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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Inversion of the subject"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 1 febbraio 2022

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1

Marten, Lutz, e Jenneke van der Wal. "A typology of Bantu subject inversion". Linguistic Variation 14, n. 2 (31 dicembre 2014): 318–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.14.2.04mar.

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This study charts variation in subject inversion constructions in Bantu languages. It distinguishes between seven types of inversion constructions: formal locative inversion, semantic locative inversion, instrument inversion, patient inversion, (clausal) complement inversion, default agreement inversion and agreeing inversion. Based on a set of nine surface variables, a matrix of inversion constructions is developed which identifies characteristics of the set of constructions overall as well as of each individual construction type. The distribution of the different inversion constructions is documented with reference to a sample of 46 Bantu languages, from which geographical and typological generalisations are drawn. For example, languages with instrument inversion or with patient inversion always have locative inversion (but not vice versa), or if a language has at least one inversion construction, it always has at least either default agreement inversion or agreeing inversion. Finally, underlying parameters potentially accounting for the variation are discussed, such as the status of preverbal locatives as DP or PP, the agreement parameter and the syntactic and thematic restrictions on the preverbal element.

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CULICOVER, PETER W., e SUSANNE WINKLER. "English focus inversion". Journal of Linguistics 44, n. 3 (16 ottobre 2008): 625–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226708005343.

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Besides the canonical Subject–I–VP structure, English has several inversion constructions in which the subject follows the inflected verb. The most familiar is Subject Auxiliary Inversion (SAI) which is analyzed as an instance of Head Movement (I–to–C-movement across the subject) in the generative tradition. In this paper we investigate Comparative Inversion (CI), which appears to be a special case of SAI in which ellipsis is required (Merchant 2003). Contrary to this analysis, we show that the subject can stay low in a noncanonical position, violating the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) in exactly those instances where it is under comparison and therefore heavily accented and contrastively focused. Our analysis shows that the non-application of the EPP is tied to regular interactions of syntax with phonology and syntax with semantics. We extend this in depth analysis to other English focus inversions and provide evidence that phonological highlighting and focus on the low subject can suspend the EPP. Thus, our analysis supports research programs which assume minimal syntactic structure and operations in interaction with interface constraints that are independently required for explanation.

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3

Belletti, Adriana, e Chiara Leonini. "Subject inversion in L2 Italian". EUROSLA Yearbook 4 (3 settembre 2004): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eurosla.4.06bel.

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4

Prado-Alonso, Carlos. "A comprehensive corpus-based analysis of “X Auxiliary Subject” constructions in written and spoken English". Topics in Linguistics 20, n. 2 (1 dicembre 2019): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/topling-2019-0007.

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Abstract This paper describes a corpus-based analysis of subject-auxiliary inversion in both spoken and written English. The focus of the analysis is Chen’s (2013) X Auxiliary Subject construction (XASC), where X codes the fronting of a constituent which triggers the inversion of the auxiliary and the subject, as in “Never has trade union loyalty faced a more baffling test” or “What did he do?” On the basis of a statistical analysis using corpora of written and spoken English, it is argued that the distribution of XAS inversion, in the interrogative mood, is related to the degree of an addressor’s involvement in a text. It will be shown that, in the interrogative mood, the more involvement in a text, the more XAS inversions are to be expected. It is also argued that XAS inversions in interrogative clauses can be seen to serve as discourse markers through which an addressor’s involvement is coded in written and spoken English discourse. The analysis will also show that XAS inversions in the declarative mood also serve an interpersonal function, this, however, being inherently tied to the clause-linking function performed by the construction. Furthermore, the data will show that the distribution of XAS inversions in declarative clauses is related to the degree of informational content of the texts in which these inversions occur.

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5

Jones, Michael A. "Subject-clitic inversion and inflectional hierarchies". Journal of French Language Studies 9, n. 2 (settembre 1999): 181–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269500004683.

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AbstractThis paper attributes the effects of subject-clitic inversion to a reversal of the normal hierarchy between Tense (T) and Mood (M) projections which is induced by certain modal or illocutionary features. The simple inversion pattern results from raising of the verb to M, while the subject raises to Spec TP. This structure provides a position (Spec MP) for the lexical subject in the case of complex inversion, without the need for multiple specifiers or additional functional categories. By raising to this position, the lexical subject binds a surrogate clitic in Spec TP, creating an argument Chain which contains a single theta-position and a single Case position. The implications of this analysis for subject questions and the phenomenon of stylistic inversion are also discussed in some detail.

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6

Domínguez, Laura, e María J. Arche. "Subject inversion in non-native Spanish". Lingua 145 (giugno 2014): 243–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2014.04.004.

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7

Blanchette, Frances, e Chris Collins. "On the Subject of Negative Auxiliary Inversion". Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 64, n. 1 (18 settembre 2018): 32–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2018.22.

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AbstractThis article presents a novel analysis ofNegative Auxiliary Inversion(NAI) constructions such asdidn't many people eat, in which a negated auxiliary appears in pre-subject position. NAI, found in varieties including Appalachian, African American, and West Texas English, has a word order identical to a yes/no question, but is pronounced and interpreted as a declarative. We propose that NAI subjects are negative DPs, and that the negation raises from the subject DP to adjoin to Fin (a functional head in the left periphery). Three properties of NAI motivate this analysis: (i) scope freezing effects, (ii) the various possible and impossible NAI subject types, and (iii) the incompatibility of NAI constructions with true Double-Negation interpretations. Implications for theories of Negative Concord, Negative Polarity Items, and the representation of negation are discussed.

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8

Sevostyanov, Dmitry A. "Inversional Relations in Social and Economic Systems". Observatory of Culture, n. 3 (28 giugno 2014): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2014-0-3-18-25.

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Represents an attempt of philosophical analysis of the inversional relations in society. The author describes inversions of elements in the social hierarchy and postulates opposition of the order and inversion. While the order is the arranged social and economic hierarchy, the inversion on the contrary means functional revolution of subordinated elements or subjects. It is argued that the accumulation and development of inversional socioeconomic relationships lead to social turmoil. In this regard, a study of inversional relations obtains both social and wider philosophical meanings.

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9

Bennett, William G. "Subject-Auxiliary inversion in interrogative complex NPs". Snippets, n. 32 (gennaio 2018): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.7358/snip-2017-032-benn.

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10

SeyoungPark. "English Subject-Auxiliary Inversion and Split Projection". English21 26, n. 4 (dicembre 2013): 355–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35771/engdoi.2013.26.4.017.

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11

김양순. "Subject Inversion Constructions and Third Factor Principles". Journal of Studies in Language 30, n. 2 (agosto 2014): 237–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18627/jslg.30.2.201408.237.

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12

Baauw, Sergio. "Subject-Verb Inversion in Spanish Wh-Questions". Linguistics in the Netherlands 15 (15 ottobre 1998): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.15.03baa.

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13

Afshan, Amber, e Prasanta Kumar Ghosh. "Improved subject-independent acoustic-to-articulatory inversion". Speech Communication 66 (febbraio 2015): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.specom.2014.07.005.

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14

Rombough, Kelly, e Rosalind Thornton. "Subject–Aux Inversion in Children with SLI". Journal of Psycholinguistic Research 48, n. 4 (3 aprile 2019): 921–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10936-019-09640-3.

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15

Paducheva, Elena. "Subject-Predicate inversion and its cognitive sources". Russian Linguistics 34, n. 2 (22 aprile 2010): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11185-010-9054-7.

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16

Zhang, Zhiyi, Partha S. Routh, Douglas W. Oldenburg, David L. Alumbaugh e Gregory A. Newman. "Reconstruction of 1-D conductivity from dual‐loop EM data". GEOPHYSICS 65, n. 2 (marzo 2000): 492–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/1.1444743.

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Inversions of electromagnetic data from different coil configurations provide independent information about geological structures. We develop a 1-D inversion algorithm that can invert data from the horizontal coplanar (HC), vertical coplanar, coaxial (CA), and perpendicular coil configurations separately or jointly. The inverse problem is solved by minimizing a model objective function subject to data constraints. Tests using synthetic data from 1-D models indicate that if data are collected at a sufficient number of frequencies, then the recovered models from individual inversions of different coil systems can be quite similar. However, if only a limited number of frequencies are available, then joint inversion of data from different coils produces a better model than the individual inversions. Tests on 3-D synthetic data sets indicate that 1-D inversions can be used as a fast and approximate tool to locate anomalies in the subsurface. Also for the test example presented here, the joint inversion of HC and CA data over a 3-D conductivity provided a better model than that produced by the individual inversion of the data sets.

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17

Biezma, Maria. "Conditional inversion and GIVENNESS". Semantics and Linguistic Theory 21 (3 settembre 2011): 552. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v21i0.2591.

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This paper provides support for the claim that non-canonical word-order adds “extra meaning” to natural language utterances (Prince). In particular, it tells us about the informational status of the constituents. The case study in this paper is subject-auxiliary inversion in conditional antecedents. I argue that subject-auxiliary inversion in conditional antecedents indicate that the antecedent is GIVEN (Schwarzschild 1999). This proposal explain further pragmatic inferences such as why inverted conditionals are particularly good as reproaches.

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18

Li, Yaoguo, e Douglas W. Oldenburg. "3-D inversion of induced polarization data". GEOPHYSICS 65, n. 6 (novembre 2000): 1931–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/1.1444877.

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We present an algorithm for inverting induced polarization (IP) data acquired in a 3-D environment. The algorithm is based upon the linearized equation for the IP response, and the inverse problem is solved by minimizing an objective function of the chargeability model subject to data and bound constraints. The minimization is carried out using an interior‐point method in which the bounds are incorporated by using a logarithmic barrier and the solution of the linear equations is accelerated using wavelet transforms. Inversion of IP data requires knowledge of the background conductivity. We study the effect of different approximations to the background conductivity by comparing IP inversions performed using different conductivity models, including a uniform half‐space and conductivities recovered from one‐pass 3-D inversions, composite 2-D inversions, limited AIM updates, and full 3-D nonlinear inversions of the dc resistivity data. We demonstrate that, when the background conductivity is simple, reasonable IP results are obtainable without using the best conductivity estimate derived from full 3-D inversion of the dc resistivity data. As a final area of investigation, we study the joint use of surface and borehole data to improve the resolution of the recovered chargeability models. We demonstrate that the joint inversion of surface and crosshole data produces chargeability models superior to those obtained from inversions of individual data sets.

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19

Roberge, Yves. "Subject Doubling, Free Inversion, and Null Argument Languages". Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 31, n. 1 (1986): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100011440.

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The aim of this paper is twofold. First, I shall propose a unified account of the subject doubling construction and point out its similarities and differences with respect to object doubling — the so-called clitic doubling. The discussion is based on Trentino, a northern dialect of Italian, and Colloquial French. I will argue that it is not desirable to establish a connection between subject doubling and free inversion as is implicitly assumed in Safir (1982). Rather, it seems preferable to assume that the subject clitics are generated in the AGR element of INFL and that they are associated with pro in subject position. The possibility of subject doubling is then related to a parameter making reference to the optionality of Case absorbtion or spell-out by the clitic.

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20

Nakayama, Mineharu. "Performance factors in subject-auxiliary inversion by children". Journal of Child Language 14, n. 1 (febbraio 1987): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900012769.

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ABSTRACTChildren's reported copying-without-deletion errors, like ‘Whose is that is?’, have often been interpreted as the result of a non-adult rule of subject–aux inversion. By contrast, this study presents a performance account of these errors and supports this account by investigating what factors impede children's performance. Using an elicitation task, 16 test sentences were evoked from 16 3- to 5-year-old children. In particular, errors appeared (1) when the subject NP contained a relative clause, (2) when the relative clause had an object gap, and (3) when the relative clause was long. Since errors occurred in response to some sentence types and not others, and the children who made copying-without-deletion errors produced at least four correct responses, these results were interpreted as support for the performance account.

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21

Rudanko, Juhani. "On negatively conditioned subject operator inversion in English". English Studies 68, n. 4 (agosto 1987): 348–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138388708598525.

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22

Jordens, Peter. "Inversion as an artifact". EUROSLA Yearbook 6 (20 luglio 2006): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eurosla.6.08jor.

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Dutch is a so-called verb-second language, i.e. the finite verb typically occurs in second position with one constituent in initial position. The element in initial position is often the subject. However, if it is an adverb or an object, the subject occurs after the finite verb. This characteristic, known as ‘inversion’ is acquired in both child first- and adult second-language acquisition as a function of topicalization. Both learner varieties develop from a lexical system to a functional system. At the lexical stage, utterance structure is the result of predicate-argument structure interacting with principles of information structuring. The shift to a functional system comes as a result of the identification of the initial position in a sentence as a structural topic position. It coincides with the acquisition of auxiliary verbs (the category AUX) such that AUX + subject pronoun (subjP) functions as a topicalization device. Hence, inversion is an artifact. It is the result of a process of restructuring due to the acquisition of topicalization. Also the fact that both L1 and L2 Dutch learner systems seem to develop as the result of the interaction between predicate-argument structure and principles of information structuring explains why the process leading to the acquisition of ‘inversion’ takes place similarly in both children and adults.

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23

Jarrah, Marwan. "Temporal/locative inversion in Arabic". Yearbook of the Poznan Linguistic Meeting 3, n. 1 (26 settembre 2017): 117–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/yplm-2017-0006.

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AbstractThis research scrutinizes the observation that when the thematic subject is extracted (i.e. questioned) in Jordanian Arabic, temporal/locative inversion may occur. Temporal inversion occurs irrespective of the verb being transitive or intransitive, whereas locative inversion is limited to contexts with an unaccusative verb. This research argues that this distinction correlates with the base-generation of temporal/locative adjuncts; temporal adjuncts are base-generated adjoining to TP, whereas locatives are base-generated adjoining to VP. Temporal but not locative adjuncts resist fronting with VP, demand the use of a tense copula (or a tensed verb), and are not subject to deletion along with the lexical verb. With the assumption that Spec, SubjP must be filled with a non-silent copy due to the effects of the so-called Subject Criterion (Rizzi and Shlonsky 2007), a temporal or locative adjunct, if any, fills this position instead of the extracted thematic subject. Given its low position, a locative adjunct is accessible to Subj0only when there is no v*P, hence the account of the correlation between locative inversion and the type of the verb. Furthermore, this research explores the existence of temporal/locative inversion in other two Arabic dialects (Najdi Arabic and Iraqi Arabic), arguing for a micro-parametric view of this strategy across Arabic dialects.

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Townend, Edward, e Michael Kemper. "Introduction to this special section: AVO inversion". Leading Edge 38, n. 10 (ottobre 2019): 752–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/tle38100752.1.

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It has been more than three years since The Leading Edge last published a special section on amplitude variation with offset (AVO) inversion, and interest in the subject remains strong. This past spring, SEG hosted a joint symposium in Houston, Texas, on the “Resurgence of seismic inversion,” and the body of talks and case studies demonstrated the method's continued relevance to making impactful drilling decisions. Despite this, and despite AVO inversion's position as a mature and well-established technique, there are an abundance of examples in which inaccurate AVO predictions have led to drastic failures at the drill bit. This highlights the challenges that still exist in the successful execution of such investigations and makes the subject occasionally controversial and certainly fraught with data-quality and best-practice considerations. In this vein, the special section presented here offers examples of the broad sweep of considerations and methods relevant to enabling successful AVO inversion and the interpretation of its products, as well as case studies that demonstrate how application of the technique can be impactful all the way through to appraisal and field development programs.

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25

Marten, Lutz. "preverbal position(s) in Bantu inversion constructions: theoretical and comparative considerations". ZAS Papers in Linguistics 57 (1 gennaio 2014): 136–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.57.2014.423.

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Inversion constructions in Bantu have been discussed from a variety of perspectives over the last decades. Well-known construction types include locative inversion and subject-object reversal, while more recently semantic locative inversion and instrument inversion have been described. Theoretical studies of Bantu inversion constructions have focused on different aspects of the construction, including the licensing and grammatical function, information structure properties and the formal characteristics of pre- and postverbal NPs. With respect to the status of preverbal NPs in inversion constructions, different analyses have probed the status of the NP as subject or topic, or, more recently, as the subject of a Predication relation. The present paper summarises and compares different analyses of the preverbal domain in inversion constructions and brings out empirical and conceptual similarities and differences. In addition, different analyses are related to comparative studies of Bantu inversion constructions, so as to probe how attested variation across Bantu relates to findings of different formal accounts. The paper aims to summarise current research on the preverbal domain in inversion constructions and to indicate directions for future work.

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MELNIK, NURIT. "Raising, inversion and agreement in modern Hebrew". Journal of Linguistics 53, n. 1 (23 novembre 2015): 147–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226715000444.

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This paper focuses on the interaction between raising, subject–verb inversion and agreement in Modern Hebrew. It identifies, alongside ‘standard’ (i.e., English-like) subject-to-subject raising, two additional patterns where the embedded subject appears post-verbally. In one, the raising predicate exhibits long-distance agreement with the embedded subject, while in the other, a colloquial variant, it is marked with impersonal (3sm) agreement. The choice between the three raising constructions in the language is shown to be solely dependent on properties of the embedded clause. The data are discussed and analyzed against a background of typological and theoretical work on raising. The analysis, cast in the framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), builds on research on raising, selectional locality, agreement, subjecthood and information structure, as well as verb-initial constructions in Modern Hebrew.

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Brown, Esther L., e Javier Rivas. "Subject-verb word order in Spanish interrogatives". Spanish in Context 8, n. 1 (5 luglio 2011): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.8.1.02bro.

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We conduct a quantitative analysis of conversational speech from native speakers of Puerto Rican Spanish to test whether optional non-inversion of subjects in wh-questions (¿qué tú piensas?) is indicative of a movement in Spanish from flexible to rigid word order (Morales 1989; Toribio 2000). We find high rates of subject expression (51%) and a strong preference for SV word order (47%) over VS (4%) in all sentence types, in line with assertions of fixed SVO word order. The usage-based examination of 882 wh-questions shows non-inversion occurs in 14% of the cases (25% of wh-questions containing an overt subject). Variable rule analysis reveals subject, verb and question type significantly constrain interrogative word order, but we find no evidence that word order is predicted by perseveration. SV word order is highest in rhetorical and quotative questions, revealing a pathway of change through which word order is becoming fixed in this variety.

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Carstens, Vicki, e Michael Diercks. "Agreeing How? Implications for Theories of Agreement and Locality". Linguistic Inquiry 44, n. 2 (aprile 2013): 179–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00125.

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In Lubukusu and Lusaamia, the wh-expression ‘how’ agrees in φ-features with the subject of its clause. We show that agreement on ‘how’ is not always identical to subject agreement on the verb: the two diverge in certain locative inversion and subject extraction environments. On the basis of these facts, we argue that ‘how’ is a vP adjunct with downward-probing uφ independent of the uφ that underlies subject agreement. We also explore locality paradoxes that arise in connection with agreeing ‘how’ in locative inversion constructions. These present challenges to the traditional notion of equidistance from a probe as an explanation for inversion, show that operators may have ‘‘active’’ φ-features even while they are Ā-opaque, and offer insight into the mechanisms making locative inversion possible.

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Siegismund, Kasper. "Once Again on Word Order in the War Scroll (1QM)". Dead Sea Discoveries 25, n. 1 (25 maggio 2018): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-12341452.

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Abstract This contribution offers a critical evaluation of John Screnock’s hypothesis that the basic word order in 1QM is subject-verb, with inversion triggered by fronting of non-subject elements or by the use of intransitive verbs. After a detailed examination of the evidence, the opposite conclusion is reached. Basic word order is verb-subject, with inversion to subject-verb order with pragmatically marked subjects (focus fronting). There seems to be no causal relationship between transitivity and word order. Furthermore, it is argued that Screnock’s interpretation of 1QM 1:1–3 (which flows from his transitivity-based analysis) is highly unlikely, as it leads to a division of sentences that would produce a structure practically unattested in the rest of the text. In addition, the findings are applied to the general discussion of word order in Hebrew, in particular as an argument against recent attempts at describing Biblical Hebrew as a language with basic subject-verb order.

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Jinhee Suh. "A Minimalist Analysis of Subject-Auxiliary Inversion in English". English Language and Linguistics ll, n. 23 (giugno 2007): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17960/ell.2007..23.006.

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Rivera, Alexia Guerra, Peter Coopmans e Sergio Baauw. "On the L2 Acquisition of Spanish Subject-Verb Inversion". Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 173 (febbraio 2015): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.02.027.

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Lahousse, Karen. "NP subject inversion in French: two types, two configurations". Lingua 116, n. 4 (aprile 2006): 424–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2004.08.020.

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Kwang-Sup Kim. "On the Peculiarities of Subject-Aux Inversion in Counterfactuals". Journal of Studies in Language 30, n. 4 (febbraio 2015): 749–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18627/jslg.30.4.201502.749.

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Briley, Alexis C. "The Subject of Inversion: Hölderlin’s “Wie wenn am Feiertage …”". MLN 128, n. 3 (2013): 477–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2013.0040.

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Weinberg, Amy. "Markedness Versus Maturation: The Case of Subject-Auxiliary Inversion". Language Acquisition 1, n. 2 (aprile 1990): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327817la0102_2.

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Soames, Scott. "Subject-auxiliary inversion and gaps ingeneralized phrase structure grammar". Linguistics and Philosophy 12, n. 3 (giugno 1989): 373–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00635642.

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Dong, Wen, Shi Qiao, Jia Li Mao e Miao Yue. "The High Performance Computing of Inversion Algorithms". Advanced Materials Research 791-793 (settembre 2013): 1145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.791-793.1145.

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The inverse problem is an important interdisciplinary subject, which receives more and more attention in the fields of mathematics, computer science, information science and other applied natural sciences in recent years. Nowadays, the inverse problem is more and more commonly applied than before, e.g., in image processing and geophysics. This trend promotes the development of both the advanced computing methods and high performance computing techniques. The high performance of computing problems for inverse algorithms is discussed in this paper, which is meaningful for the research of applied inversion subjects.

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Lahousse, Karen. "La distribution de l’inversion nominale en français dans les principales non interrogatives et les subordonnées circonstan". Grammaires et Lexiques Comparés 26, n. 1 (30 settembre 2003): 123–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.26.1.10lah.

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Summary This article deals with the distribution of nominal inversion in non-interrogative main clauses and embedded adverbial clauses in French. As for main clauses, it is established that nominal inversion occurs when the clause contains a stage topic, i.e. a spatio-temporal location, whether overt (indicated by an adverb or PP) or covert (indicated by a spatio-temporal link with the preceding context). Then, it is shown that nominal inversion is also allowed in main clauses when the subject is a restrictive focus, because of the presence of a restrictive focus particle such as ne...que or seul, or because of the reference of the subject being exhaustively specified. It is then shown that both principles also explain the occurrence of nominal inversion in embedded adverbial clauses: in temporal clauses, nominal inversion is licensed without the presence of an additional factor, whereas, in causal and concessive clauses, nominal inversion is only allowed if the clause contains a stage topic or an indication of the focal interpretation of the subject. Finally, it is shown that the same explanation also acccounts for nominal inversion in comparative clauses and in main clauses preceded by the comparative adverb of manner ainsi.

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39

Connell, Phil J. "Teaching Subjecthood to Language-Disordered Children". Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 29, n. 4 (dicembre 1986): 481–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jshr.2904.481.

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Four language-disordered children who had not learned subject properties such as agreement morphemes, nominative case,and question inversion were taught the function of subjects in sentences. After learning subject function, the children learned the subject properties without assistance. The findings suggest that subject properties can be taught as a unit and their acquisition follows the two-step pattern that is predicted by the functional theory of language. The findings suggest that the functional theory has diagnostic and treatment implications for clinical work with language-disordered children.

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40

Lahousse, Karen. "L’assertion et l’inversion du sujet nominal dans les subordonnées adverbiales". Ordre des mots et topologie de la phrase française 29, n. 1 (6 luglio 2006): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.29.1.10lah.

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In this article we show that the distribution of nominal inversion is not the same in all types of embedded adverbial clauses. We present a new descriptive generalization according to which the appearance of postverbal subjects must necessarily be favoured by the presence of a spatio-temporal topic or an indication of the subject’s focal interpretation in asserted clauses (including concessive and causal clauses), but not in non-asserted clauses (including temporal, comparative and final clauses and embedded clauses beginning with sans que). We argue that the factors which must necessarily be present to license nominal inversion in asserted clauses indicate that the subject is not interpreted as the topic with respect to which the clause is asserted. In non-asserted clauses, the postverbal subject can never be interpreted as the topic with respect to which the clause is asserted, and no additional factors are needed for nominal inversion to be acceptable.

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41

INGHAM, RICHARD. "Syntactic change in Anglo-Norman and continental French chronicles: was there a ‘Middle’ Anglo-Norman?" Journal of French Language Studies 16, n. 1 (marzo 2006): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269506002274.

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Anglo-Norman (AN) showed a tendency to lose Old French conjugation and gender inflectional distinctions, but is thought to have largely maintained the syntax of Old French. This study considers whether in the early 14th century AN syntax continued to follow continental French (CF) by moving towards new word-order patterns, namely XSV order and subject-verb inversion after et, which were to typify Middle French. Using corpora of CF and AN historical writing, especially chronicles, it is found that AN to some extent shadowed developments found in later 13th and in 14th century CF. In both AN and CF, XSV order was widespread with time adjuncts, but avoided with place adjuncts and direct and indirect objects. This dissociation was not calqued on Old/Middle English subject-verb inversion, which showed a different dissociation, i.e. inversion of verb and nominal subjects, but not pronominal subjects; AN showed no influence of this contrast. Inversion after et was found in AN, but only with unaccusative verbs, whereas in CF by the late 13th century it was spreading to other verbs as well, having initially shown a similar limitation as in AN. It is concluded that underlying syntactic processes of change began to affect AN as well as CF, but that they were interrupted by the switch away from French in England in the later 14th century.

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42

Pierrynowski, Michael Raymond, e Steve Barry Smith. "Rear Foot Inversion/Eversion During Gait Relative to the Subtalar Joint Neutral Position". Foot & Ankle International 17, n. 7 (luglio 1996): 406–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107110079601700709.

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Clinicians often fabricate foot orthotic devices at the subtalar joint neutral position (STNP) to mimic the position of the rear foot during midstance. However, rear foot motion during gait, relative to the resting standing foot position, not the STNP, is often reported in the literature. The motion of the rear foot relative to a valid estimate of the STNP is unknown. In this study, six experienced foot care specialists manually placed the rear part of the feet of nine subjects at the STNP seven or eight times to obtain a valid estimate of each subject's STNP. The worst-case mean and 95% confidence interval of the STNP estimate for any one subject was 0.0° ± 0.7°. These nine subjects then walked on a motor-driven treadmill, set at 0.89 meters/sec, and three-dimensional estimates of each subject's rear foot inversion/eversion motion were obtained, then averaged over 6 to 26 strides. For most subjects, the rear foot was always everted during stance with mean and standard deviation maximal eversion (7.2° ± 1.2°) occurring at 44% of the total gait cycle. The inversion/eversion orientation during swing was characterized by 1 ° to 2° of eversion, with a small amount of inversion in early swing. These findings have implications for the fabrication of foot orthoses, since the rear foot is rarely near the STNP during stance.

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43

Isakov, Eli, Joseph Mizrahi, Pablo Solzi, Zev Susak e Moshe Lotem. "Response of the Peroneal Muscles to Sudden Inversion of the Ankle during Standing". International Journal of Sport Biomechanics 2, n. 2 (maggio 1986): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsb.2.2.100.

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The response of the peroneal muscles to sudden inversion of the ankle during standing was investigated. The variation of the inversion angle with time was measured by means of a potentiometer attached to a specially designed test apparatus. During the tests, volunteers were subjected to sudden and unexpected inversion of their ankle, during which the surface EMG of the peroneal muscles was also recorded. Two groups were tested, one of normal subjects and one consisting of subjects with recurrent ankle sprains. There were 8 females and 3 males in each group. The subjects in the second group, who suffered from recurrent ankle sprains, had been asymptomatic during the last 2 months prior to the tests. For each subject in the two groups, both ankles were tested. The results indicated a latency time ranging from 60 to 80 ms for both groups. It was concluded that the reflex contraction of the peroneal muscles due to a sudden stretch inversion motion has no role in protecting the ankle joint during sprain and that this protection is mainly provided by the passive tissues.

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44

Hermeto, João Romeiro. "Subject-predicate-inversion of Gender-neutral-language: An emancipatory confusion". Journal of Gender and Power 13, n. 1 (1 giugno 2020): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jgp-2020-0002.

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AbstractIn this paper, I proposed a paradigm shift in Gender-Neutral-Language. The claim, which Gender-Neutral-Language can account for reality grasping and, thus, enable its actualization, is challenged; in place of an abstract reach towards social change, a more concrete emancipatory praxis must arise. Its current emancipatory prerogatives are not confronted from the standpoint of its already-established arguments but a more comprehensive standpoint of language, more specifically, of the philosophy of language.

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45

김양순. "The Asymmetries of Subject-Auxiliary Inversion in English Wh-Questions". Journal of Studies in Language 29, n. 3 (novembre 2013): 379–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18627/jslg.29.3.201311.379.

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46

Jacobsson, Bengt. "ANOTHER LOOK AT NEGATIVELY CONDITIONED SUBJECT-OPERATOR INVERSION IN ENGLISH1". Studia Linguistica 40, n. 2 (dicembre 1986): 161–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9582.1986.tb00769.x.

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47

Lee, Seong-yong. "Subject Positions in Locative Inversion Constructions in English and Korean". Journal of Language Sciences 25, n. 4 (31 dicembre 2018): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14384/kals.2018.25.4.173.

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48

Bastani, Mehrdad, Juliane Hübert, Thomas Kalscheuer, Laust B. Pedersen, Alberto Godio e Jean Bernard. "2D joint inversion of RMT and ERT data versus individual 3D inversion of full tensor RMT data: An example from Trecate site in Italy". GEOPHYSICS 77, n. 4 (1 luglio 2012): WB233—WB243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/geo2011-0525.1.

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Tensor radiomagnetotelluric (RMT) and electrical resistivity tomography (ERT) data were acquired along 10 parallel lines to image electrical resistivity of the vadose and the saturated zone in an area near Trecate, 45 km west of Milan in Italy. In 1994, the area was exposed to an oil contamination caused by a tank explosion and has since been subject to monitoring and remediation programs. For the first time, we have examined a 3D inversion of full tensor RMT data and have compared the results with 2D joint inversion of RMT and ERT data. First, a synthetic 3D resistivity model with similar variations close to those measured at the Trecate site was generated for the comparison. The synthetic tests showed that resistivity models from 2D joint inversion of ERT and RMT data contain more details closer to the surface compared to the models from the 3D inversion of tensor RMT data. High resistivity structures are better resolved by the 2D joint inversion, whereas the more conductive features are better recovered by the 3D inversion. In the next step, the ERT and RMT data collected in the Trecate site were modeled with the same approaches used in the synthetic modeling. Using the measured tensor RMT data, it was possible to carry out full 3D inversion to study the underlying geology. Comparison between the resistivity models from both inversions with the lithological data from the existing boreholes, resistivity models from the inversion of crosshole resistivity data, and water content models from magnetic resonance soundings measurements showed that the electrical resistivity, depth to the top and thickness of the water saturated zone is modeled more accurately with the 3D inversion.

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49

Kühl, Karoline, e Jan Heegård Petersen. "Word Order in American Danish Declaratives with a Non-Subject Initial Constituent". Journal of Language Contact 11, n. 3 (18 ottobre 2018): 413–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-01103003.

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The paper investigates the placement of subject and finite verb in topicalized, i.e. non-subject initial declarative main clauses in North American Danish. European Danish adheres to the V2-rule and thus requires inversion, while North American Danish allows for non-inversion, i.e. [X]SV word order. Based on a sample of approx. 1700 tokens of topicalized declarative clauses produced by 64 speakers, we observe a general stability of V2 in North American Danish. In order to explain the instances of non-V2, we employ both linguistic and sociolinguistic factors.

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50

Ngoboka, Jean Paul. "Mandarin Chinese Locative Inversion vs. Kinyarwanda Stative Locative Inversion". International Journal of Culture and History 5, n. 1 (1 maggio 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v5i1.12490.

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This study aims to provide a detailed comparison of locative inversion in Mandarin Chinese with -zhe and (stative) locative inversion in Kinyarwanda. After a brief description of these constructions, the study shows that they are similar in many respects and involve similar restrictions despite the fact that the two languages are genetically unrelated: the agent is deleted and disallowed even in a by-agent phrase; the verb belongs to the type of verbs referred to as placement verbs; and it must express a state after the action. These constructions are incompatible with adverbs of manner as well as some placement verbs that do not entail duration after the action, which is typical of stativization. After a detailed comparison of locative inversion in the two languages, it is concluded that despite the fact that the two languages are not related, the locative inversion in Chinese with -zhe has properties similar to those of (stative) locative inversion in Kinyarwanda. It is proposed that although these constructions are referred to as locative inversion, they are primarily stative constructions in which the locative happens to be in a subject position, where it can alternate with the theme.

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