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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Mearsheimer"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 27 aprile 2022

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Mearsheimer"

TANG, HSIN-WEI, e YUAN FENG. "International Anarchy in Perpetuity? A Re-Examination Based on the Perspectives of Classical Political Thinkers and Ancient Historical Experience". Issues & Studies 52, n. 03 (settembre 2016): 1650012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251116500120.

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Structural realists, notably Waltz and Mearsheimer, have argued for the persistence of an anarchic international political system characterized by the absence of any centralized authority positioned above individual states. Mearsheimer has further suggested that a Sino-U.S. conflict is likely to occur in the future under conditions of anarchy. Based on the perspectives of classical realism, Chinese traditions, and relevant historical experience, we interrogate Mearsheimer’s contention, arguing that hierarchies can thrive under conditions of international anarchy. Thus, international anarchy does not endure in perpetuity.

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Zimmer, Matthias. "Ein wattierter Hobbes. Zum Menschen- und Geschichtsbild von John J. Mearsheimer". Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik 13, n. 2 (giugno 2020): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12399-020-00806-9.

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Zusammenfassung John J. Mearsheimers neues Buch The Great Delusion. Liberal Dreams and International Realities unterzieht die US-amerikanische Außenpolitik seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges einer gründlichen Kritik aus der Perspektive des Realismus. Dazu erläutert Mearsheimer die anthropologische Fundierung dieses Zugangs zur internationalen Politik. Diese Analyse zeigt jedoch, dass seine anthropologischen Grundlagen und die Thesen des Realismus nicht zusammenpassen. Hinzu kommt, dass der Wille zum Überleben als unausgesprochene Grundlage der Theorie Mearsheimers heute kooperative Lösungen verlangt.

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Johnson, James. "Introduction and Comments". Perspectives on Politics 7, n. 2 (15 maggio 2009): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090768.

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We open this issue with a vigorous exchange on a matter that, to put it mildly, is politically fraught. In a series of provocative publications beginning in 2006, John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt address what they call “the Israel Lobby” and detail what they see as the dire consequences that that lobby has generated for American foreign policy making. In our lead essay here, Robert Lieberman challenges Walt and Mearsheimer in precisely the way I think debate on their thesis needs to proceed. Lieberman focuses on the causal claims Walt and Mearsheimer advance, the evidence they adduce for those claims, and the ways that their arguments fit with established research on how American politics operates. Mearsheimer and Walt have written a spirited response to Lieberman who, in turn, offers a brief reply. It is safe to say that neither party to this exchange has persuaded the other. Yet, though their exchange is frank, both Lieberman and Mearsheimer and Walt keep their eye on the ball—they are concerned to establish whether and to what extent the Israel lobby exists and operates in the way Mearsheimer and Walt claim it does.

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Kovel, Joel. "Mearsheimer and Walt Revisited". Socialism and Democracy 23, n. 2 (luglio 2009): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300902905185.

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Moreira, Felipe Kern. "O realismo atávico de John J. Mearsheimer: breve ensaio teórico". Cadernos do CIM 1, n. 1 (21 marzo 2017): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/cadcim.v1i1.10893.

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O propósito do presente artigo é estabelecer considerações sobre alguns dos pressupostos teórico-metodológicos apresentados na obra ‘The Tragedy of Great Power Politics’, de John J. Mearsheimer. Para tal, situa o realismo ofensivo no campo teórico e registra observações críticas sobre pressupostos e opções metodológicas de John J. Mearsheimer.

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RENDALL, MATTHEW. "Defensive realism and the Concert of Europe". Review of International Studies 32, n. 3 (luglio 2006): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506007145.

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Why do great powers expand? Offensive realist John Mearsheimer claims that states wage an eternal struggle for power, and that those strong enough to seek regional hegemony nearly always do. Mearsheimer’s evidence, however, displays a selection bias. Examining four crises between 1814 and 1840, I show that the balance of power restrained Russia, Prussia and France. Yet all three also exercised self-restraint; Russia, in particular, passed up chances to bid for hegemony in 1815 and to topple Ottoman Turkey in 1829. Defensive realism gives a better account of the Concert of Europe, because it combines structural realism with non-realist theories of state preferences.

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Schmidt, Brian C. "Realism as tragedy". Review of International Studies 30, n. 3 (luglio 2004): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006151.

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In 1948, Hans J. Morgenthau wrote his classic text, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, that was largely responsible for establishing realism as the prevailing theory in the field of International Relations (IR). In 1979, Kenneth N. Waltz wrote an immensely influential book, Theory of International Politics, that resulted in a new structural version of realism – neorealism – becoming the dominant theory in IR. John J. Mearsheimer, who is the R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago, has written a profoundly important book that rightfully deserves a prominent place along with Morgenthau and Waltz in the canon of realist thought about international politics. Mearsheimer's clearly written book puts forth a new structural theory of realism that he terms offensive realism. This version of realism argues that the observable patterns of behaviour among all of the great powers throughout history, most notably their ubiquitous power-seeking, can be explained by the fact that they exist in a condition of anarchy in which there is no higher source of authority above them. While sharing many of the same basic assumptions with neorealism, offensive realism, as elucidated by Mearsheimer, provides a fundamentally different account of the essential dynamics of international politics than that which Waltz and his students have been offering for the last twenty years or so.

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Lieberman, Robert C. "Rejoinder to Mearsheimer and Walt". Perspectives on Politics 7, n. 2 (15 maggio 2009): 275–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709090793.

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In their reply, Professors Mearsheimer and Walt focus quite reasonably on my two main claims: that their research methods are flawed and that their evidence is weak. But they begin, tellingly, by citing a range of indirect evidence that appears to depict a powerful “Israel lobby.” Lots of knowledgeable Washington insiders, they say—policymakers, journalists, candidates for office, and the like—say and do things that seem to acknowledge the “lobby's” power. I draw attention to this opening for several reasons. First, it is not clear how much weight some of this evidence will bear. Take, for example, the National Journal survey of members of Congress that Mearsheimer and Walt cite twice in their reply (and once in their book). In this survey, conducted once, in 2005, seventy-three members of Congress (out of 535—less than 15 percent) responded to the question, “Which two interest groups do you believe are most effective on Capitol Hill?” Of these respondents, thirteen (less than 20 percent of the sample) mentioned American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) as one of their two choices. It seems something of a leap from the observation that a dozen or so members of Congress said once that AIPAC is “effective” (which might mean any number of things) to the inference that AIPAC—or the lobby more generally—is powerful. Or take the observation that important politicians regularly address AIPAC's annual conference and make friendly speeches when they do. Surely these same politicians visit other such organizations regularly. And when they appear before, say, the AFL-CIO or the NAACP, surely they say nice things about the issues that these organizations and their conference attendees care about. Successful politicians rarely voice open disagreement with the people they are talking to. But are we to conclude from this behavior that the AFL-CIO and the NAACP, or any other groups that regularly receive such visits, are powerful? Again, this inference requires something of a logical leap.

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McMahan, Jeff. "Conventional Deterrence. John J. Mearsheimer". Ethics 95, n. 2 (gennaio 1985): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/292648.

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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "War Occurrence: Hyper-Insecurity and Multilateral Institutions". Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, n. 3 (5 agosto 2015): 388–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000146.

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Two lines of argument seem to stand solidly without seeing eye to eye with each other about the current world order. Steven Pinker, the American psychologist, writes about the steady reduction in human violence in settling disputes among humankind (Pinker, 2012). John Mearsheimer, the American political scientist, writes about the structurally almost inevitable conflicts of interest between great powers in the early twenty-first century in his analysis of hegemonic competition between the United States and China (Mearsheimer, 2005). It is not necessary to note that their arguments are made looking at conflicts of interest and use of violence from very different angles and time ranges. Yet their differences are stark and clear. Pinker says that the future is bright and shining due to the non-use of violence. Mearsheimer says that the future is dark and potentially devastating due to the consequences of the high tensions surrounding the conflicts of interest. The question posed at the outset is thus: Is the current era one of peace or war?

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Tesi sul tema "Mearsheimer"

Heydarian, Pashakhanlou Arash. "The myths of fear in realism : Morgenthau, Waltz and Mearsheimer reconsidered". Thesis, University of Bath, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.633164.

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Critics and proponents of realism unanimously proclaim that fear is conceptually, theoretically and logically essential to the realist school of thought. In this dissertation, these propositions are tested by examining the importance of this primary emotion in the classical realism of Hans Morgenthau, the defensive realism of Kenneth Waltz and the offensive realism of John Mearsheimer. The findings indicate that fear is not conceptually or theoretically significant to either Morgenthau or Waltz. Logically, the inclusion of this emotion is not only redundant but counterproductive in all of the examined theories, especially in that of Mearsheimer. This being so, even though the level of fear is afforded a central conceptual and theoretical role in his offensive realism. As such, this thesis challenges the conventional wisdom in the literature regarding the relationship between realism and fear and exposes the myths that pervades the field on this issue.

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Maschuw, Tim. "Israels Lobby vs. Amerikas Interessen : die Debatte um die Thesen von Mearsheimer und Walt /". Bonn : Bouvier, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=018999232&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Maschuw, Tim. "Israels Lobby vs. Amerikas Interessen die Debatte um die Thesen von Mearsheimer und Walt". Bonn Bouvier, 2008. http://d-nb.info/996737049/04.

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Hammarström, Richard. "Balans eller obalans? : Mearsheimers offensiva realism i samtidens multipolära maktordning". Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-44912.

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The thesis has focused on John J. Mearsheimers theory of offensive realism and applied it onto the contemporary relations between People´s Republic of China, Russian Federation, and the presence of United States in Europe and the Asian-Pacific region. The thesis concludes that the probability of war is moderate, due to the current balance of military power in each respective region. China is actively challenging the United States both militarily and politically in the international community, albeit without successful results. Russian hegemony in Europe is balanced and kept in check by the NATO alliance, which the United States is an integral part of. The Sino-Russian relations are marked by an overall respective tone between the two powerful Asian states. The thesis concludes through a mixed-method-design that the balance is currently maintained between the three states, but any deviation one way or another risk overthrow the world into an unbalanced state which is by far the deadliest, according to Mearsheimer's offensive realism.

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Bjällstrand, Thomas. "China: Friend or Foe? : Understanding the U.S Pacific Pivot to China's Confusing Confucianism". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-100928.

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The great strategic distrust between the two world largest economic and military powers is one of the most debated topics in contemporary international relations. This thesis question if the current hegemon view its new competitor as an offensive or defensive realist state and which policies should consequently be taken. China’s policy of peaceful coexistence and the U.S attempt of global integration may not be fully compatible and the thesis illuminates the contradicting notions of China Confucius values and how they are visible in its foreign policy rhetoric. The thesis conclude by stating that the China’s ambitions in not seen as following the guidelines of a defensive realist state in the eye of the United States and that China’s so called unique characteristics and values are mere rhetoric that does not seem to shape its current foreign policy. The U.S response is so far a passive containment by increasing cooperation with other actors in the region as a balancing act while simultaneously cautiously engage and try to influence China to adopt policies fitting a global player and work for peaceful solutions to international problems. Thus China is not seen as either a friend or a foe but is currently viewed as being in a grey area of competitor and cooperator.

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Sørstrønen, Egil. "USAs sikkerhetspolitiske utvikling fra Bush til Obama : - Ny kurs eller kontinuitet ? -". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-1167.

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I denne studien analyseres sikkerhetspolitiske utviklingstrekk i USA fra Bush til Obama. Fokuset rettes mot betydningsfulle kontinuiteter og endringer i overordnede syn på maktmidler, interesser og samarbeidstilnærminger. Empirisk materiale utgjøres hovedsakelig av ulike utgaver av amerikansk “National Security Strategy”. Slike strategier inneholder brede budskap, og som hjelp til å identifisere spesielt viktige momenter utarbeides først en teoretisk analyseramme basert på perspektiver til de samtidsaktuelle forskerne John J. Mearsheimer og Joseph S. Nye. Studiens resultater viser at militærmakten har en stabil posisjon som det høyest prioriterte maktmiddel i USA, men ny regjering satser mer på myke maktmidler og mindre på militærmakt ved fremming av egne verdier. Vedrørende interesser finner vi kontinuitet i at forsvar av nasjonen og håndtering av militære trusler er styrende for sikkerhetspolitikken, og USA har intensjoner om å opprettholde militær overlegenhet. Videre er også spredning av demokrati, respekt for menneskerettigheter og åpen markedsøkonomi konstante interesser, men en endring er at nasjonens økonomi er oppjustert på den sikkerhetspolitiske agenda. I et samarbeids-perspektiv synes unilateral militær agering mindre aktuelt for ny regjering, og internasjonale institusjoner er mer vektlagt. USA har imidlertid et videreført siktemål om å inneha en tydelig lederrolle og få stort gjennomslag for egeninteresser i internasjonalt samarbeid. Totalt sett indikerer de to regjeringenes sikkerhetsstrategier at styrende interesser er uendret, men den nye regjeringen har intensjoner om en mer balansert anvendelse av maktmidler og kommuniserer en mindre unilateral samarbeidsprofil. Forekomsten av vektige stabile trekk har imidlertid en dempende effekt på endringene, og bidrar til å gi inntrykk av at USA for tiden ikke staker ut en ny kurs, men justerer eksisterende kurs.
This study analyzes the development of the United States security policy from the administrations of Bush to Obama. Its focus is directed towards significant continuities and changes in the context of political means, interests and approaches to international cooperation. The empirical data mainly consists of U.S. National Security Strategies issued in 2002, 2006 and 2010. Such strategies contain broad messages and, therefore, to help identify issues of special significance, a theoretical framework based on the perspectives of the international relations scholars John J. Mearsheimer and Joseph S. Nye is first developed. The findings of the study show that the position of military power as the most prioritized political instrument in the U.S. remains stable. However, in an effort to promote the nation’s values, the new administration intends to make more use of soft power and less use of military power. Regarding its interests, defending the nation and handling military threats are still top priorities, and an important aspect is that the U.S. intends to maintain its global military superiority. Spreading democracy, respect for human rights and free trade in an open international economic system are also constant interests, but one notable development is that the national economy figures more prominently on the security agenda. Looking at the approaches for cooperation, it seems that unilateral military action is an option which is less likely to be used by the new administration. Furthermore, this administration places greater emphasis on the value of international institutions than the previous administration. Still, an important continuity is the intention of maintaining a clear leadership role and strongly advancing U.S. interests when cooperating internationally. To summarize, the two administrations security strategies indicate that governing interests are unchanged, but the new administration is aiming for a better balance of the tools of American power, and is communicating a less unilateral profile. Still, the presence of significant stable aspects reduces the level of change, and contributes to the impression that the U.S. is not developing a new course, but rather adjusting the current one.

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Ávila, Fabrício Schiavo. "Polaridade e polarização no século XXI : impactos políticos da transição demográfica". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/90169.

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A política, no sistema internacional do século XXI, será impactada pelas mudanças na base demográfica dos países. Ao mesmo tempo, aumenta a necessidade de Estados com acesso a tecnologias de ponta, ou seja, de grande polaridade, de utilizarem os recursos humanos de países em crescimento para a maximização de poder. O processo impacta a polarização com novas alianças de países. O uso da força necessita de pessoas para a defesa e a garantia da sobrevivência do Estado na Anarquia. Principalmente, em um cenário de guerra sistêmica com a utilização de armas nucleares que constituem as fiadoras das operações convencionais. Concomitantemente, a quantidade de pessoas na força de trabalho é a base das políticas de dissuasão nuclear dos Estados devido a capacidade de sobrevivência a um segundo ataque.
The policy in the twenty-first century international system, will be impacted by changes in the demographic base of countries. At the same time, increases the need for States with access to advanced technologies, ie, high polarity, use of human resources for countries to maximize growth of power. The polarization process impacts of new alliances with countries. The use of force requires people to defend and guarantee the survival of the state in Anarchy. Especially in a war scenario with the systemic use of nuclear weapons which are the guarantors of conventional operations. Concomitantly, the number of people in the workforce is the cornerstone of nuclear deterrence policies of the states over the survivability of a second attack.

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Christensson, Gustav. "“Let This Be A Warning: If You Attack Israel, We Will Defend Ourselves” : Assessing defensive and offensive realism as applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran 2007-2020". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-99859.

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In this theory testing case study the aim is to test which of the two competing theories, defensive and offensive realism, possess the greater explanatory power in regards to the Israeli action against Iran between 2007-2020, while subsequently assessing if either theory is applicable. Two competing analytical models, based around the seminal works of Kenneth Waltz, Stephen Walt, and John J. Mearsheimer, will be applied upon the Israeli actions against the Iranian nuclear program and the Israeli actions against Iran in Syria. The essay utilizes a wide array of sources, from news articles to academic papers, in order to provide a correct description of the events of study. This aim was conceptualized by posing a research question, followed by four competing hypotheses. These will, in conjunction with the analytical models, enable a comparison of the explanatory power the theories possess when applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran. It is concluded in this paper that defensive realism possesses greater explanatory power when applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran, compared with offensive realism.

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Shiltagh, Nabil. "An inevitable self-destruction? : A qualitative study on how liberal thinkers explain the crisis of the liberal international order". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9855.

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With the aim of contributing to the recent debate on the fate of the liberal international order, this thesis has examined how prominent advocates of the liberal international order explain its contemporary state of crisis. Taking a point of departure in John Mearsheimer’s critical argument of three essential flaws in the liberal order, I have expanded these flaws into three theoretical areas. These theoretical areas highlight fundamental components in the liberal international order that, according to Mearsheimer, endogenously undermine the liberal international order which will eventually lead to its demise. These theoretical areas are the expansion of the liberal order, resistance in liberal democracies and the threat of China. Analyzing the ideas of liberal advocates within these theoretical areas, I have found that they have offered strong arguments on why the liberal international order will not perish. Although the liberal advocates see a crisis of governance and legitimacy in the liberal order, they believe that the order’s beneficial and robustious architecture constrain states from abandoning the international institutions of the liberal international order. However, drawing on previous research, I have discussed the plausible possibility and consequences of an increasingly powerful China rising within the order. I have concluded that the liberal advocates have not satisfactorily explained this threat of China to the contemporary U.S-led liberal order.

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Aghaie, Joobani Hossein. "Meta-Geopolitics of Central Asia : A Comparative Study of the Regional Influence of the European Union and the Shanghai Co-operation Organization". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-100397.

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Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states.

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Più fonti

Libri sul tema "Mearsheimer"

Pashakhanlou, Arash Heydarian. Realism and Fear in International Relations: Morgenthau, Waltz and Mearsheimer Reconsidered. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

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Pashakhanlou, Arash Heydarian. Realism and Fear in International Relations: Morgenthau, Waltz and Mearsheimer Reconsidered. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.

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(EDT), Skidmore/ Smith/ Cram101. Outlines & Highlights for The Tragedy of Great Power Politics by Mearsheimer, ISBN: 039332396X (Cram 101). AIPI, 2007.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Mearsheimer"

Pashakhanlou, Arash Heydarian. "Mearsheimer and Fear". In Realism and Fear in International Relations, 91–115. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41012-8_5.

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Pashakhanlou, Arash Heydarian. "Fear in the Works of Morgenthau, Waltz and Mearsheimer". In Realism and Fear in International Relations, 23–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41012-8_2.

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Kostagiannis, Konstantinos. "Nationalism and the Nation-State in Structural Realism: John Mearsheimer’s Offensive Realism". In Realist Thought and the Nation-State, 139–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59629-7_5.

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Tang, Shiping. "From Mearsheimer to Jervis". In The Social Evolution of International Politics, 96–109. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199658336.003.0004.

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"Mearsheimer and the vicious circle". In Security and Climate Change, 81–108. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203356890-8.

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"2 Instability in Europe?: John J. Mearsheimer". In Security Studies, 384–89. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203422144-60.

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"3 Security dilemmas in East Asia?: John J. Mearsheimer". In Security Studies, 390–99. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203422144-61.

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"6 The false promise of international institutions: John J. Mearsheimer". In Security Studies, 153–61. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203422144-26.

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Jackson, Robert, Georg Sørensen e Jørgen Møller. "3. Realism". In Introduction to International Relations, 69–106. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198803577.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the realist tradition in international relations (IR). It highlights an important dichotomy in realist thought between classical realism and contemporary realism, including strategic and structural approaches. After describing the elements of realism, the chapter discusses the international thought of three outstanding classical realists of the past: Thucydides, Niccolò Machiavelli, and Thomas Hobbes. It then analyses the classical realist thought of Hans J. Morgenthau, along with strategic realism, neorealism, and neoclassical realism. Special attention is devoted to the defensive realism of Kenneth Waltz and the offensive realism of John Mearsheimer. Furthermore, the chapter looks at the recent theoretical debate among realist IR scholars concerning the relevance of the balance of power concept and it shows that realists often disagree among themselves. The chapter concludes with an overview of the prospects for the realist tradition as a research programme in IR.

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Kolander, Kenneth. "The Spirit of the 76". In America's Israel, 116–49. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179476.003.0005.

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The increasing influence of pro-Israel lobbying groups is a central theme of the entire book, and especially the fourth chapter. Research from the Israel State Archives in Jerusalem shows that the Israeli embassy in Washington, D.C. proved very able to influence U.S. policymaking during Ford’s reassessment of U.S.–Middle East policy in 1975, which included a freeze on military aid to Israel. In particular, the chapter reveals the efforts made by Israeli officials and pro-Israel lobbyists to secure a Senate letter to President Ford, signed by seventy-six senators in May 1975, that called for the resumption of military aid to Israel; otherwise, the senators threatened to kill Ford’s upcoming foreign-aid request. In effect, the president could not withhold weapons to pressure Israel into returning territory. Unlike the work by John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, this chapter exhibits the actual dimensions—the extents and limits—of Israeli influence on U.S. foreign policy.

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