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1
Davidson, Jamie Seth. "Violence and politics in West Kalimantan, Indonesia". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10787.
Testo completo
2
Sobandi, Khairu Roojiqien. "Symbolic politics and the Acehnese ethnic war in Indonesia". Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1939351941&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Testo completo
3
Indraneel, Datta. "Parliamentary politics in Soeharto's Indonesia". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525481.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Prevailing perspectives on the role of the Indonesian Parliament (DPRlMPR) under President Soeharto's New Order deride it as a politically quiescent institution that had insignificant influence over policy-making. Indeed, approaches that evaluate the legitimacy and effectiveness of legislatures in terms of regularly held free and fair elections and the ability of parliamentarians to initiate or reject legislation will find scant evidence that the Indonesian parliament has played a significant role under Soeharto. From this conventional perspective, the DPR was politically insignificant, save, perhaps, as one of several instruments available to the authoritarian regime to legitimate its rule. Yet a closer look at the history of the New Order casts serious doubts over the notion of a placid legislature where nothing of substance ever took place. For example, the DPR was key in enabling Soeharto to become lawfully President in 1967, and was again instrumental in May 1998 by compelling the dictator to resign from office. This thesis examines the apparent paradox, and makes two clusters of arguments. The first cluster addresses the broad concerns of students of political systems, in particular authoritarianism, and makes two main points. First, there was far more political activity within the DPRlMPR under Soeharto than commonly assumed, especially in the final decade of his rule that is the focus of this study. Secondly, a close scrutiny of the Indonesian parliament demonstrates that the 'authoritarian' New Order underwent some important changes throughout its 32 years. In a nutshell, the New Order degenerated from collusion between capitalists, the military and the bureaucracy into 'monarchical' personal rule, losing some of its modem structures and much of the credibility of its claim to favour democracy. To use the terms coined by Max Weber and subsequently adapted by Juan Linz to the study of contemporary politics of transition, Soeharto's regime developed over the years from a bureaucratic-military authoritarian regime to one with strong 'sultanistic' features. A sultanistic regime is one that involves an increasingly discretionary use of the powers that have been usurped by the ruler. The second cluster of argument adds to scholarship on Indonesia in three respects. First, the factionalism among elites under Soeharto is shown to be far more complex than conventional views that have usually focussed on the Armed Forces to the relative neglect of civilian factionalism. The evidence also indicates that factional lines straddle the civil-military divide. Therefore, it is a false dichotomy to distinguish between civil and military factionalism since the two are inextricably intertwined. Examples of such alliances are discussed in chapters three and four. Secondly, a case is made about periodisation, and the accuracy of commonly accepted milestones in the last decade of the New Order. Again, the evidence gathered in this study points to some anachronisms regarding Indonesia's "Islamic tum," the political clout of the armed forces as an institution, and the cohesiveness of Soeharto's alleged 'inner circle'. The importance of pinpointing the origins of Soeharto' s cultivation of an Islamic middle class basis of support at the expense of the armed forces as an institution sheds considerable light on the balance of power between the officers and the palace, and in particular the validity of describing the New Order as a military dictatorship, as was commonly accepted in the late 1980s. The question of the New Order's 'Islamisation' is discussed in depth in chapter three. The third point examines the limit to Soeharto's sultanistic strategy. It is argued that the shift to absolutist rule, while undermining the logic of the bureaucratic-military authoritarian regime did not provide an alternative that accommodated the interests of powerful elites. Instead, it was perceived as threatening the long-term interests of key factions within both the political Islamic civilian elites and the military. Sultanism ushered unpredictability in the recruitment of elites and in the dispensation of patronage, and threatened the interests of the armed forces as an institution. It gradually alienated these crucial groups, paving the way for an unlikely tactical alliance between Armed Forces commander-in-chief General Wiranto and vice-president Habibie. The origins of this internal realignment in the regime are discussed in detail in chapters four and five. Chapter six brings this study into the final months of the New Order, and examines the background to the critical role played by the parliamentary institutions in giving Soeharto his coup de grace, when the DPR Speaker Harmoko called on the President to resign on 18 May 1998, three days before Soeharto stepped down. We conclude by highlighting the continuities between parliament under the New Order and in the Post-Soeharto era, and assessing the likely role of parliament in Indonesia's democratization.
4
Rifai, Nurlena. "Muslim women in Indonesia's politics : an historical examination of the political career of Aisyah Aminy". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69679.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis deals with the political participation of Muslim women since the colonial period into the New Order period. It is a study of the Indonesian women's movement in its different trends: the roles of women in gaining and defending Indonesian independence as well as in Indonesia's politics in the Liberal Democracy, Guided Democracy, and New Order periods. It investigates the reasons for the relatively limited participation of women in politics. This low level of political participation is indicated by the ratio of women membership in the House of People's Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), in the Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), and in the central boards of political organizations. This thesis also focuses on the political career and discourse of Aisyah Aminy, and examines her involvement as a case study. The prominence of Aisyah Aminy lies in her ability to transcend the barriers which usually obstruct Muslim women from getting involved in politics.
5
Djani, Luky. "Reform movements and local politics in Indonesia". Thesis, Djani, Luky (2013) Reform movements and local politics in Indonesia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2013. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/41576/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyses the factors that have shaped conflicts over corruption in post-Suharto Indonesia and the processes by which corruption has been contained or entrenched. Contrary to mainstream theories it is argued here that institutional reforms in themselves are not sufficient factors in transforming behaviour or incentives for corruption. Most important, democratic reforms and decentralization programs introduced in the aftermath of the political reformasi do not in themselves results either in the containment of corruption or its continued entrenchment. Nor, it is proposed, institutional reforms in public administration and governance the decisive factors.
Rather, it is argued here that the success or failure of reformist movements is contingent upon a range of factors that influence the relative power of contending alliances involved in the conflicts over corruption. Among these factors, it is argued that the following are critical. One is the degree to which interests and coalitions that dominate government are able to secure a degree of monopoly over access to resources and revenues. This can provide decisive economic and political leverage in their attempts to protect predatory forms of authority against reformers. A second factor is related to the way such interests distribute public resources and budgetary expenditure and how effectively these consolidate social and political support. The third factor is related to the ability of reformers to build political alliances and coalitions. These may not always include opponents of corruption or the institutions of clientalism but may include some of those currently excluded from the existing benefits of corruption.
Using four case studies, the thesis examines how these factors influence the resolution of specific conflicts between reformers and incumbents. The four cases are selected to represent different ways in which elites are able to exert control over resources and how they distribute them as well as different patterns of reformist alliances. In other words, the thesis presents an argument that corruption reform is decided, not in the design and construction of institutions but in the context of constant struggles over power and how it is organised and resources are distributed.
6
Juliawan, Benedictus Hari. "Playing politics : labour movements in post-authoritarian Indonesia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7d799e4-5a32-4bb3-81fb-76578c78c07f.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since the collapse of the New Order regime in 1998, democratisation and economic liberalisation have combined to create both opportunities and constraints for the revival of organised labour in Indonesia. The picture of post-authoritarian labour movements painted by various scholars is almost universally bleak, portraying helpless trade unions in the face of economic impasse and the undemocratic remnants of the old forces. Being overtly cautious of the new democracy, this line of analysis has not done justice to Indonesian labour movements. It overestimates the ghost of the old dictatorship and underestimates the power of budding organised labour. Using trade union as the unit of analysis, this dissertation seeks to offer a different view of Indonesian labour movements. It looks at shifting political opportunities in the regions and the agency of trade unions which constitute a political force that is far from being consolidated but has certainly made a significant contribution to the broadening of democratic politics. In negotiating pressures that originate from an increasingly liberalised economy, trade unions have adopted a strategy which is called „playing politics‟ in this dissertation. The term means that in the absence of significant market power, trade unions enter into the realm of power politics primarily by organising labour as social movements and attempt to ally with political elites, exploit the conflicts that emerge within state institutions and between the state and business, and try to join the ruling classes. In developing this argument, this dissertation makes two contributions to the study of labour politics in Indonesia: its reassessment of the historiography of the first ten years of post-authoritarianism and its offer of insights into possible future directions of labour politics.
7
Muluk, Safrul. "The Indonesian army and political Islam : a political encounter 1966-1977". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33307.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.
8
Prasetyawan, Wahyu. "Politics of regional autonomy and business : political economy in decentralizing Indonesia, 1998-2004". 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/144267.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Kyoto University (京都大学)0048
新制・課程博士
博士(地域研究)
甲第12430号
地博第29号
新制||地||10(附属図書館)
24266
UT51-2006-J421
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻
(主査)教授 水野 廣祐, 教授 濱下 武志, 助教授 パトリシオ・ヌネズ・アビナウレス
学位規則第4条第1項該当
9
Mundayat, Aris Arif, e risrif@yahoo com au. "Ritual and politics in new order Indonesia : a study of discourse and counter-discourse in Indonesia". Swinburne University of Technology, 2005. http://adt.lib.swin.edu.au./public/adt-VSWT20051129.093517.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis will examine the more active role played in Java by the urban wong cilik (the underclass; literally, the 'little people') in contesting the state�s authority,
particularly during the later years of the New Order regime, and following its demise in
1998. I will provide examples of social practices employed by the wong cilik in their
everyday lives and in their adaptation to periods of significant social and political
upheaval. These demonstrate the ways in which they are able to contest the state�s efforts
to impose its authority. These practices also develop and employ a variety of subversive
discourses, whose categories and values diverge significantly from the official language
of government. The examination of the relative linguistic, cultural and normative
autonomy of the seemingly powerless underclass reveals an extremely contested political
terrain in which the wong cilik are active rather than passive agents in urban society.
These ideas have developed out of urban field research sited around warungs
(sidewalk food stalls), urban kampongs and in the city streets of the three Javanese cities
of Yogyakarta, Surabaya, and Jakarta. These urban social spaces will be shown to be
significant for the underclass because they constitute sites through which they constantly
interact with diverse social groups, thereby sharpening their knowledge of the
contradictions and feelings of otherness manifest between the classes in Java�s large
cities. It will be shown how, in these spaces, the underclass also experience the state�s
attempts at control through various officially sanctioned projects and how the underclass
are able to subvert those projects through expressive means such as songs, poems and
forms of mockery which combine to make the state�s dominant discourses lose much of
their efficacy.
10
Suh, Jiwon. "The Politics of Transitional Justice in Post-Suharto Indonesia". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343450141.
Testo completo
11
Hellman, Jörgen. "Performing the nation : cultural politics in New Order Indonesia /". Copenhagen : NIAS Press, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39186336q.
Testo completo
12
Anderson, Mark A., e Marc Costain. "The banality of Islamist politics". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1179.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Approved For Public Release; Distribution is UnlimitedPolitical Islam has emerged as an unambiguous threat to liberal and Western-leaning regimes throughout the world. Public discourse has focused on the Islamic nature of this challenge, emphasizing the cultural characteristics of the threat. In contrast, this thesis argues that Political Islam is essentially a political challenge. Further, states can and do dictate the political space available to Islamists. In order to illustrate this argument, Indonesia and Algeria serve as case studies. These two culturally, economically and ethnically diverse nations share a predominance of Muslim adherents. Each nation has struggled with Political Islam. Yet, the consequences of state policy have profoundly differed. Recent innovations in political science theory are employed to provide a uniform structure of comparison between the two case studies. The thesis concludes that states make a choice whether to play offense or defense against their political opposition. When states choose the offensive, using targeted, preemptive repression to subsume the political space, they are successful. When states choose the defensive, using indiscriminate, reactive repression to foreclose political space, they are failures. This thesis implies that states, far from being hapless victims of fervently religious movements, can exercise a broad array of policy options to compete with Political Islam.
Major, United States Marine Corps
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
13
Yawnghwe, Chao-Tzang. "The politics of authoritarianism : the state and political soldiers in Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq25192.pdf.
Testo completo
14
Asyari, Suaidi. "The role of Muslim groups in contemporary Indonesian nationalism : a study of the Nahdlatul Ulama under the new order, 1980s-1990s". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29812.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the role played by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Islamic organization established by K. H. Hasjim Asj'ari in 1926, in the development of Indonesian nationalism, elaborating in particular on its activities under the New Order (1980s and 1990s) after it implemented the Pancasila as the sole foundation for all political parties, social and mass organizations. As the largest Muslim traditionalist organization in Indonesia, the NU was originally founded to protect and promote the interests of Muslim traditionalists, who loyally followed the school of Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. The doctrines of the latter school are shown here to have largely influenced the organization's dealings both culturally, religiously and politically.In order to fully understand the NUs view of Indonesian nationalism, this thesis examines the three phases of Indonesian nationalism, beginning with the rise of this organization, its involvement in the formation of the Indonesian state and its ideology, and the period after the country stipulated the sole foundation of Pancasila. It is from these three phases of Indonesian nationalism that this thesis shows the significance role played by the NU during the 1980s and 1990s. The NUs example in accepting the Pancasila as its sole basis served as an inspiration to other social and mass organizations in the country and represented one of its major contributions to the nation's welfare.
15
Truna, Dody S. "Islam and politics under the 'new order' government in Indonesia, 1966-1990". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=56901.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The 'New Order' government, under President Suharto's leadership, has undertaken different initiatives in the face of both 'political' Islam and 'religious' Islam in Indonesia. Since coming into power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over 'political' Islam; on the other hand, its attitude towards 'religious' Islam has generally been tolerant and even supportive. The result has been a considerable weakening of Islamic political forces but a rapidly developing 'religious' Islam. This reality has forced the present-day generation of Indonesian Muslim thinkers to take an approach which is different from that of the previous generation in responding to the government's policies towards Islam. Unlike their predecessors, some of whom had too ideological and formalistic a conception of an Islamic state, the present Muslim thinkers take an approach which is for the most part politically non-partisan. There has been a growing tendency among them to denounce the efficacy of Islamic political parties. They see that the realization of an Islamic community and the well-being of the ummah will come about not through exclusive and uncompromising political actions but through socioeconomic and cultural means and the ability to be less exclusive and willing to work with those who share different ideas. As a result of efforts along these lines, the relationship between the Muslim community and the government has improved substantially. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether or not this developing 'religious' Islam will, at some future date, be transformed into a powerful 'political' Islam.
16
Tyson, Adam Dean. "The politics of decentralisation and indigenous revivalism in Sulawesi, Indonesia". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2008. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/964/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The political transition in May 1998 set the stage for the passing of Indonesia's framework decentralisation laws (numbers 22 and 25 of 1999). These laws include both political and technocratic efforts to devolve authority from the centre (Jakarta) to the peripheries. Contrary to expectations, enhanced public participation often takes the form of indigenous (adat) revivalism, a highly contested and contingent process linked to intensified political struggles and conflicts throughout the archipelago. This thesis considers the ways in which decentralisation and adat revivalism intersect by foregrounding specific, localised struggles for rights and recognition in Sulawesi,, eastern Indonesia. Year-long research for this thesis was conducted at national, provincial, and local levels, with an emphasis on case studies from the districts of Bulukumba, East Luwu, Gowa, Majene, North Luwu, Palopo, and Tana Toraja. The core chapters of this thesis suggest that the innate, primordial givens of indigenous communities are being selectively drawn upon, finely-tuned, and exemplified in the search for political rights and recognition. It is argued, therefore, that village communities are increasingly engaged in a process of "becoming indigenous, " a process largely driven, instrumentalised, and distorted by external actors such as NGO activists and legal advocates. Local disputes increasingly derive from the primary, exigent right of recognition, and then extend to remedial rights including customary tenure, resource entitlement, and the right to return to antedated systems of governance. In the era of decentralisation there is no unified, grand procedural strategy for dealing with the political challenges posed by adat revivalism. In response to the devolution of authority from Jakarta to the peripheries, however, the political contours of conflict mediation and dispute resolution are being reconfigured, and the roles of all protagonists are evolving (or regressing) accordingly.
17
Syakhroza, Akhmad. "Influence of politics on the budgeting process : a study of the fertiliser manufacturing industry in Indonesia". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1043.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study investigates the influence of politics on the budgeting process within the fertiliser manufacturing industry in Indonesia. Prior budgeting studies have focused on one of the following three theoretical frameworks - economic, psychological, and social. This study expands the research corpus by assessing the effect of politics on the budgeting process. The objectives of this study arc: (a) to investigate the effect of politics in the relationship between managerial roles and budgeting process – budgetary participation, budgetary communication, and budgetary control including budgetary monitoring and budgetary evaluation, and (b) to assess the impact of structural and individual power on the budgeting process. The study uses a mixed research methodology survey method supplemented by interviews. The survey questionnaire is adapted from previous studies. The sample for this study consists of four fertiliser-manufacturing enterprises in the state owned sector of Indonesia. The respondents of the survey questionnaire were middle managers responsible for unit budgets in the sample companies. Respondents were asked to rate on a seven-point scale their agreement or disagreement with issues concerning the budgeting process, managerial roles and politics. Survey interviews, based on the questionnaire, were developed for a select group of respondents, consisting of middle and senior managers. The results of the study, both survey questionnaire and interviews, indicate that politics has significant influence on the budgeting process. Further, it showed that the influence appeared different, depending whether structural or individual power is involved. The major implications of this study centre on the strong moderating effect of politics on the relationship between the budgeting process and managerial roles: this seems to be a relevant construct and should be developed further. Hopefully, the study will advance the thinking of scholars in this area and create interest in replicating this method of analysis and validating the findings. The conceptual model should also be applied to the role of politics on the budgeting process in other industries to assess the external validity of the model.
18
Leiliyanti, Eva. "Representation and symbolic politics in Indonesia : an analysis of billboard advertising in the legislative assembly elections of 2009". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/684.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The overarching characteristic of the 2009 legislative elections lay in the legislative candidates’ politics of image. It stemmed from the amendment to the election Law no. 10/2008 article 214 that ostensibly cut off the parties’ power in determining their candidates without the public’s “direct” consent. The public was then given a direct opportunity to choose and vote for their preferred candidates in the 2009 elections. This marked the emergence and proliferation of the candidates’ image construction, especially in the “outdoor” political arena. Billboards were chosen as the most effective outdoor advertising medium to introduce the candidates and propagate their slogans and platforms. However, at the same time, this mode of introducing and propagating reveals itself as an ideological map that demonstrates the contestation and synthesis of the two major ideological camps in the Indonesian political arena, i.e. the nationalist and Islamic. The candidates were coopted into and by this framework. They themselves could not escape as their political dispositions were unconsciously defined by this framework. Their billboards speak loudly the ideological contestation and synthesis.
The investigation of the contestation and synthesis needs Bourdieuan analytical tools, such as capital, dispositions (habitus) and field. These are used not merely to show how the mechanism of the contestation and synthesis operated and was defined by the rules of political “game”, but also to show how this mechanism involves the intricate inter-relationships of various capitals, such as the political, social, economic, cultural and symbolic, that reflect the candidates’ (read also: the parties’) dispositions within the field of Pancasila discourse. Pancasila becomes not only an ideological basis for the state but also the bastion of the contestation and synthesis. The twin roles arguably derive from the dominant cultural root (Javanese) that highly values the concepts of harmony, tolerance and appropriateness as the essences that allow the ideological contestation and synthesis of the nationalist and Islamic strands as the dominant ideological markers in the Indonesian political arena.
This thesis aims to demonstrate how the candidates’ billboards represent ideological contestation and synthesis as the billboards can also be perceived as the candidates’ visual “responses” which reflect their political dispositions and the process of taking stances amidst the contestation and synthesis. Therefore, this study was conducted in the form of a layered case study. Using a Bourdieuan lens, the first layer explores the historical background of the contestation and synthesis, their proliferation in the political arena and the mechanism of deploying these strands in the political parties’ branding. Using a social semiotic lens, the second layer investigates how the billboards as the products of the candidates’ political articulation represent not only these contestations and syntheses but also their dispositions. I found that the system of representation (on the candidates’ billboards) operates within the Javanese ideals of “equilibrium” in Pancasila discourse. These ideals frame the power relations between the nationalist and Islamic factions in an ostensible “consensus” in order to maintain the harmony and dilute ideological friction.
19
Hicks, Jacqueline. "The politics of wealth distribution in post-Soeharto Indonesia : political power, corruption and institutional change". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1040/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the processes through which the redistribution of political and economic power is taking place in post-Soeharto Indonesia. In order to do this, patterns of `grand' corruption between the business community and the state are explored in three sites: the allocation of government contracts, the interaction between business associations and the state, and the negotiations over the repayment of debt. It is found that corruption has become more widely dispersed with the inclusion of new state actors and that the basis of allocation has moved away from the political influence of the Soeharto-era towards the more uncomplicated power of money. It is proposed that the conventional arguments which either invest institutions with the sole responsibility for limiting corruption or alternatively view them as completely irrelevant to the real exercise of power are both flawed. Rather, it is argued in this thesis that institutional change does indeed affect patterns of corruption, freezing out some participants, introducing others and defining new sites of corrupt exchange. The significance of such an analysis lies in the idea that corruption can never be destroyed but rather it is controlled through alterations of its character. Thus, any attempts to limit corruption must be grounded in such an analysis of its particular character. It is found that corruption has become more widely dispersed with the inclusion of new state actors and that the basis of allocation has moved away from the political influence of the Soeharto-era towards the more uncomplicated power of money. It is proposed that the conventional arguments which either invest institutions with the sole responsibility for limiting corruption or alternatively view them as completely irrelevant to the real exercise of power are both flawed. Rather, it is argued in this thesis that institutional change does indeed affect patterns of corruption, freezing out some participants, introducing others and defining new sites of corrupt exchange. The significance of such an analysis lies in the idea that corruption can never be destroyed but rather it is controlled through alterations of its character. Thus, any attempts to limit corruption must be grounded in such an analysis of its particular character. It is further hypothesised that efforts to limit corruption are badly served by an exclusive focus on the rules inherent in institutions at the expense of the inclusion of corruption's deeper structural causes. In response to this, the idea that corruption is partially driven by the need to foster the domestic capital accumulation process in a context of historic underdevelopment is explored throughout this thesis. Thus, it is proposed that corruption can be viewed as a system of wealth distribution based not just on money and connections, but also ethnicity and nationality.
20
Syaroni, Mizan. "The Majlisul Islamil Ala Indonesia (MIAI) : its socio-religious and political activities (1937-1943)". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21270.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the activities of the Majlisul Islamil A`la Indonesia (MIAI), an Islamic federative organization of pre-independent Indonesia, elaborating in particular on the federation's socio-religious and political stance. Operating for only six years (1937--1943), the MIAI represented Muslim groups, as a counterpart to the "secularists," within the nationalist movement during both the final years of Dutch rule and the early stages of the Japanese occupation. The MIAI was established for the specific purpose of unifying the Islamic organizations---political and non-political, traditionalist and modernist alike---while at the same time reviving Muslim political and socio-religious strength after the decline of the Sarekat Islam, which had for almost fifteen years dominated the nationalist scene.The mission of the MIAI was seen by Muslims as a response to the threat posed by external forces. It reacted in particular against Dutch policies considered discriminatory by Muslims concerning matters involving Islamic belief and practice, such as marriage and education. The federation also took a strong stand regarding Christian polemic aimed at Islam and took part in Indonesian Muslim response. That the establishment of the MIAI was favored by most Islamic organizations attested to the strong sentiment among Indonesian Muslims for a common front, regardless of their differences on socio-religious and political issues. Together with the GAPI (Gabungan Partai Politik Indonesia or the Federation of Indonesian Political Parties) and the PVPN (Persatuan Vakbonden Pegawai Negeri, or the Association of Government Employees), the MIAI took part in demanding political reform on behalf of Muslim groups. Indeed, notwithstanding its short life span, the MIAI was a pioneer for national unity in general and Indonesian Muslim unity in particular.
21
Harjanto, Nicolaus Teguh Budi. "Islam and Liberalism in Contemporary Indonesia: The Political Ideas of Jaringan Islam Liberal". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1070464571.
Testo completo
22
Roberts, Jonathan Fergus. "The politics of participation : an ethnography of gamelan associations in Surakarta, central Java". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c8975102-b7c8-4e07-874d-9bd3371de216.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Professional Javanese gamelan musicians and the way they think about and make music have been extensively studied by ethnomusicologists. This thesis shifts the analytical focus to the experience and practice of players in 'gamelan associations' for whom music is neither their primary occupation nor main source of income. It addresses two issues: firstly, who are these musicians and what does their way of playing and conceiving of music tell us about gamelan, and secondly, what opportunities and benefits does participation in these groups afford them. The first section sets out the details and context of fourteen gamelan associations in Surakarta. It examines local terminology for different forms of musicianship, their practice in relation to factors such as recompense for playing, ability, repertoire, and training, and discusses the combination of rehearsal and social gathering which I claim is fundamental to these groups. I argue that, whilst there is significant diversity among gamelan associations and their members, they represent a unified category of musicians distinct from those who are officially employed to play and that the specific benefits they obtain from playing derive from this non-professional status. The second section sets out these benefits in five chapters, relating respectively to gamelan's implication in discourses of community at local and state level, expressions of cultural ownership, the display and negotiation of personal authority, access to power, and the production of public sound. I argue that these connections mean that participation in gamelan associations is not simply recreational but a potentially powerful way for Solonese people to create meaning and influence for themselves amidst the competing models of modernity and rapid political change of contemporary Indonesia.
23
Romano, Angela R. "Journalistic identity and practices in late new order Indonesia". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1999. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/107103/1/T%28A%29%2096_Digitised%20Thesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Indonesian journalists' professional identities and working cultures during the New Order period can be considered as a microcosm of the overall macrocosm of the Indonesian political culture. Journalists' ability to gather information, to report news, to organise as workers and professionals and, ultimately, to fulfil their professional
aspirations was shaped by the dominant patriarchal, corporatist political framework. The New Order described journalists as Pancasila warriors and the development press, in contrast to the adversarial, Western watchdog press. Leaders exhorted journalists to cooperate fraternally with the state in the name of public well-being and to guard
development, stability and order. This research, however, indicates that journalists themselves were frustrated at the interference in their activities by their government 'partner' and aspired to act as checks on abuses or misuses of power by the elite. They faced constant barriers in their access to political, military, bureaucratic and business
leaders who were protected from public scrutiny by the paternalistic state structure. This in tum perpetuated the 'envelope culture', the practice of sources offering money to journalists, which became prevalent because of the patron-client relations that the New Order fostered to maintain support and because of the sources' failure to build bridges with the media through regular two-way communications. Journalistic activism and autonomy was further limited by official definitions of journalists as professionals rather than mere workers and by legal obligations to join the sole government-sanctioned,
corporatist professional association. The intensely patriarchal political culture, which allowed women to work but which prioritised their activities in the family for the sake of national development, can also be linked to a scarcity of women in journalism. Changes in journalistic activities which have followed the 1998 collapse of the New
Order indicate the degree to which the elements of journalistic culture described above were not purely derived from social cultures and traditions but were linked to the
political hegemony and elite interests.
24
Tapsell, Ross. "A history of Australian journalism in Indonesia". School of History and Politics, Faculty of Arts, 2009. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3028.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the changing professional practice of Australian journalists since they began reporting in Indonesia from 1945. Existing literature on the Australian media in Indonesia has emphasised the problem of biased and troublesome Australian journalists who have deliberately caused bilateral relations disturbances between Australia and Indonesia. It is argued that the existing literature overstates the agency of Australian journalists, and downplays the attitudes and roles of governments and news forces in the shaping of journalists’ professional practice. This thesis will show how Australian journalists and their Indonesian staff have attempted to report what they saw as the ‘truth’ from the archipelago, yet have been subjected to numerous pressures and vii constraints that hinders their professional practice and limits their autonomy. In particular, Indonesian staff working for Australian news agencies have been subjected to numerous pressures from a hierarchical system of newsgathering and from their own government. The Indonesian Government and military have attempted to control the flow of news through often crude and violent tactics to hinder journalists’ professional practice. The Australian Government, which supports the notion of a free press, has also limited Australian journalists’ professional practice in Indonesia. The news system requirement for journalists to seek elite sources and the improvements in communications technology have also hindered the freedoms for Australian journalists as they operate from Indonesia. Thus, it is argued that Australian journalists in Indonesia and their local staff have worked under a range of constraints and have been pressured to serve a variety of competing masters in reporting from the archipelago. Their work has to be understood as a complex artefact crafted in response to this range of insistent and intrusive pressures.
25
Hadiwinata, Bob Sugeng. "The politics of NGOs in new order Indonesia : cases from Yogyakarta". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621649.
Testo completo
26
Ikhwan, Hakimul. "Democratic Islamism : Islamists' engagement with democratic politics in post-Suharto Indonesia". Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701969.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
There has long been a perceived binary opposition between democracy and Islamism, whereby a number of influential scholars suggest that the presence of the former threatens the latter and vice versa. Based on indepth fieldwork in Cianjur, Indonesia, from 2011-2012, I found that the development of democracy in post- Suharto Indonesia from 1998-2013 was simultaneous with a growth in Islamism as manifest in the expansion of various Islamist political parties and civic associations. Islamism and democratic politics had come to work in conjunction whereby Islamism was not always in conflict or constantly supportive of the democratic processes. The development of democracy and democratisation in post-Suharto Cianjur brought an enhanced spirit to revitalise the local religious/transcendental identity that was contingent with the percieved threats of modernisation to local cultures, traditions, and religious values. My thesis argues that the employment of Islamist symbolism reflected in the shariatisation of local policies i.e. the Gerbang Marhamah and the zakat policy, was a manifestation of the 'discursive tradition' of Islam as well as a product of local democratic politics. I found that contestation and compromise over sharia-associated policies did not eliminate the spiritual and transcendental dimension of the policies. Rather, the policies were rooted in the current Islamists' practice and interpretations related to shariatisation and knowledge over religious texts (Quran, Hadith, and Islamic jurisprudence) and traditions based in the classical era of Islam. Sharia-associated policies were, in addition, a product of democratic processes in which the Islamists and the nationalists took part in contestation and compromise over the open-ended processes. In this regard, Islamists engagement with democratic politics in Cianjur had indeed developed into a form of 'democratic Islamism' whereby neither democracy nor Islamism were fixed but, through ongoing contestation and compromise within and between the Islamists and the nationalists, came to take on multiple and dynamic forms that puts into question many influential assumptions about the incompatability of Islam and democracy.
27
Wahyuningrum, Barry Coeli. "The politics of trafficking in Indonesia : gender, national rhetorics and power /". Abstract, 2007. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2550/cd411/4937976.pdf.
Testo completo
28
McKenzie, Michael John. "Rethinking International Cooperation: Crime, Policy and Politics in Australia-Indonesia Relations". Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110022.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Scholars have long puzzled over the conditions that promote cooperation between nation-states. This thesis develops a new approach to the puzzle by examining the practice of international cooperation through a socio-legal lens. It is grounded in a qualitative case study of the criminal justice relationship between Australia and Indonesia, focusing on three areas: police cooperation, extradition arrangements, and cooperation relating to detained nationals. The thesis asks: what are the conditions that promote crime cooperation between Australia and Indonesia? Beneath this overarching question, it poses the following sub-questions: What drives the cooperation? How do different actors influence the cooperation? What determines the scope for cooperation? The thesis frames these questions socio-legally by situating the cooperative relationship within transnational legal orders (TLOs) that regulate terrorism and other transnational crimes. The TLO framework has several advantages over existing approaches to studying international cooperation. First, rather than privileging the state as an actor, the framework attends to the multiplicity of actors above and below the state who shape cooperative initiatives. Second, rather than focusing on political dynamics, it also highlights the significance of law and policy in the practice of international cooperation. Third, it embraces the inherent complexity of this practice by integrating various empirical and theoretical perspectives into its analysis. To provide a rich empirical picture of the criminal justice relationship between Australia and Indonesia, the thesis relies on interviews with over 100 current and former participants in the relationship, and extensive archival material, including media reporting and government records. To make sense of this data within the TLO framework, the thesis draws on theories relating to the construction of transnational problems (securitisation), the interplay of domestic and international politics (two-level games), the operation of international police networks (bureaucratic autonomy and culture), and the scope for international cooperation (reciprocity). It also incorporates insights from regulatory studies. Based on this analysis, the thesis argues that there is a structural tension between political and policy interests at the heart of the cooperative relationship. It further argues that cooperation is more likely to occur when these interests are in balance, and that law is a critical institution in enabling this balance to be struck. To conclude, the thesis brings the key findings of the study together to propose a model of the cooperative relationship. It also considers whether the findings could be generalised and their practical implications.
29
Juhannis, Hamdan. "Mohamad Roem's political activities and Islamic political vision (1908-1983)". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0018/MQ56702.pdf.
Testo completo
30
Gazali, Effendi. "Communication of politics and politics of communication in Indonesia : a study on media performance, responsibility and accountability /". [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40078108w.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Proefschrift--Universiteit Nijmegen, 2004.Mention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : Politieke communicatie en communicatiepolitiek in Indonesië : een studie over media, verantwoordelijkheid en verantwoording. Textes en anglais, résumé en néerlandais. Bibliogr. p. 128-140.
31
Han, Nackhoon. "The Troubled Relationship between Suharto and the Indonesian Armed Forces from the Mid 1960s to the Early 1990s". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HanN2007.pdf.
Testo completo
32
Kohno, Takeshi. "Emergence of human rights activities in authoritarian Indonesia : the rise of civil society /". The Ohio State University, 2003. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/21105.
Testo completo
33
Wibisono, Makarim. "The political economy of the Indonesian textile industry under the New Order government". The Ohio State University, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20920285.html.
Testo completo
34
Dewi, Kurniawati Hastuti. "The Emergence of Female Politicians in Local Politics in Post-Suharto Indonesia". 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/157869.
Testo completo
35
Hakim, Sudarnoto Abdul. "The Partai Persatuan Pembangunan : the political journey of Islam under Indonesia's new order (1973-1987)". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69624.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis deals with the PPP, from its emergence in 1973 until 1987. The study attempts to describe the political journey of this party. It examines the position of the PPP in the political system of Indonesia's New Order as a whole. Immediately after the rise of the New Order government, a systematic program to restructure and simplify the political system was launched. It aimed, primarily, at national stability and the elimination of ideological politics. To the New Order government, an Islamic ideological orientation would only lead to conflicts among political forces and cause chaos, as experienced during the liberal democracy of the Old Order government. The emergence of the PPP being a consequence of the political restructuring launched by the government, the expectation was that it would be a good partner of the government. However, in the first five years of its existence, the PPP tended towards radical politics opposing the government on religious grounds. This opposition, which was again manifested towards the end of the 1970s, was seen by the government as an attempt by Islamic political groups to replace the Pancasila with Islam as the nation's ideology. Such a perception caused a lengthy internal conflict within the partial itself, particularly between the NU and MI, or between the idealist and realist groups. The internal situation of the PPP helped the government enforce the Pancasila as the sole foundation of all social and political parties. The significance of this thesis lies in the fact that no attempt has so far been made to study Islam and politics under the New Order government with a particular focus on the PPP.
36
Wood, Michael John. "The historical past as a tool for nation-building in new order Indonesia /". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84684.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study describes how the New Order regime created and used a particular version of the Indonesian past. This official past drew on the work of "the history industry" (archaeological and historical research) and is reflected in approved works of history writing. The New Order past can also be seen in textbooks and in what monuments the regime erected. The New Order chose to emphasize fourteenth century Majapahit empire; this hierarchical, Java-centred, Hindu empire was identified as the true ancestor of the present nation. Although Indonesia is overwhelmingly Muslim in population, subsequent Muslim advances were not stressed, except as part of the "palace culture" of Central Java, which was seen as an extension of Majapahit. Islam also provided its share of "national heroes" who fought against the Dutch colonialists. Dutch control, was looked upon with some ambiguity; the colonial regime was oppressive but it also provided stability. The Dutch were driven out during the 1945--1949 Revolution. The New Order gave credit for the Indonesian victory in this struggle to the military rather than to civilians such as Sukarno. The Revolution later took on a more radical character that culminated in an attempt on the part of the Indonesian Communist Party to seize power. The suppression of the September 30 Movement in 1965 was seen as a righting of the nation's proper path of development, a course that could in fact be traced back to Gajah Mada's Majapahit. Not all were impressed with this official history. A more Islamic "history in waiting," which differed significantly from that of the regime, was created by historians and archaeologists working within the New Order. This "ummat-oriented" past stressed long connections between Indonesia and the rest of the Muslim world. The New Order's past was used to foster national integration and the legitimacy of the regime itself. The fate of the Suharto Presidency might indicate that the past was utiliz
37
King, Blair Andrew. "Empowering the presidency interests and perceptions in Indonesia's constitutional reforms, 1999-2002 /". Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1094750332.
Testo completo
38
Yani, Buni. "Reporting the Maluku Sectarian Conflict: The Politics of Editorship in Kompas and Republika Dailies". Ohio : Ohio University, 2002. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1016115882.
Testo completo
39
Noor, Firman. "Moderate Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia : a study of political thinking and behaviour of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), 1998-2005". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110497.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The emergence of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party, PKS), a new
Islamic party established at the beginning of the Reformasi era, has provoked a critical
response from observers. There is increasing debate among observers about the true
nature and aims of PKS. As we shall see, some of this debate rests on a superficial
understanding of the party and stereotypical views of its political activities. On the one
hand, there are those who regard this party as a promising development in Indonesian
politics, citing its commitment to clean government, democracy, civil society, social
welfare, and peaceful change. On the other hand, there are those who consider PKS to
have a hidden agenda that has the potential to endanger democratic life and Indonesia's
status as a plural country. Some in this second group liken PKS to "hardline" Islamic
groups, and one writer has even claimed it was a greater danger than Jamaah Islamiyah.
Despite this debate, much of the literature on PKS only illuminates certain aspects of the
party and there is a need for more thorough research in understanding its real
characteristics.
40
Weinerman, Michael Alexander 1983. "Misleading Modernization: A Case for the Role of Foreign Capital in Democratization". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11986.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
x, 84 p. : ill.Modernization theory posits that economic growth and democratization are mutually constitutive processes. I extend a recent literature that finds this relationship to be spurious due to the existence of a number of international factors, specifically the role of foreign capital. Through two-stage least square (2SLS) regressions for as wide a sample as the data allow and two case studies (Indonesia and the Philippines), I find that the presence of US capital significantly influences domestic political institutions. This relationship, however, is non-linear and interrelated with exogenous shocks.
Committee in charge: Tuong Vu, Chairperson; Craig Parsons, Member; Karrie Koesel, Member; Will Terry, Member
41
Husni, Dardiri. "Jong Islamieten Bond : a study of a Muslim youth movement in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial era, 1924-1942". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21219.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis deals with an influential young Muslim intellectual movement, Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB), which had active towards the end of the Dutch Colonial era in Indonesia. It will first investigate the circumstances under which the JIB was founded. Second, it will go on to survey the development of the organization with respect to its leadership between 1924 to 1942. Finally, this thesis will analyze in some detail the ideology and the activities of the movement. It will attempt to shed a light on the JIB's role in defining Islam as both a religion and an ideology in the struggle to form an Indonesian identity for the future Indonesian nation.
42
Prawiradinata, Muhamad Salmun. "Stability, elites and development policy in the new order Indonesia 1966-1983". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111321.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
One of the most striking characteristics of Third World countries is
political instability. Although not all Third World states are politically unstable,
witness for example Saudi Arabia and Nepal, many nations of both
democratic and authoritarian leanings have experienced strong political
challenges in maintaining established political order and national unity. These
political challenges can take the forms of mass demonstration, riots or even
coups.
43
Jones, Tod. "Indonesian cultural policy, 1950-2003: culture, institutions, government". Thesis, Curtin University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/403.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.
44
Sutley, Stewart K. "Losing a revolution : the PKI versus the army in Indonesia, 1949-1965". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64101.
Testo completo
45
Pannell, Sandra N. "Narrative boundaries, national horizons : the politics of identity in Amaya, Maluku Tenggara, Indonesia /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09php194.pdf.
Testo completo
46
Smith, Benjamin B. "Hard times in the lands of plenty : oil politics in Iran and Indonesia /". Ithaca [u.a] : Cornell Univ. Press, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0713/2007010665.html.
Testo completo
47
Rosser, Andrew. "Creating markets: The politics of economic liberalism in Indonesia since the mid-1980s". Thesis, Rosser, Andrew (1999) Creating markets: The politics of economic liberalism in Indonesia since the mid-1980s. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1999. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50874/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the dynamics that have shaped the process of economic liberalisation in Indonesia since the mid-1980s. In contrast to scholars working within the rational choice tradition, I argue that economic liberalisation needs to be understood, not in terms of the victory of economic rationality over political and social interests, but rather the way in which political and social interests shape processes of economic reform in both a positive and negative sense. More specifically, I argue that it needs to be understood in terms of the extent to which economic crises shift the balance of power and influence within society away from coalitions opposed to reform and towards those in favour of reform. In the Indonesian context, I argue that the main coalitions that need to be examined in this respect are the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates who have generally opposed reform and mobile capitalists who have generally supported reform.
The substantive chapters of the thesis use this perspective to explain the pattern of economic liberalisation in Indonesia since the mid-1980s. It is argued that economic liberalisation between the mid-1980s and mid-1997 was partial in nature because, although the mid-1980s economic crisis substantially enhanced the structural leverage of mobile capitalists and weakened the position of the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates, it did not threaten the latter’s political dominance. Within this context, whilst the Indonesian government forced to promote economic liberalisation, it did so only in those areas where the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates did not have major interests at stake or where they would actually benefit from liberalisation. By contrast, economic liberalisation since the collapse of the rupiah in 1997-1998 has been much more extensive because this time economic crisis has opened up opportunities for opposition elements to challenge the political dominance of the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates. At the same time, however, economic liberalisation has not been total because, although the politico-bureaucrats and the conglomerates have been severely weakened by the rupiah crisis, they have not been entirely destroyed. Furthermore, although mobile capitalists have now achieved a position of unprecedented power, they have been unable to seize direct control of the state apparatus.
In this context, I suggest that there is nothing inevitable about a transition to a fully-fledged liberal market order in Indonesia. Without a strong pro-reform coalition in direct control of the state apparatus, the country may head not in the direction of liberal markets, but rather towards one of three alternative outcomes: chaos, autarky, or Thai-style “money politics”.
48
Tickle, Sharon. "Assessing the "real story" behind political events in Indonesia : email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage of the 27 July 1996 Jakarta riots". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/35887/1/35887_Tickle_1997.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The government-backed invasion of the Indonesian Democratic Party's Jakarta headquarters on the morning of27 July 1996, and the resulting violent riots in which
at least five people died marked a pivotal point in Indonesian politics generally, and the pro-democracy movement specifically. This was a newsworthy event which was covered extensively by the broadcast and print media globally, however the time taken to relay the story and the credibility of the reports was highly variable for
domestic as well as foreign media. Coverage by a national and regional Indonesian newspaper, as well as a national and regional Australian newspaper was compared
with the email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage for the news values of timeliness and accuracy. The October 1996 reports into the incident by the Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights and Human Rights Watch/ Asia
were used as reference materials to evaluate the accuracy of the media reporting. The degree of government involvement in the attack on the PDI HQ was not reported by the Indonesian daily newspapers which also under-reported the number of victims while focussing on the law and order aspect of the story. Reportage by both the
national and regional Australian papers focussed on the violence of the riots which
posed a threat to President Soeharto 's rule, the role of the armed forces in
maintaining law and order, and also underestimated the number of victims. Indonesia-L disseminated the fastest and most accurate reports of the event with eyewitness
accounts providing considerable detail. Only two of the 18 postings were found to be sensationalistic and inaccurate. Implications for the future use of
computer-mediated communication, such as email discussion lists, as an alternative source of news which circumvents government control, as well as the time and commercial constraints of print media are discussed.
49
Adeney-Risakotta, Farsijana. "Politics, ritual and identity in Indonesia : a Moluccan history of religion and social conflict /". Yogyakarta : Farsijana Adeney-Risakotta, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40121498z.
Testo completo
50
Ismail, Faisal. "Islam, politics and ideology in Indonesia : a study of the process of Muslim acceptance of the Pancasila". Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39924.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The main objective of this study is to analyze three major Indonesian Muslim responses to the Pancasila, the state ideology of Indonesia. The first Muslim response occurred when the Secular Nationalists proposed, shortly before Indonesia's independence in 1945 and again later in the Constituent Assembly debates (1956-1959), that the Pancasila be the basis of state. The second Muslim response to the Pancasila took place in 1978 when the New Order government proposed that the P4 (Guidelines for Understanding and Practicing the Pancasila) be legalized. The Muslims at first objected to both the proposal of the Pancasila as the foundation of the state and that of the P4, but finally acquiesced. Each stage in this process was marked by debate over the role of Islam in Indonesian society and politics, which often led to antagonism between the government and the Muslim community. When the government proposed in 1982 that the Pancasila serve as the sole basis for all political and mass organizations, the third Muslim response occurred. The Muslims' acceptance of this policy marked the end of the government's application of severe policies towards them and has resulted in the former being allowed to play an even greater role in Indonesian politics than had previously been the case.