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1
Davidson, Jamie Seth. "Violence and politics in West Kalimantan, Indonesia". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10787.
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2
Sobandi, Khairu Roojiqien. "Symbolic politics and the Acehnese ethnic war in Indonesia". Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1939351941&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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3
Nabbs-Keller, Greta. "The Impact of Democratisation on Indonesia's Foreign Policy". Thesis, Griffith University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366662.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
How democratisation affects a state's foreign policy is a relatively neglected problem in International Relations. In Indonesia's case, there is a limited, but growing, body of literature examining the country's foreign policy in the post-authoritarian context. Yet this scholarship has tended to focus on the role of Indonesia's legislature and civil society organisations as newly-empowered foreign policy actors. Scholars of Southeast Asian politics, meanwhile, have concentrated on the effects of Indonesia's democratisation on regional integration and, in particular, on ASEAN cohesion and its traditional sovereignty-based norms. For the most part, the literature has completely ignored the effects of democratisation on Indonesia's foreign ministry – the principal institutional actor responsible for foreign policy formulation and conduct of Indonesia's diplomacy. Moreover, the effect of Indonesia's democratic transition on key bilateral relationships has received sparse treatment in the literature. This thesis aims to fill the gap in the literature by analysing the impact of democratisation on Indonesia's foreign ministry, and on Indonesia's approach to key bilateral and multilateral relationships in the Asia-Pacific – China, ASEAN and Australia respectively. This thesis argues that the domestic context in which Indonesia's foreign policy is framed has been transformed since reformasi. A conscious attempt has been made by policy-makers to internalise democratic values, such as good governance and human rights, into the ideational basis of Indonesia's foreign policy.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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4
Muluk, Safrul. "The Indonesian army and political Islam : a political encounter 1966-1977". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33307.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.
5
Heidbüchel, Esther. "The conflict in West Papua facts and fiction in Indonesian politics /". Giessen : IRU, 2005. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=986597570.
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6
Hermawan, Yulius Purwadi. "Internal politics of political parties : factionalism and patronage in the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP)". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416318.
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7
Saraswati, Muninggar Sri. "The Political Campaign Industry and the Emergence of Social Media in Post-authoritarian Indonesian Electoral Politics". Thesis, Saraswati, Muninggar Sri (2016) The Political Campaign Industry and the Emergence of Social Media in Post-authoritarian Indonesian Electoral Politics. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2016. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/36337/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This dissertation analyses the emergence of social media for electoral campaigning in post-authoritarian Indonesia. Using a critical political economy perspective, it examines the interactions between social media, the political campaign industry, which is understood as a product of “the cross-development of political and commercial persuasion techniques in the 20th century” (Stockwell, 2000, p. 3), and electoral players. This thesis evaluates how the political campaign industry intersects with social media-enabled production and distribution of campaign messages (content), audience (users) mobilisation and labour organisation. It also assesses the impact of the political campaign industry’s social media work upon the web of relations between candidates, donors and voters during electoral periods. The findings confirm that social media has enabled the growing Indonesian political campaign industry to develop social media campaigning services that have been adopted widely in Indonesian elections. These findings contradict previous studies that have suggested that social media contribute to the nurturance of democracy in contemporary Indonesia by enabling citizens to discuss alternative issues to elite-generated ones carried by conventional media (Nuswantoro, 2014; Suaedy, 2014). By contrast, this dissertation demonstrates that during electoral campaign periods social media were not autonomous from heavy industry-driven engineering. Instead, social media enabled the political campaign industry to further encroach upon Indonesian electoral politics and thereby generate greater profits for the industry.
These strategies were made possible because social media electoral campaigning serves not only as practical tool of persuasion but also a new mechanism to manage the temporary converging interests of political, economic and cultural forces during electoral campaign periods. Put differently, with the assistance of the political campaign industry, Indonesian political economy elites have been able to capture social media to safeguard their social ascendancy through competitive elections.
8
Hellman, Jörgen. "Longser Antar Pulau : Indonesian cultural politics and the revitalisation of traditional theatre /". Göteborg : Dept. of Social Anthropology, Univ. of Göteborg, 1999. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=009041802&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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9
Jones, Tod. "Indonesian cultural policy, 1950-2003: culture, institutions, government". Thesis, Curtin University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/403.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.
10
Jones, Tod. "Indonesian Cultural policy, 1950-2003 : culture, institutions, government /". Curtin University of Technology, Department of Media and Information, 2005. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=16663.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.
11
Wibisono, Makarim. "The political economy of the Indonesian textile industry under the New Order government". The Ohio State University, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20920285.html.
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12
Asyari, Suaidi. "The role of Muslim groups in contemporary Indonesian nationalism : a study of the Nahdlatul Ulama under the new order, 1980s-1990s". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29812.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the role played by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Islamic organization established by K. H. Hasjim Asj'ari in 1926, in the development of Indonesian nationalism, elaborating in particular on its activities under the New Order (1980s and 1990s) after it implemented the Pancasila as the sole foundation for all political parties, social and mass organizations. As the largest Muslim traditionalist organization in Indonesia, the NU was originally founded to protect and promote the interests of Muslim traditionalists, who loyally followed the school of Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. The doctrines of the latter school are shown here to have largely influenced the organization's dealings both culturally, religiously and politically.In order to fully understand the NUs view of Indonesian nationalism, this thesis examines the three phases of Indonesian nationalism, beginning with the rise of this organization, its involvement in the formation of the Indonesian state and its ideology, and the period after the country stipulated the sole foundation of Pancasila. It is from these three phases of Indonesian nationalism that this thesis shows the significance role played by the NU during the 1980s and 1990s. The NUs example in accepting the Pancasila as its sole basis served as an inspiration to other social and mass organizations in the country and represented one of its major contributions to the nation's welfare.
13
Santoso, Purwo. "The politics of environmental policy-making in Indonesia : a study of the state's capacity, 1967-1994". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313831.
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14
Nagy, Thomas Charles. "INDONESIAN WAYANG DURING THE “GUIDED DEMOCRACY,” “NEW ORDER,” AND “REFORMASI” ERAS: NEGOTIATING POLITICS, RELIGION, AND ENTERTAINMENT". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1157485253.
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15
Han, Nackhoon. "The Troubled Relationship between Suharto and the Indonesian Armed Forces from the Mid 1960s to the Early 1990s". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HanN2007.pdf.
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16
Vos, Mei Li. "International cooperation between politics and practice : how Dutch Indonesian cooperation changed remarkably little after a diplomatic rupture /". [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2001. http://dare.uva.nl/document/85042.
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17
Aminuddin, Muhammad Faishal [Verfasser], e Aurel [Akademischer Betreuer] Croissant. "Military Retirees in Politics: A Study on the Rise of Purnawirawan in Indonesian Political Parties 1998-2014 / Muhammad Faishal Aminuddin ; Betreuer: Aurel Croissant". Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1184886911/34.
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18
Martyn, Elizabeth 1968. "Gender and nation in a new democracy : Indonesian women's organisations in the 1950s". Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9112.
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19
Tickle, Sharon. "Assessing the "real story" behind political events in Indonesia : email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage of the 27 July 1996 Jakarta riots". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/35887/1/35887_Tickle_1997.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The government-backed invasion of the Indonesian Democratic Party's Jakarta headquarters on the morning of27 July 1996, and the resulting violent riots in which
at least five people died marked a pivotal point in Indonesian politics generally, and the pro-democracy movement specifically. This was a newsworthy event which was covered extensively by the broadcast and print media globally, however the time taken to relay the story and the credibility of the reports was highly variable for
domestic as well as foreign media. Coverage by a national and regional Indonesian newspaper, as well as a national and regional Australian newspaper was compared
with the email discussion list Indonesia-L's coverage for the news values of timeliness and accuracy. The October 1996 reports into the incident by the Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights and Human Rights Watch/ Asia
were used as reference materials to evaluate the accuracy of the media reporting. The degree of government involvement in the attack on the PDI HQ was not reported by the Indonesian daily newspapers which also under-reported the number of victims while focussing on the law and order aspect of the story. Reportage by both the
national and regional Australian papers focussed on the violence of the riots which
posed a threat to President Soeharto 's rule, the role of the armed forces in
maintaining law and order, and also underestimated the number of victims. Indonesia-L disseminated the fastest and most accurate reports of the event with eyewitness
accounts providing considerable detail. Only two of the 18 postings were found to be sensationalistic and inaccurate. Implications for the future use of
computer-mediated communication, such as email discussion lists, as an alternative source of news which circumvents government control, as well as the time and commercial constraints of print media are discussed.
20
Setianto, Yearry P. "Media Use and Mediatization of Transnational Political Participation: The Case of Transnational Indonesians in the United States". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1461247603.
Testo completo
21
Setiawan, Gunaro. "The rise of servant leaders and political outsiders in modern Indonesian politics: a study of the influence of leadership brand on candidates' brand personalities and voters' trust based on the cases of Jokowi, Ahok and Risma". Thesis, Griffith University, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/394722.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In 2014, Indonesians were celebrating the inauguration of their newly elected president. The victory of Joko Widodo, who came from the grass roots, demonstrated a triumph of democracy in Indonesia. The rise of Joko Widodo, or Jokowi, was followed by the rise of other leaders from outside of the political mainstream, such as Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Tri Risma Harini, Nurdin Abdullah, and Yoyok Rio Sudibyo. These leaders managed to overcome the political barriers made by the oligarchs and gained voters’ trust to win major elections in Indonesia. They possess one solid reputation in common and that is a commitment to act as a servant for citizens. Furthermore, the leaders’ unique personalities and approaches have differentiated them from their rivals, even those with greater experience in politics, which suggests they have unique and strong political brands that appealed to the citizens.
The objective of this research is to explain the concept of servant leadership and political outsiders in influencing candidates’ political brand image based on their personalities from the voters’ perceptions. Following this, the interplay between each construct will be analysed. To meet the research objectives, this research examines a primary research question:
How do voters’ perceptions of servant leadership and political outsiders affect brand personality as the political leader’s image and subsequently influence their brand trust?
This is followed by two secondary questions:
Do voters see Jokowi, Ahok, and Risma as servant leaders and political outsiders? If so, how? and
How much influence do servant leadership and political outsiders have on leaders’ brand personality as their brand image, and subsequently, brand trust?
Using a combination of concurrent and sequential mixed methods, this research began with qualitative approaches utilising document analysis and interviews to multiple sample groups with thematic analysis. These methods were also dedicated to constructing scale development of political outsiders based on the case of Indonesian leaders.
Following this, a quantitative method was employed using a survey to measure how each construct influenced brand trust with brand personality as the mediating variable.
The findings revealed how the leaders were successful in their approaches and demonstrating personalities that developed the political brand of a servant leader, which arguably attracted the citizens’ trust. The leaders’ backgrounds as political outsiders provided them with an advantage that differentiated them from typical politicians in Indonesia, who were seen as ineffective in making positive changes. Finally, this study identified candidate’s desirable traits significant to voters’ trust.
This research makes several contributions to the development theories of servant leadership, which is particularly significant as there is insufficient research regarding this theory in the political context. The study further contributes to political marketing theories, particularly in branding theories such as how leadership brand influences candidate’s brand personality and consequently to brand trust. It also provides insights into how the leadership brand of servant leader and political outsider may affect voters’ trust consideration and impact candidate’s brand image development based on their brand personalities during elections.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Dept Bus Strategy & Innovation
Griffith Business School
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22
Panjaitan, Rido Parulian. "Government in online spaces: Critical evaluation of citizen-to-government participation in urban centres in Java, Indonesia". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/123794/1/Rido%20Parulian_Panjaitan_Thesis.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines how governments in Indonesia, a young democracy with a rapid growth of Internet and social media; perform with citizens in digital sphere by employing the concepts of 'citizen participation' and 'voice'.
23
Gozali, Harris K. "New Breed Leaders in Indonesian Democracy: A Critical Pluralist Examination of Ganjar Pranowo's Election as Governor of Central Java Province in 2013". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1127.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A phenomenal thing is occurring in Indonesia’s young democracy. Politicians who are actually interested in propagating good governance and addressing the needs of their constituents are coming to power across the archipelago in increasing numbers. These fresh faces bring with them a pragmatic style of leadership that balks the trend of poor governance set by their distant, corrupt, and bureaucratic predecessors. Unsurprisingly, they have been lauded as the heroes of the people and the products of a maturing democratic regime. The foreign media, in particular, seem convinced that the people’s power, as expressed through democracy, is the driving force behind the rise of such “new breed” leaders. A closer look at the Central Java gubernatorial elections, however, reveals a more complex picture.
Through the use of a critical pluralist framework, this paper aims to shed light on the reality of how power is organized between oligarch and non-oligarch actors in the Indonesian polity. In the process, we also build a systematic framework that can be applied to other cases of “new breed” leaders coming to office, so that in the future, a more comprehensive comparative analyses on the topic can be done.
24
Berg, Husby Thale. "The politics of economic reform implementation : an analysis of the Indonesian and the South Korean implementation of IMF reforms during the Asian economic crisis 1997-98 /". Oslo : SUM, 2002. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/534289908.pdf.
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25
Rifai, Nurlena. "Muslim women in Indonesia's politics : an historical examination of the political career of Aisyah Aminy". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69679.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis deals with the political participation of Muslim women since the colonial period into the New Order period. It is a study of the Indonesian women's movement in its different trends: the roles of women in gaining and defending Indonesian independence as well as in Indonesia's politics in the Liberal Democracy, Guided Democracy, and New Order periods. It investigates the reasons for the relatively limited participation of women in politics. This low level of political participation is indicated by the ratio of women membership in the House of People's Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), in the Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), and in the central boards of political organizations. This thesis also focuses on the political career and discourse of Aisyah Aminy, and examines her involvement as a case study. The prominence of Aisyah Aminy lies in her ability to transcend the barriers which usually obstruct Muslim women from getting involved in politics.
26
Farreras, Morlanes Teresa. "East Timorese ethno-nationalism: search for an identity - cultural and political self-determination". Phd thesis, University of Queensland, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/267386.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is an examination of the development of
ethnic, cultural and national identity among the East Timor
people reaching Australia after the East Timor civil war of
August 1975 .
In the introduction I argue that ethnic and national
identity, or ethno-nationalism, is not a natural phenomenon
and that it can emerge at any moment in time owing to
specific historical, socio-economic or political
circumstances. I argue that during the 1974-1975 period the
Portuguese- Timorese mestieo (racially mixed) elite of East
Timer, principally those of Dili, of which the refugees are
representative, began developing specific ethnic and
nationalist ideologies in response to new political
circumstances offering the people the opportunity to assert
an all-embracing East Timorese identity.
The chapters which follow present data and analysis in
support of the initial argument and are directed to show that
a combination of theoretical approaches offer a better
rationale for the understanding of identity creation and
development.
In Chapters 2 and 3 I describe the refugees' historical,
socio-economic and political background and assert that
history is important for an understanding of the selective
representation of myths, symbols, ideologies and instrumental
tactics.
In Chapters 4, 5 and 6 I examine the development of
III
identity against the interplay of social order, power and
conflict. I direct the analysis towards the notion of
negotiation of an identity within global and local political
and social parameters. I examine political issues, contextual
problems, personal and group motives and the re-creation and
presentation of symbols, myths, ideas and beliefs.
Chapter 7 shows how the search for the legitimization of
an identity and political claims by nationalist individuals
and the group are directed by the intelligentsia 1 s
manipulation through the artistic media of specific
nationalist ideologies aimed at resolving the problems of the
present.
In Chapter 8 I discuss the role of the Catholic Church in
the politics of identity building, its position in relation
to the people's demands of historical and cultural
obligations, the dilemmas experienced by the Church in the
face of its own tenets and the institutionalized order, and
the people's teleological use of religion as techniques of
political resistance.
I conclude by reasserting that refugee populations such as
the East Timorese in having to re-stablish their lives in an
alien context would normally strive to function socially
according to their perceptions of priority needs, creating in
the process new subjective understandings. I stress that
this also demonstrates that it is paramount to direct the
analysis of ethno-nationalism through a combination of
diverse theoretical approaches and that in this form one can
better understand the whole set of the people's strategies
for identity survival.
27
Giay, Benny. "Zakheus Pakage and his communities indigenous religious discourse, socio-political resistance, and ethnohistory of the Me of Irian Jaya /". [Indonesia] : UNIPA-ANU-UNCEN PapuaWeb Project, 2002. http://www.papuaweb.org/dlib/s123/giay/%5Fphd.html.
Testo completo
28
Haryono, Harry. "Indonesia: defining new options in the socio-political role of the Indonesian Armed Forces/ Harry Haryono". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/9272.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this thesis is to analyze civil-military relations in Indonesia since independence in 1949 through the resignation of President Suharto in mid 1998. It will examine the military's exercise of power by using the prerogatives and contestations as defined by Alfred Stepan. The Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) has been deeply involved in socio- political roles since the struggle for independence against the Dutch. Most scholars consider the New Order regime (1966-1998) to have been one dominated by the TNI Suharto resigned in May 21, 1998 and brought an abrupt end to Indonesia's 32-year-old New Order regime and started the process of redrawing the country's political map. The TNI as the most powerful political institution has started to decline. A number of the civilian reformist leaders campaigned for the military to return to the barracks immediately and relinquish its political responsibilities. This thesis will argue that the level of the military's socio-political participation has declined in recent years. Therefore, the TNI should define new options of its socio-political role in order to fit the harmonious relationship with the Indonesian society in the future.
29
Prasetyawan, Wahyu. "Politics of regional autonomy and business : political economy in decentralizing Indonesia, 1998-2004". 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/144267.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Kyoto University (京都大学)0048
新制・課程博士
博士(地域研究)
甲第12430号
地博第29号
新制||地||10(附属図書館)
24266
UT51-2006-J421
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻
(主査)教授 水野 廣祐, 教授 濱下 武志, 助教授 パトリシオ・ヌネズ・アビナウレス
学位規則第4条第1項該当
30
Hasselgren, Johan. "Rural Batak, kings in Medan : The development of Toba Batak ethno-religious identity in Medan, Indonesia, 1912-1965". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-260.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study explores the history of the Toba Batak community in the city of Medan from1912 to 1965. The Toba Batak have traditionally lived in the rural interior highlands ofSumatra. In this region, their specific ethno-religious identity was developed. Thecrucial factor in the process was the activities and the theological convictions of theGerman Rhenish mission on which the Toba Batak themselves had a significant impact. During the first few decades of the 20th century the Toba Batak began to migrate to the plantation region on the east coast of Sumatra and its commercial entrepôt Medan.In this region, where the Malay Muslim culture was the local dominant culture, theystrove to fulfil their cultural ideals, among which the ideal of harajaon (kingdom) iscentral. The main analytical question pursued is: How did the Toba Batak ethno-religious identity develop in Medan, within the framework of the ethnic, religious, social andpolitical currents in the city? This question is analysed in terms of their changing relations to their area of origin,the interaction with other groups in Medan and the efforts of the Toba Batak to buildup their own organisations. The main focus is on the development of Christiancongregations, but the analysis also takes voluntary, political and women's organisationsinto account. The changing conditions for local ecumenical co-operation are alsoexplored. A wide selection of sources is used, such as missionary reports and correspondence, Dutch colonial records and Toba Batak written and oral sources. Most of these sources have not or only partly been employed in previous research.
31
Indraneel, Datta. "Parliamentary politics in Soeharto's Indonesia". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525481.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Prevailing perspectives on the role of the Indonesian Parliament (DPRlMPR) under President Soeharto's New Order deride it as a politically quiescent institution that had insignificant influence over policy-making. Indeed, approaches that evaluate the legitimacy and effectiveness of legislatures in terms of regularly held free and fair elections and the ability of parliamentarians to initiate or reject legislation will find scant evidence that the Indonesian parliament has played a significant role under Soeharto. From this conventional perspective, the DPR was politically insignificant, save, perhaps, as one of several instruments available to the authoritarian regime to legitimate its rule. Yet a closer look at the history of the New Order casts serious doubts over the notion of a placid legislature where nothing of substance ever took place. For example, the DPR was key in enabling Soeharto to become lawfully President in 1967, and was again instrumental in May 1998 by compelling the dictator to resign from office. This thesis examines the apparent paradox, and makes two clusters of arguments. The first cluster addresses the broad concerns of students of political systems, in particular authoritarianism, and makes two main points. First, there was far more political activity within the DPRlMPR under Soeharto than commonly assumed, especially in the final decade of his rule that is the focus of this study. Secondly, a close scrutiny of the Indonesian parliament demonstrates that the 'authoritarian' New Order underwent some important changes throughout its 32 years. In a nutshell, the New Order degenerated from collusion between capitalists, the military and the bureaucracy into 'monarchical' personal rule, losing some of its modem structures and much of the credibility of its claim to favour democracy. To use the terms coined by Max Weber and subsequently adapted by Juan Linz to the study of contemporary politics of transition, Soeharto's regime developed over the years from a bureaucratic-military authoritarian regime to one with strong 'sultanistic' features. A sultanistic regime is one that involves an increasingly discretionary use of the powers that have been usurped by the ruler. The second cluster of argument adds to scholarship on Indonesia in three respects. First, the factionalism among elites under Soeharto is shown to be far more complex than conventional views that have usually focussed on the Armed Forces to the relative neglect of civilian factionalism. The evidence also indicates that factional lines straddle the civil-military divide. Therefore, it is a false dichotomy to distinguish between civil and military factionalism since the two are inextricably intertwined. Examples of such alliances are discussed in chapters three and four. Secondly, a case is made about periodisation, and the accuracy of commonly accepted milestones in the last decade of the New Order. Again, the evidence gathered in this study points to some anachronisms regarding Indonesia's "Islamic tum," the political clout of the armed forces as an institution, and the cohesiveness of Soeharto's alleged 'inner circle'. The importance of pinpointing the origins of Soeharto' s cultivation of an Islamic middle class basis of support at the expense of the armed forces as an institution sheds considerable light on the balance of power between the officers and the palace, and in particular the validity of describing the New Order as a military dictatorship, as was commonly accepted in the late 1980s. The question of the New Order's 'Islamisation' is discussed in depth in chapter three. The third point examines the limit to Soeharto's sultanistic strategy. It is argued that the shift to absolutist rule, while undermining the logic of the bureaucratic-military authoritarian regime did not provide an alternative that accommodated the interests of powerful elites. Instead, it was perceived as threatening the long-term interests of key factions within both the political Islamic civilian elites and the military. Sultanism ushered unpredictability in the recruitment of elites and in the dispensation of patronage, and threatened the interests of the armed forces as an institution. It gradually alienated these crucial groups, paving the way for an unlikely tactical alliance between Armed Forces commander-in-chief General Wiranto and vice-president Habibie. The origins of this internal realignment in the regime are discussed in detail in chapters four and five. Chapter six brings this study into the final months of the New Order, and examines the background to the critical role played by the parliamentary institutions in giving Soeharto his coup de grace, when the DPR Speaker Harmoko called on the President to resign on 18 May 1998, three days before Soeharto stepped down. We conclude by highlighting the continuities between parliament under the New Order and in the Post-Soeharto era, and assessing the likely role of parliament in Indonesia's democratization.
32
O'Shaughnessy, Kate Elizabeth. "Divorce, gender, and state and social power : an investigation of the impact of the 1974 Indonesian marriage law". University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0186.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
[Truncated abstract] The 1974 Indonesian Marriage Law required all divorces to be ratified by courts and vested household leadership with husbands. This thesis examines the impact of this law upon the negotiation of divorce, and its implications for the constitution of state and social power. I argue that the New Order state used this law to attempt to control gender relations and reinforce political legitimacy, but that women and men resisted this project in a variety of ways. Divorce may entail the contestation of state ideological prescriptions on gender. It also reveals gender relations operating independently of the state. As such, it is a particularly fruitful site for an analysis of the location and constitution of state and social power. In order to analyse the complex relationship between marriage, divorce, and power, I have adopted several original strategies. I expand the definition of property to encompass
33
Yawnghwe, Chao-Tzang. "The politics of authoritarianism : the state and political soldiers in Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq25192.pdf.
Testo completo
34
Djafar, Zainuddin. "Rethinking the Indonesian crisis : a study of the political dimensions of Indonesia's economic crisis, 1997-99". Thesis, University of Reading, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408873.
Testo completo
35
Hicks, Jacqueline. "The politics of wealth distribution in post-Soeharto Indonesia : political power, corruption and institutional change". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1040/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the processes through which the redistribution of political and economic power is taking place in post-Soeharto Indonesia. In order to do this, patterns of `grand' corruption between the business community and the state are explored in three sites: the allocation of government contracts, the interaction between business associations and the state, and the negotiations over the repayment of debt. It is found that corruption has become more widely dispersed with the inclusion of new state actors and that the basis of allocation has moved away from the political influence of the Soeharto-era towards the more uncomplicated power of money. It is proposed that the conventional arguments which either invest institutions with the sole responsibility for limiting corruption or alternatively view them as completely irrelevant to the real exercise of power are both flawed. Rather, it is argued in this thesis that institutional change does indeed affect patterns of corruption, freezing out some participants, introducing others and defining new sites of corrupt exchange. The significance of such an analysis lies in the idea that corruption can never be destroyed but rather it is controlled through alterations of its character. Thus, any attempts to limit corruption must be grounded in such an analysis of its particular character. It is found that corruption has become more widely dispersed with the inclusion of new state actors and that the basis of allocation has moved away from the political influence of the Soeharto-era towards the more uncomplicated power of money. It is proposed that the conventional arguments which either invest institutions with the sole responsibility for limiting corruption or alternatively view them as completely irrelevant to the real exercise of power are both flawed. Rather, it is argued in this thesis that institutional change does indeed affect patterns of corruption, freezing out some participants, introducing others and defining new sites of corrupt exchange. The significance of such an analysis lies in the idea that corruption can never be destroyed but rather it is controlled through alterations of its character. Thus, any attempts to limit corruption must be grounded in such an analysis of its particular character. It is further hypothesised that efforts to limit corruption are badly served by an exclusive focus on the rules inherent in institutions at the expense of the inclusion of corruption's deeper structural causes. In response to this, the idea that corruption is partially driven by the need to foster the domestic capital accumulation process in a context of historic underdevelopment is explored throughout this thesis. Thus, it is proposed that corruption can be viewed as a system of wealth distribution based not just on money and connections, but also ethnicity and nationality.
36
Woodward, Kathleen Elizabeth. "Violent masses, elites, and democratization : the Indonesian Case /". The Ohio State University, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53707316.html.
Testo completo
37
Djani, Luky. "Reform movements and local politics in Indonesia". Thesis, Djani, Luky (2013) Reform movements and local politics in Indonesia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2013. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/41576/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis analyses the factors that have shaped conflicts over corruption in post-Suharto Indonesia and the processes by which corruption has been contained or entrenched. Contrary to mainstream theories it is argued here that institutional reforms in themselves are not sufficient factors in transforming behaviour or incentives for corruption. Most important, democratic reforms and decentralization programs introduced in the aftermath of the political reformasi do not in themselves results either in the containment of corruption or its continued entrenchment. Nor, it is proposed, institutional reforms in public administration and governance the decisive factors.
Rather, it is argued here that the success or failure of reformist movements is contingent upon a range of factors that influence the relative power of contending alliances involved in the conflicts over corruption. Among these factors, it is argued that the following are critical. One is the degree to which interests and coalitions that dominate government are able to secure a degree of monopoly over access to resources and revenues. This can provide decisive economic and political leverage in their attempts to protect predatory forms of authority against reformers. A second factor is related to the way such interests distribute public resources and budgetary expenditure and how effectively these consolidate social and political support. The third factor is related to the ability of reformers to build political alliances and coalitions. These may not always include opponents of corruption or the institutions of clientalism but may include some of those currently excluded from the existing benefits of corruption.
Using four case studies, the thesis examines how these factors influence the resolution of specific conflicts between reformers and incumbents. The four cases are selected to represent different ways in which elites are able to exert control over resources and how they distribute them as well as different patterns of reformist alliances. In other words, the thesis presents an argument that corruption reform is decided, not in the design and construction of institutions but in the context of constant struggles over power and how it is organised and resources are distributed.
38
Percaya, Desra. "Sino-Indonesian relations : a study of Indonesian perceptions of China". Thesis, Durham University, 2000. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1009/.
Testo completo
39
Leiliyanti, Eva. "Representation and symbolic politics in Indonesia : an analysis of billboard advertising in the legislative assembly elections of 2009". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/684.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The overarching characteristic of the 2009 legislative elections lay in the legislative candidates’ politics of image. It stemmed from the amendment to the election Law no. 10/2008 article 214 that ostensibly cut off the parties’ power in determining their candidates without the public’s “direct” consent. The public was then given a direct opportunity to choose and vote for their preferred candidates in the 2009 elections. This marked the emergence and proliferation of the candidates’ image construction, especially in the “outdoor” political arena. Billboards were chosen as the most effective outdoor advertising medium to introduce the candidates and propagate their slogans and platforms. However, at the same time, this mode of introducing and propagating reveals itself as an ideological map that demonstrates the contestation and synthesis of the two major ideological camps in the Indonesian political arena, i.e. the nationalist and Islamic. The candidates were coopted into and by this framework. They themselves could not escape as their political dispositions were unconsciously defined by this framework. Their billboards speak loudly the ideological contestation and synthesis.
The investigation of the contestation and synthesis needs Bourdieuan analytical tools, such as capital, dispositions (habitus) and field. These are used not merely to show how the mechanism of the contestation and synthesis operated and was defined by the rules of political “game”, but also to show how this mechanism involves the intricate inter-relationships of various capitals, such as the political, social, economic, cultural and symbolic, that reflect the candidates’ (read also: the parties’) dispositions within the field of Pancasila discourse. Pancasila becomes not only an ideological basis for the state but also the bastion of the contestation and synthesis. The twin roles arguably derive from the dominant cultural root (Javanese) that highly values the concepts of harmony, tolerance and appropriateness as the essences that allow the ideological contestation and synthesis of the nationalist and Islamic strands as the dominant ideological markers in the Indonesian political arena.
This thesis aims to demonstrate how the candidates’ billboards represent ideological contestation and synthesis as the billboards can also be perceived as the candidates’ visual “responses” which reflect their political dispositions and the process of taking stances amidst the contestation and synthesis. Therefore, this study was conducted in the form of a layered case study. Using a Bourdieuan lens, the first layer explores the historical background of the contestation and synthesis, their proliferation in the political arena and the mechanism of deploying these strands in the political parties’ branding. Using a social semiotic lens, the second layer investigates how the billboards as the products of the candidates’ political articulation represent not only these contestations and syntheses but also their dispositions. I found that the system of representation (on the candidates’ billboards) operates within the Javanese ideals of “equilibrium” in Pancasila discourse. These ideals frame the power relations between the nationalist and Islamic factions in an ostensible “consensus” in order to maintain the harmony and dilute ideological friction.
40
Sendjaja, Sasa Djuarsa. "Social reality and television news in Indonesia: An investigation of young Indonesians' perception of the television portrayals of three development program issues /". The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487597424137434.
Testo completo
41
Anderson, Mark A., e Marc Costain. "The banality of Islamist politics". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1179.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Approved For Public Release; Distribution is UnlimitedPolitical Islam has emerged as an unambiguous threat to liberal and Western-leaning regimes throughout the world. Public discourse has focused on the Islamic nature of this challenge, emphasizing the cultural characteristics of the threat. In contrast, this thesis argues that Political Islam is essentially a political challenge. Further, states can and do dictate the political space available to Islamists. In order to illustrate this argument, Indonesia and Algeria serve as case studies. These two culturally, economically and ethnically diverse nations share a predominance of Muslim adherents. Each nation has struggled with Political Islam. Yet, the consequences of state policy have profoundly differed. Recent innovations in political science theory are employed to provide a uniform structure of comparison between the two case studies. The thesis concludes that states make a choice whether to play offense or defense against their political opposition. When states choose the offensive, using targeted, preemptive repression to subsume the political space, they are successful. When states choose the defensive, using indiscriminate, reactive repression to foreclose political space, they are failures. This thesis implies that states, far from being hapless victims of fervently religious movements, can exercise a broad array of policy options to compete with Political Islam.
Major, United States Marine Corps
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
42
Juliawan, Benedictus Hari. "Playing politics : labour movements in post-authoritarian Indonesia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7d799e4-5a32-4bb3-81fb-76578c78c07f.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since the collapse of the New Order regime in 1998, democratisation and economic liberalisation have combined to create both opportunities and constraints for the revival of organised labour in Indonesia. The picture of post-authoritarian labour movements painted by various scholars is almost universally bleak, portraying helpless trade unions in the face of economic impasse and the undemocratic remnants of the old forces. Being overtly cautious of the new democracy, this line of analysis has not done justice to Indonesian labour movements. It overestimates the ghost of the old dictatorship and underestimates the power of budding organised labour. Using trade union as the unit of analysis, this dissertation seeks to offer a different view of Indonesian labour movements. It looks at shifting political opportunities in the regions and the agency of trade unions which constitute a political force that is far from being consolidated but has certainly made a significant contribution to the broadening of democratic politics. In negotiating pressures that originate from an increasingly liberalised economy, trade unions have adopted a strategy which is called „playing politics‟ in this dissertation. The term means that in the absence of significant market power, trade unions enter into the realm of power politics primarily by organising labour as social movements and attempt to ally with political elites, exploit the conflicts that emerge within state institutions and between the state and business, and try to join the ruling classes. In developing this argument, this dissertation makes two contributions to the study of labour politics in Indonesia: its reassessment of the historiography of the first ten years of post-authoritarianism and its offer of insights into possible future directions of labour politics.
43
Harjanto, Nicolaus Teguh Budi. "Islam and Liberalism in Contemporary Indonesia: The Political Ideas of Jaringan Islam Liberal". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1070464571.
Testo completo
44
Kohno, Takeshi. "Emergence of human rights activities in authoritarian Indonesia : the rise of civil society /". The Ohio State University, 2003. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/21105.
Testo completo
45
Suh, Jiwon. "The Politics of Transitional Justice in Post-Suharto Indonesia". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343450141.
Testo completo
46
Hellman, Jörgen. "Performing the nation : cultural politics in New Order Indonesia /". Copenhagen : NIAS Press, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39186336q.
Testo completo
47
Majani, Saiful. "Religious democrats: democratic culture and Muslim political participation in post-Suharto Indonesia". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054572222.
Testo completo
48
Noor, Firman. "Moderate Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia : a study of political thinking and behaviour of the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), 1998-2005". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110497.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The emergence of Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party, PKS), a new
Islamic party established at the beginning of the Reformasi era, has provoked a critical
response from observers. There is increasing debate among observers about the true
nature and aims of PKS. As we shall see, some of this debate rests on a superficial
understanding of the party and stereotypical views of its political activities. On the one
hand, there are those who regard this party as a promising development in Indonesian
politics, citing its commitment to clean government, democracy, civil society, social
welfare, and peaceful change. On the other hand, there are those who consider PKS to
have a hidden agenda that has the potential to endanger democratic life and Indonesia's
status as a plural country. Some in this second group liken PKS to "hardline" Islamic
groups, and one writer has even claimed it was a greater danger than Jamaah Islamiyah.
Despite this debate, much of the literature on PKS only illuminates certain aspects of the
party and there is a need for more thorough research in understanding its real
characteristics.
49
Ritonga, Mara. "Exploration of metaphors used by Indonesian legislators and political elites in the Indonesian sociopolitical domain". Thesis, Aston University, 2014. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/24451/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the ways Indonesian politicians exploit the rhetorical power of metaphors in the Indonesian political discourse. The research applies the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, Metaphorical Frame Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis to textual and oral data. The corpus comprises: 150 political news articles from two newspapers (Harian Kompas and Harian Waspada, 2010-2011 edition), 30 recordings of two television news and talk-show programmes (TV-One and Metro-TV), and 20 interviews with four legislators, two educated persons and two laymen. For this study, a corpus of written bahasa Indonesia was also compiled, which comprises 150 texts of approximately 439,472 tokens. The data analysis shows the potential power of metaphors in relation to how politicians communicate the results of their thinking, reasoning and meaning-making through language and discourse and its social consequences. The data analysis firstly revealed 1155 metaphors. These metaphors were then classified into the categories of conventional metaphor, cognitive function of metaphor, metaphorical mapping and metaphor variation. The degree of conventionality of metaphors is established based on the sum of expressions in each group of metaphors. Secondly, the analysis revealed that metaphor variation is influenced by the broader Indonesian cultural context and the natural and physical environment, such as the social dimension, the regional, style and the individual. The mapping system of metaphor is unidirectionality. Thirdly, the data show that metaphoric thought pervades political discourse in relation to its uses as: (1) a felicitous tool for the rhetoric of political leaders, (2) part of meaning-making that keeps the discourse contexts alive and active, and (3) the degree to which metaphor and discourse shape the conceptual structures of politicians‟ rhetoric. Fourthly, the analysis of data revealed that the Indonesian political discourse attempts to create both distance and solidarity towards general and specific social categories accomplished via metaphorical and frame references to the conceptualisations of us/them. The result of the analysis shows that metaphor and frame are excellent indicators of the us/them categories which work dialectically in the discourse. The acts of categorisation via metaphors and frames at both textual and conceptual level activate asymmetrical concepts and contribute to social and political hierarchical constructs, i.e. WEAKNESS vs. POWER, STUDENT vs. TEACHER, GHOST vs. CHOSEN WARRIOR, and so on. This analysis underscores the dynamic nature of categories by documenting metaphorical transfers between, i.e. ENEMY, DISEASE, BUSINESS, MYSTERIOUS OBJECT and CORRUPTION, LAW, POLITICS and CASE. The metaphorical transfers showed that politicians try to dictate how they categorise each other in order to mobilise audiences to act on behalf of their ideologies and to create distance and solidarity.
50
Syakhroza, Akhmad. "Influence of politics on the budgeting process : a study of the fertiliser manufacturing industry in Indonesia". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1043.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study investigates the influence of politics on the budgeting process within the fertiliser manufacturing industry in Indonesia. Prior budgeting studies have focused on one of the following three theoretical frameworks - economic, psychological, and social. This study expands the research corpus by assessing the effect of politics on the budgeting process. The objectives of this study arc: (a) to investigate the effect of politics in the relationship between managerial roles and budgeting process – budgetary participation, budgetary communication, and budgetary control including budgetary monitoring and budgetary evaluation, and (b) to assess the impact of structural and individual power on the budgeting process. The study uses a mixed research methodology survey method supplemented by interviews. The survey questionnaire is adapted from previous studies. The sample for this study consists of four fertiliser-manufacturing enterprises in the state owned sector of Indonesia. The respondents of the survey questionnaire were middle managers responsible for unit budgets in the sample companies. Respondents were asked to rate on a seven-point scale their agreement or disagreement with issues concerning the budgeting process, managerial roles and politics. Survey interviews, based on the questionnaire, were developed for a select group of respondents, consisting of middle and senior managers. The results of the study, both survey questionnaire and interviews, indicate that politics has significant influence on the budgeting process. Further, it showed that the influence appeared different, depending whether structural or individual power is involved. The major implications of this study centre on the strong moderating effect of politics on the relationship between the budgeting process and managerial roles: this seems to be a relevant construct and should be developed further. Hopefully, the study will advance the thinking of scholars in this area and create interest in replicating this method of analysis and validating the findings. The conceptual model should also be applied to the role of politics on the budgeting process in other industries to assess the external validity of the model.