannya, kedua tokoh ini melalui beberapa gagasan-gagasannya yang terobsesi memurnikan syariat Islam dari perilaku bid’ah, khurafat, dan takhayul. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menelisik lebih jauh bagaimana pemikiran teologi Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahhab, kondisi sosial, ekonomi Arab Saudi, dan pengaruhnya dalam dunia perpolitikan hingga terbentuknya al-Mamlakah al-‘Arabiyyah al-Su’udiyyah? Penelitian ini menggunakan riset berbasis pustaka (library-based research), yaitu dengan mengumpulkan data sekaligus meneliti refrensi-refrensi terkait yang digunakan untuk memberikan gambaran yang dimaksud dengan mengacu pada tulisan-tulisan Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahhab sebagai sumber primer dan literatur-literatur lain yang berkaitan dengan objek penelitian sebagai sumber rujukan sekunder.

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Mirza, Younus Y. "Was Ibn Kathīr the ‘Spokesperson’ for Ibn Taymiyya? Jonah as a Prophet of Obedience". Journal of Qur'anic Studies 16, n. 1 (febbraio 2014): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2014.0130.

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Current scholarship views the Qur'anic exegesis of Ibn Kathīr as the product of the great Ibn Taymiyya. This paper argues that Ibn Kathīr had a distinct Qur'anic hermeneutic and exegesis to that of Ibn Taymiyya. While Ibn Taymiyya's engagements with the Qur'an were tied to theological refutations, Ibn Kathīr's exegesis is primarily a ḥadīth evaluation (takhrīj) which assessed the tradition-based exegesis that pre-dated him. Ibn Kathīr carefully sorts through the exegeses of al-Ṭabarī and Ibn Abī Ḥātim al-Rāzī to find authentic traditions that fit with his moral and ethical values. His exegesis further takes positions that are contrary to Ibn Taymiyya's. For instance, on the issue of the infallibility (ʿiṣma) of the prophets, Ibn Taymiyya argues that prophets sinned but did not persist in sin. Ibn Kathīr, in contrast, maintained that prophets were constantly aided by God and does not highlight their mistakes. Their different definitions are seen in their contrasting accounts of the Prophet Jonah: Ibn Taymiyya viewed Jonah's release from the whale as part of his repentance, while Ibn Kathīr saw it as part of his previous obedience.

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Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. "Feature ReviewsFondateurs et commentateurs: Banu Musa, Ibn Qurra, Ibn Sinan, al-Khazin, al-Quhi, Ibn al-Samh, Ibn Hud. Roshdi RashedIbn al-Haytham. Roshdi Rashed". Isis 89, n. 1 (marzo 1998): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/383928.

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den Heijer, Johannes. "The Martyrdom of Bifām Ibn Baqūra al-Ṣawwāf by Mawhūb ibn Manṣūr ibn Mufarrij and Its Fatimid Background". Medieval Encounters 21, n. 4-5 (1 dicembre 2015): 452–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342206.

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This paper discusses the primary Copto-Arabic literary source for the history of Fatimid Egypt, and indeed, for much of the history of Egypt in general: known as the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, it was compiled in Arabic in the late eleventh century ce on the basis of earlier, mostly Coptic sources, by the Alexandrian notable Mawhūb ibn Manṣūr ibn Mufarrij, who added original Arabic materials of his own. Later continuations were added by others, from late Fatimid times up to the twentieth century. The first part of the paper is an outline of the textual history of the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, its existing editions and their shortcomings, and the new critical edition that is now being prepared. This part also discusses the fundamentals of a meticulous method of textual criticism, close reading, and contextualization which should help to elucidate numerous problems of historic interpretation. In the subsequent sections of the paper, this same method is applied to a short text sample with an aim of, wherever possible, reconstructing Mawhūb’s original Arabic text, but also with the objective of illustrating how this late eleventh-century text may have been read by later generations. Finally, the freshly coined concept of “internal intertextuality” is employed to point to parallels with episodes that occur in the earlier parts of the Arabic History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, based on older Coptic sources. At the level of content, several new historical interpretations and corrections to older interpretations are offered. The text sample in question concerns the martyrdom of a young Copt, Bifām ibn Baqūra al-Ṣawwāf, during the imamate-caliphate of al-Mustanṣir Billāh (427/1036–487/1094). Throughout the paper, it is argued that narratives such as this, together with accounts of events belonging to the early Islamic period or even to pre-Islamic (Roman, Byzantine) history, are to be seen as emanating from the specific socio-cultural environment of the Coptic urban elite of the mid-Fatimid period.

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Opwis, Felicitas. "The Construction of Madhhab Authority: Ibn Taymiyya's Interpretation of Juristic Preference (Istihsān)". Islamic Law and Society 15, n. 2 (2008): 219–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851908x290592.

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AbstractThis essay analyzes Ibn Taymiyya's discussion of juristic preference (istihsān) as a valid method of law-finding. Ibn Taymiyya rejects the interpretation of leading Hanbalīs of juristic preference as contrary to analogy and explains it instead as specification of the ratio legis (takhsīs al-'illa). His changed understanding of juristic preference leads him to re-interpret several of Ibn Hanbal's rulings that are based on this legal principle. How Ibn Taymiyya does this is illustrated with Ibn Hanbal's ruling on usurpation of agricultural land. Ibn Taymiyya does not question the actual ruling but rather rejects the rationalization adduced for it by previous Hanbalīs, such as Abū Ya'lā and Ibn 'Aqīl. By attributing his own position to Ibn Hanbal, Ibn Taymiyya undermines the authority of earlier prominent Hanbalīs, increases the authority of the eponym of the school, and enhances his own position as the living heir of Ibn Hanbal.

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Nasri, Hani. "The “Mystic” and Society According to Ibn Bajjah and Ibn Tufayl". International Philosophical Quarterly 26, n. 3 (1986): 223–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq198626328.

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Heath, Peter, e Lawrence I. Conrad. "The World of Ibn Ṭufayl: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān". Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, n. 3 (luglio 1998): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606075.

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Al-Maliki, Hinda. "Ibn Rušd vu par une source historique arabe : Ibn Abī Uṣaybi‘a". Bulletin d’études orientales, Tome LVII (1 gennaio 2008): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/beo.134.

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Arslan, Halil. "Arap-İslam Medeniyetinde Entelektüeller İbn Hanbel Mihnesi & İbn Rüsd Çilesi". Bilimname 2019, n. 38 (31 ottobre 2019): 883–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.28949/bilimname.558767.

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Gökhan GÖLÇEK, Ali. "İBN HALDUN VE SERBEST PİYASA FİKRİ: İBN TEYMİYYE VE GAZALİ'DEN KANITLAR". Journal of Academic Social Sciences 57, n. 57 (1 gennaio 2017): 576–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.16992/asos.12954.

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Michel, Alain. "GÉOMÉTRIE ET PHILOSOPHIE: DE THĀBIT IBN QURRA À IBN AL-HAYTHAM". Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 13, n. 2 (settembre 2003): 311–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095742390300314x.

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Gomes, Maria Joana. "From Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Mūsa al-Rāzī to Mouro Rasis". Philological Encounters 2, n. 1-2 (9 gennaio 2017): 52–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-00000020.

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Medieval Iberia was one of the most important places of cultural interaction and transcultural encounters within the Mediterranean space, where an extensive translation movement from Arabic into Latin and from Arabic into the emerging vernacular languages took place. Considering translation as a form of cultural interaction, this paper will investigate the cultural and philological relationships between two historical works, namely an earlier Arabic work of history,Akhbār Mulūk al-Andalusby Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Mūsa al-Rāzī (887-955ad) and its 14th century Portuguese translation,Cronica do Mouro Razis. The aim is to highlight some of the problems of historiographical writing and try to understand both the limitations and interventions of the translators when dealing with an historical text pertaining to another linguistic and cultural tradition.

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