Bibliografie tematiche / International Socialist League (S.A.)

Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "International Socialist League (S.A.)"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 1 febbraio 2022

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "International Socialist League (S.A.)":

LAQUA, DANIEL. "Democratic Politics and the League of Nations: The Labour and Socialist International as a Protagonist of Interwar Internationalism". Contemporary European History 24, n. 2 (13 aprile 2015): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000041.

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AbstractThe Labour and Socialist International (LSI) was a major vehicle for transnational socialist cooperation during the interwar years and thus seemed to continue the traditions of socialist internationalism. In the realm of international relations, however, it championed key tenets of liberal internationalism. The LSI supported the idea of a League of Nations and embraced the notion of a world order based upon democratic nation-states. While it criticised some aspects of the international system, its overall emphasis was on reform rather than revolution. The article sheds light on the wider phenomenon of interwar internationalism by tracing the LSI's relationship with the League of Nations, with the politics of peace more generally and with the competing internationalism of the communists.

Ramis-Barceló, Rafael. "Humanismo, historia y revolución en el joven MacIntyre". Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político 6 (17 marzo 2016): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/revintpensampolit.1879.

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Este artículo trata de mostrar la evolución intelectual de Alasdair MacIntyre de 1958 a 1960. Con este fin, se resumen las ideas de MacIntyre en el contexto de la ideología de izquierda en Gran Bretaña, principalmente en la recepción del estalinismo ortodoxo, y su crítica de acuerdo a la revisión de los intérpretes de Marx: Lenin, Trotsky, Lukács y Kautsky. El artículo trata de explicar tanto la evolución política como la intelectual de MacIntyre (New Left, Socialist Labour League, Socialist International), de acuerdo con tres problemas principales: el humanismo, la historia y la revolución.

van der Walt, L. ""The Industrial Union is the Embryo of the Socialist Commonwealth": The International Socialist League and Revolutionary Syndicalism in South Africa, 1915-1920". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 19, n. 1 (1 marzo 1999): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-19-1-5.

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Johnson, Alan. "Introduction Hal Draper: A Biographical Sketch". Historical Materialism 4, n. 1 (1999): 181–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920699100414364.

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AbstractHal Draper was born in Brooklyn in 1914, to East European Jewish immigrant parents. In 1932 he became active in the Student League for Industrial Democracy and the Socialist Party youth section, the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL). A leader of the Student Strikes Against War, he became an associate editor of Socialist Appeal in 1934. In 1937, the socialist youth, led by Draper and Ernest Erber, voted to support the Fourth International after Trotsky's followers entered the Socialist Party (SP). Draper opposed the subsequent split in the SP, which Trotsky and James P. Cannon deliberately provoked, but left with the Trotskyists and became the national secretary of the Socialist Workers’ Party's youth group, a member of its first National Executive, and the secretary of the party's National Education Department. Irving Howe, a YPSL comrade, later recalled his admiration. Draper was, ‘genuinely learned in Marxism, with a mind that marched from one theorem to another as if God were clearing his way’, a youth leader who ‘would speak for us with a razored lucidity’ in debate with the Stalinists. Draper was part of the minority when the SWP split in 1940 over two issues, the ‘Russian question’ and the ‘bureaucratic conservatism’ of James P. Cannon's internal party regime. Draper became a founder member of the Workers’ Party (WP) , led by Max Shachtman, which developed an analysis of the Soviet Union as neither a ‘workers’ state’ nor state capitalist but a new form of exploiting class society, bureaucratic collectivism. The WP refused to ‘defend the Soviet Union’ and developed a distinctive democratic revolutionary Marxism, summed up by the slogan, ‘Neither Washington nor Moscow but the Third Camp of Independent Socialism!’. And, in reaction to Cannon's monolithic conception of the party, the WP developed a highly democratic internal political culture marked by ‘an atmosphere of genuine tolerance’ unceasing internal debate carried in the public press, and untrammelled rights for minorities.

Goodrum, Sarah. "International Photography Networks and Walter Hahn’s Museum for Photography, Dresden". International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 5, n. 1 (28 marzo 2017): 130–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.526.

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The Museum für Photographie, founded, developed and directed by Dr. Walter Hahn for only twelve years in the city of Dresden, has only recently emerged in scholarship on East German photographic culture. Although the museum definitely enjoyed a relationship with the East German cultural authorities within the Cultural League, or Kulturbund, it does not sit easily in the historiographical category of ‘official’ photography in the GDR. Hahn’s version of the history of photography was challenging to the socialist establishment, which hampered the further development of the museum and did not preserve the project after Hahn’s death. Hahn’s ambitions to expand his museum and gain membership in an international community of collectors and museum professionals drove him to contact a tremendous number of figures throughout the world and led to many fruitful exchanges on questions of the history of photography and the state of collections internationally. This article will address the degree to which Hahn’s networking through publications and correspondence and attempts at cultural diplomacy tied him more closely to the international community of photography collectors and photography museums – particularly in the West – than his Cultural League colleagues could ultimately sanction. It argues that Hahn and his museum represent a historical and historiographical anomaly that complicates the accepted narratives of East Germany history. Hahn’s interactions within the international museum community represent a significant instance of the international circuit of photographic images and literature during the Cold War.

Božić, Gordana. "The Communist Ideological Legacy and Serb–Albanian Relations in Kosovo". Nationalities Papers 37, n. 1 (gennaio 2009): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802373611.

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In the course of trying to establish functional and harmonious relations among Yugoslav nations, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (hereafter the Communist Party) asked two key questions: (1) did the common interests that united Yugoslav nations and nationalities after the Second World War change over time? And (2) was nationalism a manifestation of the failure to resolve the national question? The Communist Party answered “no” to both questions. We may deepen our understanding of why multinational socialist Yugoslavia resisted disintegration for almost 50 years, if we get a better grasp of the Communist Party's responses and arguments to these questions. Equally important, since the Kosovo question is, so to speak, an unresolved legacy of the socialist (communist) system, reviewing the arguments that dominated the political life of socialist Yugoslavia may also give us some insights into future developments in Kosovo. By putting the above-mentioned questions into the Kosovo context, the article does not, however, attempt to offer the “right” answer to them. Rather, the purpose of this article is to provide some important background considerations about challenges, such as decentralization, that multinational Yugoslavia faced and to explore lessons learned from the past.

Ashworth, Lucian M. "Rethinking a Socialist Foreign Policy: The British Labour Party and International Relations Experts, 1918 to 1931". International Labor and Working-Class History 75, n. 1 (2009): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909000040.

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AbstractBetween 1918 and 1929 the British Labour Party, working in conjunction with many of the top names in International Relations (IR), developed a coherent foreign policy centered around reforming the international system. This was a major policy change for a political party that, up until then, had concentrated on domestic social and political issues. The construction of Labour's interwar foreign policy was part of a wider intellectual revolution that produced the separate discipline of IR after the First World War, and the splits in Labour over foreign policy mirrored similar splits in the wider IR literature. Particularly important here were the differences of opinion over the relationship between arbitration, sanctions, and disarmament in a system of League of Nations pooled security. Labour's close association with IR experts and intellectuals resulted in the construction of an international policy that, while addressing socialist themes, drew on an older liberal tradition. The ultimate goal of this policy was to create pacific international conditions favorable to the development of democratic socialism. While events after 1931 forced a major rethinking in the Party, Labour's IR experts continued to provide policy-relevant advice that shaped the Party's responses to the rise of fascism.

Van der Walt ∗, Lucien. "Bakunin's heirs in South Africa: race and revolutionary syndicalism from the IWW to the International Socialist League, 1910–21". Politikon 31, n. 1 (maggio 2004): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340410001690819.

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Beers, Laura. "Bridging the Ideological Divide: Liberal and Socialist Collaboration in the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 1919–1945". Journal of Women's History 33, n. 2 (2021): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2021.0017.

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Mikovic, Danijela, Lucia Stanciakova, Helmut Sinzinger e Peter Kubisz. "Meeting Report: 18th International Meeting of the Danubian League against Thrombosis and Haemorrhagic Disorders". Seminars in Thrombosis and Hemostasis 41, n. 08 (19 ottobre 2015): 903–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0035-1564803.

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Più fonti

Tesi sul tema "International Socialist League (S.A.)":

Caldwell, Marc Anthony. "Struggle in discourse the International's discourse against racism in the labour-movement in South Africa (1915-1919)". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002872.

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The International, as the weekly newspaper of the International Socialist League, articulated from 1915 to 1919 an ideology which stood opposed both to organised labour and nationalist movements in South Africa. This situation reflected significant historical struggles during this period, which constitutes essential background to the discourse of the International. The International's writers opposed the institution of trade unionism in the labour movement because it was fragmented on the lines of skill and race. They opposed both the National Party and the South African Native National Congress because they advocated racial (and national) rather than working class interests. Instead, these writers, according to their international socialist paradigm, advocated a working class united irrespective of race and skill at the level of industry. To analyse these ideological positions, discourse analysis provides a fruitful method for locating its dynamics in relation to other positions and extra-ideological (contextual) practices: The International's writers g~nerated a socialist position against racism by engaging in an ideological struggle in discourse. They articulated their anti-racist position from international socialism's critique of the 'languages' of both militarism and trade unionism in the discourse of labour. Within the discourse of militarism, the working class was signified as divided between hostile nations. These writers applied this as a metaphor to the division of the local labour movement and criticised the latter accordingly. In their view, just as workers were divided between the nations (nationalism), so they were divided within the nation (racism) in South Africa. One context cohered with the other, and both agreed with imperatives of international capitalism. This was fundamentally opposed to the principles of international socialism which characterised the International's discourse. Within the dominant discourse oflabour, workers were signified as divided between different trade unions on the basis of skills. Furthermore, in the South African context, trade unions organised only white workers, and ignored the far larger proportion of black labour. In this context, the International advocated industrial unionism, and criticised the narrow base of the white trade unions for fragmenting and weakening the working class in South African. The International's writers were thus led by the discourse of international socialism to a new discourse, whereby not white workers alone, but a racially-united working class movement would be the key to a socialist future in South Africa. Their struggle entailed a bid in and over discourse to rearticulate the sign of the 'native worker' within their own discourse as the dominant discourse type. Underpinning their struggle was a fundamental opposition to capitalist class relations.

Libri sul tema "International Socialist League (S.A.)":

Johns, S. Raising the red flag: The International Socialist League and the Communist Party of South Africa, 1914-1932. Belville, South Africa: Mayibuye Books, 1995.

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Affairs, United States Congress House Committee on Foreign. Calling on the League of Arab States to acknowledge the genocide in the Darfur Region of Sudan and to step up their efforts to stop the genocide in Darfur; calling on the government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam to immediately and unconditionally release Father Nguyen Van Ly, Nguyen Van Dai, Le Thi Cong Nhan, and other political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, and for other purposes; and commemorating the 200th anniversary of the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade: Markup before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, on H. Con. Res. 7, H. Res. 243 and H. Res. 272, April 19, 2007. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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Imlay, Talbot C. European Socialists and the International Order, 1918–1925. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the collective efforts of British, French, and German socialists to place a socialist stamp on the emerging post-war political order both within and between countries. The period covered runs from the end of the First World War to the mid-1920s, a moment that several recent scholars have identified as marking the end of the post-war period and the making of a ‘real peace’. In exploring the post-war practice of socialist internationalism, the chapter focuses on a series of interlocking issues: the peace treaties; national self-determination; reparations and economic reconstruction; and the League of Nations and post-war security. On issues such as reparations and Western European security, European socialists claimed with justice to have pointed the way forward to intergovernmental arrangements. But if socialists could rightly boast of their role as trailblazers, their deliberations also exposed the fragile nature of the much-vaunted ‘real peace’ achieved by mid-decade.

Corthorn, Paul. In the Shadow of the Dictators: The British Left in the 1930s (International Library of Political Studies). Tauris Academic Studies, 2006.

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Imlay, Talbot C. European Socialists and Empire between the Wars. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the position of European socialists towards empire and especially towards colonialism. Although European socialists ostensibly supported the notion of trusteeship, embodied in the League of Nations mandate system, their thinking on reformist colonialism was more uncertain and contested than is often contended. Indeed, socialist thinking included a strand of anti-colonialism that manifested itself in calls for the International to adopt a policy of more active support for anti-colonial movements in the colonies as well as a more systemic opposition to the global political and economic order in which colonialism was embedded. Partly in reaction to communist anti-colonialism, however, this socialist anti-colonialism was marginalized by the end of the 1920s as mainstream socialism endorsed trusteeship not because it provided a well-defined political programme but as a means to close off more far-reaching proposals. During the later 1930s socialist anti-colonialism would reappear in the form of colonial appeasement.

McKillen, Elizabeth. Conclusion. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037870.003.0009.

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This concluding chapter examines the significance of the labor/Left debate over Woodrow Wilson's foreign policy both for U.S. diplomacy and for the U.S. labor movement in the twentieth century. The Senate's final rejection of the Treaty of Versailles ended the eight-year war of position waged by U.S. labor and Socialist groups in an effort to influence the Wilsonian international agenda. The U.S and transnational labor and Left debate over the Versailles Treaty, League of Nations, and the International Labor Organization exposed fundamental contradictions in Wilsonian internationalism. This chapter argues that the Versailles treaty's defeat served the political ends of the Republicans more than the Left but insists that Wilsonian ideas about American exceptionalism, democracy, international law and governance, and international capitalism would cast a long shadow over the twentieth, and even the twenty-first, century.

Simons, Margaret A. Introduction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039003.003.0045.

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This introductory chapter provides a background of Simone de Beauvoir's feminism. As the political opposition hardened and the Women's Liberation Movement (MLF) matured in the 1970s, Beauvoir put “her notoriety and her connections at the service of this movement of young rabble-rousers without ever claiming to lead it in any certain direction.” Beauvoir supported those feminists interested in legal reform through the creation of a League of Women's Rights and those “who preferred to fight sexism by denouncing it with perspicacity and humor.” Moreover, she lent her support to a successful campaign for divorce law reform and an unsuccessful one for a law banning sexism, which won the support of the Secretary for Women's Rights in the new Socialist government in 1981, but failed after vehement opposition from advertisers and the press. In 1979, Beauvoir joined an international campaign—also unsuccessful—to defend the rights of women in the Iranian Revolution.

Capitoli di libri sul tema "International Socialist League (S.A.)":

Gregson, John. "The Revolutionary Marxists: The Socialist Labour League and International Socialism". In Marxism, Ethics and Politics, 89–134. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03371-2_4.

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Drwal, Małgorzata. "The Hybridity of South African Working-Class Literature". In Working-Class Literature(s) Volume II. Historical and International Perspectives, 165–208. Stockholm University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.16993/bbf.g.

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In this chapter I present an overview of the most prominent trends in South African working-class literature from the beginning of the 20th century until 1994. Since its emergence, South African working class was a heterogeneous formation which encompassed diverse ethnicities, both of European and non-European origin. Each of them created its own literature and culture, using various languages, incorporating traditional elements and means of expression, and merging them with borrowed foreign discourses and literary devices belonging to the repertoire of socialist literature that had been created mostly in the Soviet Union, the USA and other European countries. Consequently, South African working-class literature can be conceived of as conglomerate of heteroglot hybrid forms and manifestations of a subversive counter-discourse of protest literature. The forms presented here include writings of European socialists commenting on South African situation, novels utilizing the Jim goes to Joburg plot pattern, drama incorporating the Soviet socialist realism and references to the Afrikaans farm novel, Afrikaans folk tunes functioning as protest songs, and black workers praise poetry based on tribal oral conventions. As a carrier of a new working-class identity, this literature promoted a modern urban model which, nevertheless, relied on the continuity with local rural traditions.

Spaskovska, Ljubica. "‘Pockets of freedom’: the youth sphere and its spaces of negotiation and dissent". In The Last Yugoslav Generation. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526106315.003.0002.

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The first chapter maps the wide, decentralised youth infrastructure of the League of Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia (SSOJ) as a form of public space which accommodated both mainstream and ‘alternative’ politics and cultures, outlining some of the major debates which occurred within its strictly speaking political/institutional core, as well as in its peripheral sites, i.e. its media and cultural realms. It also offers an overview of the history of the institutional youth sphere, focussing on certain crucial events, such as the events of 1968 and the 1974 reorganisation of the youth organisation which resulted in the disappearance of the Student Union(s) as separate body. It shows how a process of negotiating new forms of youth activism (in the youth press), of questioning of inherited traditions and creating venues for democratisation of the youth organisation were made possible by the advancement of a new young political, media and cultural elite which generally sought to target the malfunctions of the system and undermine dogmatic socialism.

Burke, Kyle. "The Flames of Anticommunist Revolution". In Revolutionaries for the Right, 12–27. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640730.003.0002.

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The anticommunist international emerged in the early years of the Cold War. As many right-leaning movements around the world grew dissatisfied with the US government and its response to the apparently rising tide of communism, they sought common cause with each other. In the United States, activist Marvin Liebman, an erstwhile socialist turned fierce anticommunist, labored tirelessly to link the burgeoning US conservative movement to new allies abroad. Journeying through Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere, Liebman bonded with an array of right-wing groups, especially the Asian People’s Anti-Communist League and the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations. Through these connections, leading US conservatives grew convinced that homegrown forces—especially paramilitaries they called “freedom fighters”—were in the vanguard of an unfolding international revolution.

Burri, Michael. "Clemens Pirquet". In Remaking Central Europe, 39–70. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198854685.003.0003.

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This chapter traces the professional ascent of Clemens Pirquet, a central figure in the international postwar humanitarian relief effort in Austria and a contributing expert at the League of Nations Health Organization in the 1920s. Pirquet administered American Relief Administration resources in Austria between 1919 and 1922, using his own Pirquet System of Nutrition. Pirquet had worked at Johns Hopkins, and his postwar ascent suggests the postwar significance of prewar international networks. His career as a scientist also underscores the importance of depersonalized data and statistics for an emerging (American) postwar model of public health, as experts in science and public policy sought to universalize the ideal of humanitarian relief around the figure of the child. The Rockefeller Foundation financed much of this new public health model, and Foundation advisers knew Pirquet well. Meanwhile, local politics mattered, as Pirquet was engaged in a bitter rivalry with Socialist leadership of 1920s Vienna.

Attfield, Nicholas. "Working towards the Third Reich". In Challenging the Modern. British Academy, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266137.003.0007.

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The epilogue contributes to efforts to map continuities in musical thought between the Weimar and Nazi eras, and deals with issues of advocacy. There was not the straightforward rise to influence that is sometimes implied. Walter Abendroth had to overcome Pfitzner’s cantankerousness and fast-fading relevance. Heuss’s work was paraded by Fritz Stege in both the Zeitschrift für Musik and Rosenberg’s Kampfbund für deutsche Kultur (‘Combat League for German Culture’). The Austrian musicologist Robert Haas encountered resistance against the project that, above all, symbolized his intended mediation of the Nazi party, the Austrian National Library, and the International Bruckner Society: the ‘complete edition’ of the composer’s scores. Gustav Wyneken transformed his image of Halm from the cosmopolitan socialist and impassioned music critic of the early 1920s and emphasized Halm’s place in the national pantheon of ignored symphonic composers. Halm became the latest composer-leader in a tradition of syntheses towards which his own work on the ‘third culture’ had pointed.

Graves, Kori A. "Pearl S. Buck and the Institutional and Rhetorical Reframing of US and Korean Adoption". In A War Born Family, 187–222. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479872329.003.0006.

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In 1949, Pulitzer and Nobel Prize–winning author Pearl S. Buck established Welcome House, the first permanent foster home and adoption agency for mixed-race children of Asian descent born in the United States. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Buck innovated an institutional model and rhetorical strategy to increase adoptions of US-born and foreign-born mixed-race children of Asian descent. Buck’s strategies were controversial because they represented a break from adoption standards that child welfare professionals devised to promote the best interest of adoptees. Professionals associated with the US Children’s Bureau, the Child Welfare League of America, and International Social Service were critical of Buck’s adoption work and her support of proxy adoptions. But white adoptive families responded to her reframing of mixed-race children as beautiful and intellectually superior hybrids that were model adoptees. Yet, Buck’s efforts to increase African Americans’ adoptions of Korean black children were less effective. Her awareness that transnational adoption would not be a solution for many mixed-race Korean children, and especially Korean black children, led Buck to establish the Pearl S. Buck Foundation and an opportunity center in South Korea to assist mixed-race children and their mothers.

Saunders, Jack. "‘The merits of Brother Worth’". In Waiting for the Revolution. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526113658.003.0006.

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Between 1968 and 1975, members of the Trotskyist Socialist Labour League, the International Socialists and the Militant Tendency held senior positions in factory union organisations at British Leyland factories in Birmingham, Solihull, and at Chrysler in Linwood and Coventry. This chapter consists of a detailed study of shop steward documents at Chrysler's engine factory in Stoke Aldermoor (Coventry), where the IS had a few dozen members, including Deputy Works Convenor John Worth. It looks at how politics affected IS members’ participation in everyday workplace life. Crucially, rather than looking at their contribution to shop-floor activism as an attempt to “import” ideas from outside the factory, I will show how radical militants were often politicised in ways that reflected feelings with wider resonance amongst their co-workers. The presence of an IS fraction within the plant contributed to the changing politics and social practices of the wider trade union movement within the factory, but was ultimately constrained by the constraints of working solely within the issues which the workforce defined as legitimately “industrial”.

Kinsella, Helen M. "9. Feminism". In The Globalization of World Politics, 145–59. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198825548.003.0009.

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This chapter examines international feminism, focusing on how feminist international relations theories are necessary for understanding international politics, what feminist international relations theories provide for understanding international politics, and how feminist international relations theories have influenced the practice of international politics. The chapter proceeds by explaining feminism and feminist international relations theory as well as feminist conceptions of gender and power. It also discusses four feminist international relations theories: liberal feminist international relations, critical feminist international relations, postcolonial feminist international relations, and poststructural feminist international relations. Two case studies of women's organizations are presented: the Women's International League of Peace and Freedom and the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether feminist foreign policy changes states' foreign policy decisions.

Tambe, Ashwini. "Legislating Nonmarital Sex in India, 1911–1929". In Defining Girlhood in India, 61–84. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042720.003.0004.

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The third chapter describes how an expanded understanding of girlhood influenced an Indian law restricting child marriage and raising the age of consent. This chapter details changes in legislative politics and in the way Indian legislators appropriated international antitrafficking standards across two decades. It begins by discussing the 1911 Dadabhoy Bill, the first formulation of a distinct age of consent for all nonmarital sex, which was partially provoked by conventions drawn up by the International Society for the Suppression of White Slave Traffic. Next, the chapter examines how Indian Legislative Assembly members in 1922 and 1923-24 responded to the claims S. M. Edwardes made to League of Nations delegates justifying a lower age of consent in India. It then analyzes the 1929 law restricting child marriage, focusing on its effects on sexual consent outside marriage and the resulting anxieties pertaining to parental control. It closes with a fuller analysis of the Report of the Age of Consent Committee and its articulation of parental anxieties. The chapter argues that the 1929 law constraining child marriage, widely considered a key moment of Indian social reform, was facilitated by prior and concurrent measures that fixed a higher age of consent for nonmarital sex. These measures entrenched parental control over daughters’ sexual practices and, ultimately, limited the implications of marriage reform.

Atti di convegni sul tema "International Socialist League (S.A.)":

"Research on the Practice of Socialist Core Values in Colleges under the Background of the Communist Youth League Reform". In 2019 International Conference on Arts, Management, Education and Innovation. Clausius Scientific Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23977/icamei.2019.087.

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SANDU, Alexandra. "WHAT PATTERN(S) FOR THE URBAN SPRAWL OF THE POST-SOCIALIST ROMANIAN CITIES?" In 17th International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2017/23/s11.109.

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Mitrović, Jelena, e Vladan Perić. "Sensate utopia—experiencing unreachable in the state spectacle of socialist Yugoslavia". In The 2nd International Multidisciplinary Congress Phi 2016 – Utopia(S) – Worlds and Frontiers of the Imaginary. CRC Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781315265322-69.

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Orlova, Valentina. "Banking System of Ukraine under Conditions of Overcoming the Consequences of 2008 Global Crisis". In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00132.

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Abstract (sommario):

In the modern market models state banking system plays the most significant role in the functioning of economic mechanism. It ensures control of total money supply, regulates movement of cash flows, and realizes accumulation and investment of financial resources, crediting different trades and people. In transition from socialist model of economics to market economy a precondition for the start of reformation of economic relations is multi-branch state banking system. In the beginning of 1990-s creation of such banking system began in Ukraine. However, crisis situation in economics that developed in 2008 has shown how imperfect and unadapted to the regularities of market economy was banking system in Ukraine. Now Ukrainian economics like world economy is recovering. However, the problem of growing treasury deficit and national debt becomes issue of the day for the Government as drastic, not predicted variations of foreign currency are able to make an impact on loan market. The article describes history of building Ukrainian banking system starting from market reforms. It gives analysis of the reasons that have caused collapse of the banking system under conditions of the global economic crisis of 2008. It also evaluates prospects for further development of banking sector in Ukraine.