Tesi: "National Assembly"

1

Esteve, Alexandre. "Le député français". Thesis, Limoges, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIMO0026/document.

Abstract (sommario):

En l’espace de soixante ans, la Constitution du 4 octobre 1958 a subi de nombreux changements à la fois juridiques et politiques. Une chose a cependant perduré : le parlementarisme rationalisé. Prenant en compte les changements intervenus depuis 1958 et les aspirations des Français à la modernisation et au rééquilibrage des institutions de la Ve République, le Constituant de 2008 a opéré une revalorisation du Parlement et proposé de rendre la fonction parlementaire plus valorisante. Mais à l’aune de dix années d’expérience, force est de constater que les améliorations attendues n’ont pas véritablement eu lieu. Dans le même temps, les exigences démocratiques des Français ont évolué. De ce fait, ce qui était acceptable hier, à défaut d'être accepté, ne l'est plus aujourd'hui. Il en est ainsi des avantages, des pratiques, des comportements individuels ou collectifs de responsables politiques.On peut dès lors s’interroger sur ce que devrait être le député de la Ve République tant au niveau de son statut que de son rôle. Il ressort de cette étude que l’actuel statut du député est appelé à se renforcer, notamment, s’agissant des moyens alloués au député, ainsi que des droits et garanties afin de permettre une plus grande mobilité entre le mandat et l’activité professionnelle de l’élu, et d’améliorer la représentativité du député par l’ouverture de l’Assemblée à un nouveau public. Le cadre institutionnel dans lequel s’exerce le travail parlementaire doit également être assoupli pour rétablir le député dans ses fonctions de collaborateur du Gouvernement pour la confection des lois et de contrôleur de l’action gouvernementale. Enfin, le travail en circonscription ne doit pas être négligé car il permet à l’élu de mieux exercer ses missions législatives et de contrôle
In the space of sixty years, the Constitution of 4th October 1958 has undergone many legal and political changes. However, one thing has remained: streamlined parliamentarianism. Considering the changes since 1958 and the aspirations of the French people for the modernisation and the rebalancing of the institutions of the Fifth Republic, in 2008 the constituent power worked on upgrading the role of the Parliament and proposed to improve the attractiveness of the parliamentarian function. After ten years of experience, it is clear that the potential improvements have not taken place. At the same time, the democratic requirements of the French have evolved. Hence, what was acceptable yesterday may not be today. This is true for the advantages, traditional practices, individual or collective behaviours of policy makers. Consequently, it may be asked what an MP of the Fifth Republic should be, in both status and function.This study shows that the status of the MP should be strengthened, notably with regard to the resources allocated to the MP, as well as rights and guarantees to allow greater mobility between the mandate and the professional activity of the elected representative, and to improve the representativeness of the MP through the opening up of the Assembly to a new audience. Also, the institutional system within which parliamentary work is performed must be more flexible to return the MP to his/her role as a legislator and overseer of government action. Finally, constituency work must not be neglected because it allows the MP to better carry out his/her legislative and overseeing missions

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2

CARDOSO, RODRIGO MENDES. "THE POPULAR PARTICIPATION IN THE NATIONAL CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF 1987-1988". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=32497@1.

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Abstract (sommario):

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
Na experiência constitucional brasileira, a efetivação de um processo de transição política, do regime autoritário instalado pelos militares em 1964, para uma nova ordem democrática, exigiu a convocação de uma Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. Todas as discussões acerca das regras regimentais e da nova Constituição se configuraram na tensão então existente entre o bloco conservador (majoritário) e o progressista (minoritário). Não obstante uma enorme resistência da ala conservadora, as normas regimentais acabaram prestigiando a participação popular no processo de elaboração da Constituição, especialmente através da realização de audiências públicas e a apresentação de sugestões e de emendas populares ao projeto de constituição. Mecanismos de participação popular direta também foram contemplados na Constituição da República de 1988, visando romper definitivamente com o monopólio dos representantes eleitos no que diz respeito à atividade legislativa e às decisões políticas, impondo e prestigiando o exercício da soberania popular. Sem desconsiderar outras formas de participação popular nas decisões políticas, serão privilegiados o plebiscito, o referendo e a iniciativa popular legislativa e constitucional. Esta tese avaliará o processo de transformação experimentado pela Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, enfocando as mudanças institucionais e as influências que culminaram na adoção, tanto no regimento interno quanto no texto final da Constituição da República de 1988, de mecanismos de participação popular direta mais voltados para o perfil das propostas do bloco progressista.
In the Brazilian constitutional experience, the realization of a political transition, from the authoritarian regime installed by the militaries in 1964 to a new democratic order, demanded the convocation of a National Constituent Assembly. All discussions about the procedural rules and the new constitution took shape in the then existing tension between the conservative bloc (majority) and progressive (minority). Despite a huge conservative wing of the resistance, the regimental standards just honoring the popular participation in the process of drafting the constitution, especially through the holding of public hearings and the submission of popular suggestions and amendments to the draft constitution. Direct popular participation mechanisms were also included in the Constitution of the Republic of 1988, aiming to finally break the monopoly of elected representatives with regard to legislative activity and policy decisions, imposing and honoring the exercise of popular sovereignty. This thesis will evaluate the transformation process experienced by the National Constituent Assembly, focusing on the institutional changes and influences that culminated in the adoption, in the bylaws as well as the final text of the Constitution of 1988, direct popular participation mechanisms more focused on the profile of the proposals of the progressive bloc.

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3

Sait, Lynette. "Strategies for the National Assembly to ensure the effective implementation of the National Development Plan of South Africa". Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2099.

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Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology.
The primary objective of this study was to contribute evidence and analysis that the administration of Parliament and structures such as portfolio committees can utilise during their oversight activities to ensure the successful implementation of the National Development Plan (NDP). In this regard, this study endeavoured to shed light on the current legislative, oversight and public participation practices of the National Assembly with respect to the executive. In particular, the study considered the strengths and weaknesses of the many ways in which Parliament pursues its mandate, through its oversight methods such as debates, questions, portfolio committee oversight activities, and legislation, amongst others. As such, the study’s recommendations are geared towards strengthening the capabilities of Parliament to deliver improved outcomes and, in so doing, raise the level of accountability within and throughout the institution. A number of gaps and weaknesses in the way in which Parliament executes its mandate were found. Significantly, accountability – which is the axis around which the roles of Members of Parliament and Parliament itself revolves – has been significantly weakened by competing political agendas. The highly political context and the proportional representative system influence the autonomy and commitments of Parliament. The NDP (2012:45) holds that “accountability is essential to democracy and that the accountability chain should be strengthened from top to bottom”. Serious questions emerged about the ability of Parliament to hold the executive to account. Capacity constraints which pertain to both members and staff and the building of coalitions (external expertise) were factors that require attention.

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4

Alfarhoud, Yousef T. "Influence of Social Media on Decision Making of the Kuwait National Assembly Members: Case Study". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404618/.

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In Kuwait, an increase in the use of social media by the Kuwait National Assembly (KNA) has allowed it members to reach out to the public and so advance their political agenda. This study examines social media influences on the decision making process; addresses the lack of academic research in relation to KNA members; and seeks to understand the extent to which public political engagement using social media might affect the outcome of their decision making. The proposed social media influence model (SMIM) was used to explore the relationships and relative importance of variables influencing legislator decision making in a social media environment. The second decade of the twenty-first century saw a number of major issues emerging in Kuwait. A core mixed method design known as explanatory sequential was applied to multiple sets of data generated during KNA members' 14th (2013-2016) and 15th (2016-2018) terms. These data included Twitter messages (tweets), the KNA Information Center Parliamentary Information System legislation documents, and the news media articles. The sample was drawn from KNA membership, some of which used Twitter to comment on major events with specific hashtags and the Kuwaiti news media articles related to the same. Study results confirm and support the proposed SMIM. They also suggest that a single person or a group of individuals (in this case, legislators) can be influenced and motivated to use social media for self-promotion and/or advancing their political agenda. Consequently, they can be used to devise ways for improving the use of social media by KNA members in support of legislative work, which in turn will provide citizens with access to real-time information and enhanced political interaction.

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5

Demirkol, Hatice Gunseli. "The Turkish Grand National Assembly Complex: An Evaluation Of The Function And Meaning Of Parliamentary Spaces". Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610528/index.pdf.

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This study is an evaluation of the function and the meaning of parliamentary spaces of the Turkish Republic, focusing on the parliamentary complex of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in the capital city of Ankara. Parliament buildings are symbols of the nation and the nation state, representing the national identity via expressional aspects of their functional space. The issue is of national prestige, security and power that remain in effect albeit adapting to changing situations in time. This study attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the spatial, stylistic as well as the urban characteristics of parliamentary spaces in Turkey by examining the earlier experiences in late Ottoman and early Republican periods, and by not only analyzing the establishment of the complex as designed by Holzmeister in the late 1930s, but also evaluating its enlargement as affected by the changing exigencies in contemporary political agendas after the Assembly had started to use the complex in the 1960s until today. The study examines the formation and the transformation of the Assembly complex in Turkey under the pressure of the highly dynamic political realities of the twentieth century, in order to reflect upon the continuities and discontinuities in functions and meanings of the parliamentary spaces throughout the process.

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6

PADUA, JOAO PEDRO CHAVES VALLADARES. "INTERSUBJECTIVITY NEGOTIATION IN DEBATES OVER NORMATIVE TEXTS IN THE BRAZILIAN NATIONAL CONSTITUTIONAL ASSEMBLY OF 1987/88". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2013. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=23886@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
O trabalho visa a compreender os processos, mecanismos e métodos discursivos pelos quais os participantes (parlamentares) de uma Comissão Temática (chamada Comissão da Soberania e dos Direitos e Garantias do Homem e da Mulher - CSDGHM) da primeira fase dos trabalhos da última Assembleia Nacional Constituinte brasileira, negociam a aprovação do seu texto final, que vale como o projeto da comissão. Essa pesquisa situa-se numa lacuna da literatura jurídica e linguística: jurídica, porque não há trabalhos no campo do direito que deem conta do nível micro de produção de textos normativos, seus processos e consequências; linguística, porque, mesmo com o avanço notável dos estudos sobre linguagem e direito (também chamados de linguística forense), uma parte dos estudos mais amplos sobre linguística aplicada das profissões, nenhum capítulo desses estudos parece muito preocupado sobre como os textos normativos são criados. Utilizando ferramentas analíticas dos estudos discursivo-interacionais e da etnometodologia - especialmente os conceitos de intersubjetividade, formulação e account -, este trabalho se baseia na análise de documentos e transcrições oficiais (leigas) de reuniões da CSDGHM, disponíveis em domínio público em páginas dos sites da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal. Ao todo, foram inicialmente analisados três textos de anteprojetos da CSDGHM e transcrições de 13 reuniões de debates da CSDGHM, além de alguns textos de projetos de emendas ao texto do anteprojeto, por amostragem. Depois da pré-análise, quatro partes do texto do anteprojeto foram selecionadas como guias analíticos para a identificação de fenômenos e processos discursivos-chaves nas reuniões de debates, por terem sido as partes do texto que mais controvérsia geraram nas reuniões de debate da comissão. A análise demonstrou, em primeiro lugar, que o processo de formação de normas é uma macroatividade, que engloba três tipos de atividades principais - a atividade de redação, a atividade de emendas e a atividade de debates. Esta última atividade, a de debates, é a mais visível e mais trabalhosa das três, e o local privilegiado onde são negociados aspectos controvertidos do texto do anteprojeto que está em discussão, em busca de uma intersubjetividade que permita a aprovação do anteprojeto por consenso, por negociação da redação de partes do texto, ou por uma votação polarizada em termos de sim ou não. Em segundo lugar a análise demonstrou que os participantes negociam a intersubjetividade quanto a texto através de formulações - que negociam o(s) sentido(s) do texto normativo em discussão e seus efeitos na possibilidade aceitação ou rejeição desse texto -; e de accounts - que são usados como instrumentos discursivos de defesa da correção e razoabilidade das posições ideológicas dos participantes, em relação ao texto em discussão e ao(s) seu(s) sentido(s) formulado(s). Por fim, a análise demonstrou a complexidade do processo de formação de normas, em geral, da atividade de debates, mais particularmente, e dos instrumentos, procedimentos, mecanismos e protocolos utilizados pelos participantes dessa atividade para chegarem a um acordo ou uma votação sobre o texto a ser aprovado, ainda mais particularmente. Implicações para futuras pesquisas (nesse e em outros campos jurídicos e da linguística aplicada das profissões) são discutidas, em considerações finais.
This research aims at understanding the discursive processes, mechanisms and methods whereby participants (members of parliament) of a Thematic Committee (called Comissão da Soberania e dos Direitos e Garantias do Homem e da Mulher - CSDGHM, or Committee on the Sovereignty, Rights and Guaranties of Men and Women) from the first phase of the last Brazilian Constitutional Assembly negotiate the approval of its final text, that counts as the (normative) project of the committee. This research situates itself in a gap of both the juridical and linguistics literature: juridical, because there is no work in the field of law that account for the micro level of the production of normative texts, its processes and consequences; linguistics, because, notwithstanding the notable development of the studies on Language and Law (also called Forensic Linguistics), a part of the more general studies on Applied Linguistics of Professions, no chapter of these studies seem much concerned with how normative texts are created. Using analytical framework from interactional-discursive studies and ethnomethodology - especially the concepts of intersubjectivity, formulation and account -, this research stems from the analysis of documents and official (lay) transcriptions of CSDGHM s meetings, available to public domain from websites of the Brazilian Camara dos Deputados (House of Representatives) and Senado Federal (Federal Senate). Overall, texts from three versions of the committee s project, transcripts from 13 meetings and some text from amendment propositions were initially analyzed. After this pre-analysis, for parts of the projects texts were selected as analytical guides to the spotting of key discursive phenomena and processes in the debate meetings, because these parts of the project were the most subjected to controversy in those meetings. Analysis has shown, first, that the process of norm-enacting is a macroactivity, which encompasses three main types of activities - the drafting activity, the amendment activity and the debate activity. This last activity - debate activity - is the most visible and most difficult of the three, and as such, is the privileged locus where controversial aspects of the text of the committee s project are negotiated, in search of a intersubjectivity that allows for the approval of that project, either by consensus, bargaining on parts of the text, or by a polarized vote in terms of yes ou no. Second, analysis has shown that participants negotiate intersubjectivity about the text through formulations - which negotiate the sense/s of the normative text under discussion and its effects on the possibility of accepting or rejecting this text -; and through accounts - which are used as discursive instruments to defend the correction or reasonableness of the ideological positions of the participants, with regard to the text under discussion and its/their formulated sense/s. Finally, analysis has shown the complexity of the process of norm-enacting, in general, of the debate activity, more particularly, and of the instruments, procedures, mechanisms and protocols used by participants of these activities to reach an agreement or a vote on the text to be approved, even more particularly.

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7

GOMES, RAFAEL BRAVO. "INSTITUTES OF SEMI-DIRECT DEMOCRACY AT THE NATIONAL CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY: MOMENTS OF CONSTITUENT POWER OR THERMIDOR?" PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2015. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=26493@1.

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Abstract (sommario):

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A Constituição Federal de 1988 inaugurou uma nova fase política no país, sendo considerada inegavelmente um avanço no caminho do regime democrático no Brasil, após aproximadamente 24 anos de ditadura militar. Entretanto, para se compreender melhor o texto constitucional, se faz necessária a análise dos debates na Assembleia Constituinte de 1987-1988, que foi palco de confrontos entre progressistas e conservadores. Em disputa, encontravam-se temas relativos à soberania popular, poder constituinte, reforma agrária, dentre outros. A presente dissertação propõe uma análise acerca de temas relacionados ao poder constituinte, abordando o tema, não sob uma perspectiva do constitucionalismo, mas a partir das lições de Antonio Negri, para quem o poder constituinte pertence à multidão e traduz uma força de produção ontológica de novas realidades e institucionalidades. Assim, o trabalho analisará propostas institutos de Democracia Semidireta, que prestigiavam uma maior participação popular nas decisões políticas do país, e que foram rejeitadas ou esvaziadas durante os debates da constituinte. Longe de defender tais instituições como o melhor projeto, até porque só quem pode decidir e pensar nas melhores instituições políticas é a multidão, a presente dissertação busca auferir se tais exclusões dos institutos caracterizam momentos de termidor.
The Federal Constitution of 1988 ushered in a new political phase within the country and is considered a landmark to the return of Democracy in Brazil, after 24 years of military dictatorship. However, to better understand the constitution, it is imperative to analyze the debates of the Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988, which was the scene of conflicts between Progressivists and Conservatives. In Dispute, themes related to popular sovereignty, constituent power, agrarian reform, and among others. This dissertation proposes an analysis of theses debates related to the constituent power, addressing the topic, not from the perspective of constitutionalism, but from the lessons of Antonio Negri, for whom the constituent power belongs to the people and reflects an ontological force of production of new realities and institutionalities. Therefore this paper will analyze proposals of semi-direct Democracy institutions that encouraged greater popular participation in political decisions and were rejected during the debates of the Constituent Assembly. Staying distant from defending such institutions as the best project, because the only one who can think and decide on the best political institutions is the multitude. This thesis seeks to identify if such exclusions are moments of the thermidor of Negri.

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8

Alhajeri, Abdullah. "Citizenship and political participation in the State of Kuwait : the case of National Assembly (1963-1996)". Thesis, Durham University, 2004. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1261/.

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9

Graham, Wesley. "The Speaker of the National Assembly: ways to strengthen and enhance the independence of the Speaker's office". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20867.

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The main intention of this paper is to ascertain whether the Speakership and Parliament are involved in a symbiotic relationship. This paper will assess whether a weak incumbent will have an adverse effect on the NA thereby weakening the capacity of the NA itself.

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10

Islam, A. K. M. Zahidul. "Linear multimedia for form and geometry analysis : a case study of Louis I. Kahn's National Assembly Building /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1422933.

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11

Mthembu, Thabisile Augustine. "The responsiveness of the library collection to the information needs of researchers at the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa". University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6582.

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Magister Artium - MA
Collection development plays a significant role in the successful achievement of the library’s purpose. The reason for the existence of the library is to meet the information needs of the community it serves. To determine if the PIC is responsive to the information needs of parliamentary researchers, the study used a mixed method of data collection. A survey method in the form of a questionnaire was used to collect quantitative data from parliamentary researchers. Other researchers at Parliament, for example researchers employed by political parties are not part of this study. Qualitative data was collected through interviews with a selection of librarians involved in the PIC collection development process and an evaluation of the Collection Development Policy of the PIC. Four librarians from the PIC were interviewed, and the PIC Collection Development Policy was analysed to triangulate data collected from the questionnaire and interviews. The information needs of parliamentary researchers are triggered by the information needs of parliamentarians, and therefore it is significant that the PIC provide a collection that responds to the information needs of researchers so they can provide relevant information to parliamentarians. The findings indicate that the responsiveness of the library material varies according to the needs of the researchers. The PIC will benefit from a proactive involvement of parliamentary researchers in the collection development process. Customised orientation, proper needs analysis and collection evaluation will improve usage of the library resources and responsiveness of the library material to the clients.

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12

Barry, Norma. "My leadership practice during the transition of policy responsibilities from the Welsh Office to the National Assembly for Wales". Thesis, University of South Wales, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494058.

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This research is concerned with my personal leadership practice in the former Welsh Office and latterly the National Assembly for Wales. It has been a sociological study, critically exploring my leadership practice during a period of intense change. The study provides an auto-ethnographic account of my leadership practice through four discrete projects. My practice in relation to these projects was analysed through relevant action research methodologies, which involved reflection and reflexivity, together with a conceptual framework covering personal leadership and change, gender, identity and, power and psycho-dynamics. The analysis was informed by a comprehensive literature review of the key texts on leadership, gender, identity, power, and organisational psycho-dynamics. As the researcher and the researched, I attempted to understand how my personal characteristics and life experiences governed my actions and behaviours, the impact of my gender on my practice, the construction of personal and collective identities and the use of power and authority within the organisation. The overall aim was to contribute to leadership theories about the practice of women leaders and to improve my practice through this understanding. The theory that has emerged is that of accommodating leadership on the basis that to exercise effective leadership it is necessary to be accommodating of your personal, inherent traits, and learnt behaviours and those with whom you interact, whilst engendering a culture that encourages the practice of accommodation. The findings contribute to knowledge in the areas of leadership, change and learning, identity and power and psycho-dynamics in a public sector organisation from a feminist perspective on both personal and organisational levels.

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13

Uddin, Mohammed Saleh. "Representation of formal and spatial analysis in computational media : a case study of Louis I. Kahn's National Assembly complex". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310630.

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14

CARDOSO, RODRIGO MENDES. "THE POPULAR INITIATIVE IN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS OF THE NATIONAL CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY TO THE 1988 CONSTITUTION REGIMEN: AN ANALYSIS". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=17613@1.

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Esta dissertação analisa as dinâmicas da iniciativa popular legislativa no âmbito da Assembléia Nacional Constituinte e da Constituição da República de 1988. Para tanto, o trabalho parte do estudo das principais bases teóricas do plexo democrático, situando o mecanismo no contexto da democracia participativa. Após a fundamentação teórica, a pesquisa é pautada na investigação das emendas populares no processo constituinte de 1987-1988, inaugurando a temática com uma breve reflexão sobre a fase pré-constituinte, passando pela reconstrução dos debates e decisões legislativas que permitiram a utilização do mecanismo, até chegar à análise das proposições populares apresentadas à Comissão de Sistematização da ANC. Em seguida, o trabalho trata da investigação dos debates constituintes que possibilitaram a inclusão da iniciativa popular de leis no texto final da Constituição. Por conseguinte, a dissertação cataloga e analisa as experiências de iniciativa popular legislativa apresentadas à Câmara dos Deputados e trata do inventário de suas ocorrências nas assembléias legislativas dos Estados de Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Paraná, Espírito Santo e na Câmara Legislativa do Distrito Federal. Por fim, o trabalho analisa, brevemente, as propostas de emendas à Constituição tendentes a reduzir as exigências para a propositura de projetos de leis de iniciativa popular e, de forma mais ampla, o desempenho da Comissão de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados.
This dissertation analyses the dynamics of the popular initiative in the legislative process at the 1988 National Constituent Assembly and in the 1988 Republic Constitution. In order to achieve that goal, this work starts from the main theoretical bases of the democratic field, placing the popular initiative in the legislative process in the context of participatory democracy. After the theoretical exposition, the research is based on the investigation of the popular amendments in the constituent process from 1987 - 1988, presenting the theme with a brief reflection about the pre-constituent phase, passing through the reconstruction of the debates and legislative decisions which enabled the usage of the popular initiative in the legislative process, until reaching the analysis of the popular proposals presented to the National Constituent Assembly s Systematizing Commission. Next, this paper discusses the investigation of the constituent debates that enabled the inclusion of the popular initiative in the legislative process in the Constitution s final text. Hence, this dissertation catalogues and analyses the experiences of popular initiative in the legislative process presented to the Deputies Chamber and deals with the inventory of its occurrences at the legislative assemblies in the states of Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Paraná, Espírito Santo and at the Legislative Chamber of the Federal District. Finally, this dissertation will, briefly, analyze the amendment proposals to the Constitution tending to reduce the demands for the proposal of legislation projects originated from popular initiative and, in a wider manner, the performance of the Commission for Participative Legislation of the Deputies Chamber.

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15

Unver, Hamid Akin. "Defining Turkey's Kurdish question : discourse in the US Congress, the European Parliament and the Turkish Grand National Assembly, 1990-99". Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510897.

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16

Oh, Myeong-Ho. "A study of factors that contribute to capability as reported by committee staffers in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea". Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2009. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Fall2009/m_oh_120309.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

Thesis (Master of Public Affairs)--Washington State University, December 2009.
Title from PDF title page (viewed on Feb. 11, 2010). "Department of Political Science." Includes bibliographical references (p. 30-31).

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17

Seo, Deoggyo. "South Korean National Assembly : the role of committee staffers as information providers and network managers in the scrutiny of government law bills". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/27837.

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The aim of this thesis is to investigate the role and impact of the committee staff of the South Korean National Assembly in the scrutiny of government bills. It also explores the factors affecting their role and impact focusing on the scrutiny of government bills. Parliamentary staff globally have not drawn much academic attention with the exception of those in the U.S., and it is difficult to apply the theories and concepts in American studies to staff in the legislatures of other countries due to the peculiarity of legislatures in the U.S. Moreover, previous literature on parliamentary staff has not given much attention to the roles of staff in mediation and negotiation between policy actors. This research sets out the framework consisting of macro-level institutions, network, actors and the interaction between actors, and uses the perspectives of policy network theory and new institutionalism to derive key concepts, in the context of the South Korean National Assembly, on the features of network; the capabilities and orientations of MPs and committee staff members; and historical contexts affecting the evolution of institutions. In order to collect and analyse empirical data, this research conducted qualitative interviews with 38 committee staff members; amendment analysis on 787 amendment opinions in the scrutiny of law bills; and legislative case studies on four cases of the legislative process. The thesis argues that the committee staff provide information and guide the scrutiny; consult with and mediate between policy actors; and play a limited role in setting the items of the subcommittee meetings. Generally speaking, the impact of them is found to be strong, as evidenced through the interview data and amendment analysis. This is because the orientation structures and capabilities of MPs and committee staff members are conducive to MPs’ delegation of detailed scrutiny to committee staff members; staff members’ participation; and MPs’ agreement with them according to the interview data. In addition, political controversy affects the role and impact negatively, but technical complexity affects positively according to the interview data and amendment analysis. These findings are also supported by the legislative case study. The committee staff conducted substantive roles in the scrutiny of uncontroversial bills, but their roles in amending bills were limited to the translation of the agreement between parties in the scrutiny of controversial bills although they specified detailed amendments and conducted scrutiny in the aspects of legal structure and wording in technically complex matters. The contributions of this research are as follows: First of all, it sheds lights on the network managing function of parliamentary staff generally and in Korea in particular in their roles such as consultation and mediation. In addition, it also sheds light on the nature of issue as the factors affecting the role and impact of parliamentary staff differently. Last, but not least, it can be a base of comparative research on the legislative staff through studying non-partisan committee staff. The major limitation of this research is that it does not address whether the findings can be applied to the legislatures of other countries. This limitation is due to the peculiarity of South Korean National Assembly, although it shares some features of the legislative process with those in the U.K. and U.S. But then, this is a major problem with all kinds of comparative social science research and ought not to be an excuse not to engage with these important issues. Thus, the conduct of a comparative research about parliamentary staff of different countries with a consistent framework is suggested as the direction of future studies.

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18

Green, Dawn Amanda. "Women and the National Assembly in France : an analysis of institutional change and substantive representation, with special reference to the 1997-2002 legislature". Thesis, University of Stirling, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21894.

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This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.

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19

Viktorovitch, Clément. "Parler, pour quoi faire ? : la délibération parlementaire à l’Assemblée nationale et au Sénat (2008-2012)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0068.

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Les théories de la démocratie délibérative admettent deux modèles, dialogique et rhétorique, réservant chacun au Parlement un rôle central : élaborer les décisions par la discussion délibérative ; contribuer à la formation du jugement des citoyens par le débat contradictoire. Cette thèse explore les fondements empiriques de ces modèles. A travers l’analyse argumentative des débats en séance publique et l’observation ethnographique des échanges en commission, elle compare l’idéal normatif aux pratiques du Parlement français. Discussions délibératives et débats contradictoires se révèlent alors faire partie intégrante des interactions parlementaires. La discussion délibérative se déploie principalement au Sénat et en commission, bien qu’elle émerge parfois à l’Assemblée nationale et en séance publique. Son influence sur la législation demeure limitée, sans être pour autant négligeable. L’hémicycle de l’Assemblée nationale apparaît, lui, comme l’espace privilégié du débat contradictoire. Ces résultats plaident en faveur du bicamérisme, qui permet de concilier les rôles pédagogique et législatif des débats parlementaires. Ils mettent également en avant l’incertitude de la séance publique : loin de se contenter d’enregistrer les décisions gouvernementales, celle-ci se révèle fréquemment comme un espace d’arbitrage et d’élaboration des décisions. Cette étude est enfin l’occasion, à travers l’analyse inductive des données recueillies, de proposer une contribution à la théorie politique : identifier les caractéristiques argumentatives de la discussion délibérative, confirmer et préciser les vertus du débat contradictoire, affiner l’effet du huis clos sur les discussions
Deliberative democracy theories allow two different dialogical and rhetorical models which both give a central role to the Parliament: elaborating decisions by way of deliberative discussion and contributing to the formation of the citizens’ judgement by way of contradictory debates. This thesis explores the empirical foundations of these models. Through the argumentative analysis of public session debates and the ethnographical observation of exchanges in committees, it compares the normative ideal to the practices of the French Parliament. Deliberative discussions and contradictory debates thus reveal themselves to be an integral part of parliamentary interactions. Deliberative discussion is mainly deployed in the Sénat and in committees, even though it sometimes emerges at the Assemblée nationale and during public sessions. Its influence on legislation remains limited though not entirely insignificant. On the other hand, the hemicycle of the Assemblée nationale appears to be a prime space for contradictory debate. These results advocate for a bicameral system, which allows the educational and legislative aspects of parliamentary debates to be reconciled. They also highlight the uncertainty of public sessions: far from being restricted to the registering of governmental decisions, these sessions are frequently used to arbitrate and elaborate decisions. Finally, through the inductive analysis of the collected data, this study is the opportunity to put forward a contribution to political theory: identifying the argumentative characteristics of deliberative discussion, confirming and pointing out the virtues of contradictory debate, and clarifying the effects of an in camera environment on discussions

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20

Jamot, Didier. "Le Parlement et les relations internationales". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1005.

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Le Parlement est généralement considéré comme un acteur institutionnel ne pouvant s'impliquer dans les relations internationales. Seul, le pouvoir exécutif disposerait de la capacité à agir dans ce domaine. En réalité, cet état de choses qui était vrai à l'aube de la Vème République n'est plus d'actualité. L'évolution du monde au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale avec la décolonisation, la fin de la guerre froide, la mondialisation, mais aussi l'accélération de la construction européenne, a été à l'origine de l'attrait des parlementaires pour les questions de politique étrangère. Les révisions constitutionnelles successives, les modifications des règlements des assemblées et l'adoption de plusieurs lois leur ont alors fourni les moyens d'agir.Désormais, les députés et les sénateurs exercent une influence sur la politique étrangère de la France ; ils disposent d'outils parlementaires leur assurant une information et un contrôle des activités internationales du Gouvernement ; et ils sont parvenus à mettre en place une véritable diplomatie parlementaire tant bilatérale, comme dans le cadre des groupes d'amitié, que multilatérale, comme dans celui des assemblées parlementaires internationales
Parliament is generally thought to be an institution which is incapable of influencing international relations. The Executive Power alone is said to be capable of acting in this sphere.In reality, while this was true at the dawn of the Fifth Republic, it is no longer the case. The way the world changed after World War II – decolonization, the end of the Cold War, globalization, but also the rapid European integration – was the fundamental appeal of foreign policy for members of Parliament. The constitutional changes which then occurred, changes to Rules of Procedure of the assemblies and the adoption of several laws, afforded them the ability to act. Ever since, deputies and senators have influenced French foreign affairs. They have access to tools which assure them information and a certain control of the Government's international activities. They have likewise succeeded in establishing a parliamentary diplomacy equally bilateral – like Friendship groups – as multilateral, as is found in international parliaments

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21

Awni, S. H. "Control and communication in developing countries : a cybernetic analysis and a proposed solution, exemplified by a distributed database system for the implementation of a national plan". Thesis, Brunel University, 1985. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4999.

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This thesis proposes some enhancements of the control and communication aspects of the implementation of a National Plan in any developing country. A cybernetic model for the viable system is used following the approach developed by Beer. Weaknesses of typical current practice are identified and a hierarchical organization, based on the model, is suggested as an alternative, in which all the systems implementing and monitoring the N. P. are considered as one single system, making its functions easier to recognize. Deficiencies, which are characteristic of the situation of developing countries, are identified and remedies are suggested to increase effectiveness. The model provides for the cybernetic principle of freedom, allowing the creation of autonomous subsystems with their own computational needs. A distributed system using micros, databases, and national communication networks, is described, which provides the requirements for realizing the suggested organization, together with packaged software to compensate for missing experience and know-how. The proposals are made in the form of a comprehensive package whose built-in complexity (sophistication) is very high. It is still effective even with inexperienced users but can take full advantage of their developing knowledge. This thesis includes listings and sample runs of some portions of the package which, for purposes of demonstration, have been implemented in dBASE II and an 8080 assembly program on an Intertec Superbrain QD microcomputer.

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22

Martins, Rodrigo. "O processo decisório na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88: a escolha do sistema de governo". Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-11042014-101746/.

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Mesmo após ter completado 25 anos, a Constituinte de 1987/88 suscitou até agora, no campo da Ciência Política, relativamente poucos trabalhos acadêmicos de fôlego. Apesar de alguns estudos evidenciarem a importância e centralidade do debate entre presidencialismo e parlamentarismo na Constituinte, nenhum deles se aprofundou no tema, evidenciando como se deu o processo decisório em torno da questão, quais grupos defenderam certas posições, quais eram seus interesses, quais propostas foram feitas e porque uma delas sagrou-se vitoriosa ao final. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo o estudo do processo decisório da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte brasileira de 1987/1988, no que diz respeito a escolha do sistema de governo, questão central do debate institucional na época. A pretensão e analisar quais as linhas de força que, ao longo do processo constituinte, manifestaram-se a esse respeito, e quais os meios que foram vislumbrados para torná-los efetivos. Para isso, torna-se necessário identificar e analisar os atores relevantes, a natureza de suas preferências políticas, a interação desenvolvida e as opções por eles gestadas e postas em prática, em meio a um processo deliberativo de tipo especial, aquele que geralmente marca as assembleias constituintes.
Even after 25 years, the Brazilian Constituent Assembly of 1987-88, as of late, was the object of relatively few important academic studies in the eld of Political Science. Although some studies demonstrate the importance and centrality of the debate between presidentialism and parliamentarism in the Assembly, none of them has studied the topic in depth, showing how was the decision making process around the issue , which groups advocated certain positions, which were their interests, which proposed were made and the reason why one of them was victorious at the end. This work\'s goal is the study of the decision-making process of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988, with respect to the choice of the government system, the central issue of the institutional debate at the time. The intention is to analyze which lines of force emerged in this regard along the constituent process, and what means were envisioned to make them eective. For this, it is necessary to identify and analyze the relevant actors, the nature of their political preferences, how the interaction between actors took place and the developed and implemented options in the midst of a deliberative process of a special kind, one that often marks the constituent assemblies.

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23

Müller, Sophia. "Talking Back: An Examination of Legislative Sequels Produced by the National Assembly of Quebec in Response to Judicial Invalidation of the Charter of the French Language". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35880.

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Grounding its approach in historical and discursive institutionalist frameworks, this thesis examines the process of judicial review through an evaluation of Hogg et al.’s Charter dialogue hypothesis as it pertains to judicial invalidation of sections of the Charter of the French Language (CFL) and the legislative sequels produced by the National Assembly of Quebec (i.e. Bills 178 and 86). When examined from an historical institutionalist perspective, the National Assembly of Quebec appears to have strategized its response through an assertion of parliamentary sovereignty, rather than the desire to engage in a “dialogue” with the Supreme Court of Canada. However, a closer examination of how the Bourassa government crafted Bill 178 reveals that the first ‘legislative response’ to the Supreme Court’s decision in Devine and Ford was crafted exclusively by the executive branch, in virtual secrecy among a handful of Bourassa’s cabinet members. Displeased with the outcome of Bill 178, Anglophone civil society actors challenged the legitimacy of the CFL, as well as the notwithstanding mechanism at an international level, with their submission of Ballantyne, Davidson, McIntyre v. Canada to the United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC). In 1993, the UNHRC ruled that Bill 178 violated sections of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The UNHRC’s decision eventually pressured the National Assembly of Quebec to amend Bill 178 with the passage of Bill 86, and consequently brought the Supreme Court’s remedies into partial effect. However, Quebec’s subsequent amendment to the CFL, Bill 86, was not a “legislative sequel” in response to judicial nullification; rather it was primarily a response to comply to international human rights norms. Bill 86 amended sections 58 and 68 of the CFL, but contrary to the recommendations of linguistic equality set forth by the Supreme Court, the Bourassa government ensured that French remained the predominant language on signage. The evidence in this thesis suggests that Charter compliance was an almost secondary effect caused by the primary objective of Quebec’s adherence to international human rights norms for the purpose of continued participation in international affairs. In its rejection of the Charter dialogue model, this thesis uncouples the pairing of the notwithstanding clause with the notion of parliamentary sovereignty and, in doing so, raises critical questions regarding the roles of the provincial executive and legislative branches during the process of constitutional interpretation. This thesis concludes that in lieu of Charter dialogue, a modified version of Baker’s model of coordinate interpretation is a more appropriate model of judicial review for summarizing the interaction of actors within the case studies of Bills 178 and 86.

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Medeiros, Danilo Buscatto. "Organizando maiorias, agregando preferências: a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88". Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-10052013-125220/.

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Reza a literatura neo-institucionalista que as normas que regem um processo decisório terão grande influência sobre o resultado final. Isto vale também para Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988. Não fosse assim um agrupamento de parlamentares descontentes com o andamento dos trabalhos constituintes não teria insurgido com uma proposta para a reformulação do Regimento Interno após quase um ano de funcionamento. Entender a importância do arcabouço institucional para as disputas políticas e o resultado final da ANC éa questão central desta dissertação. Desta forma, pretende-seresponder a seguinte pergunta: quais os efeitos tanto das normas que regularam o processo de formação/convocação da ANC, quanto do seu regimento que foi alterado ao longo dos trabalhos sobre o resultado final? O modelo de constituinte aprovado na convocação (congressual e não exclusiva) e o formato dos trabalhos constituintes (descentralização em subcomissões e comissões temáticas) foram amplamente contestados e disputados pelas consequências que os atores políticos antecipavam ou projetavam sobre elas. Os atores políticos sempre sabem que regras afetam resultados. Resta saber se eles sempre anteciparam corretamentee, para tanto, é possívelatentar para como eles se comportaram. Com o intuito de aprofundar o debate sobre a interação estratégica noprocesso constituinte, são analisadas as votações nominais no plenário da Constituinte para compreender como atores coletivos organizam preferências, reunindo maiorias em disputas políticas radicalizadas.
According to the new institutionalist literature, the rules regulating a decision making process play great influence on its final result. Thisassumption applies to the 1987-1988 National Constituent Assembly (NCA). Otherwise, a group of legislators dissatisfied with the works course would not have risen with a proposal to reform the Internal Rules after two years of Assembly. The main goal of this work is tocomprehend the importance of the institutional structure for the political contests and the final result of the NCA. Thus, I aim to answer the following question: what are the effects of the rules regulating the convocation of the NCA, as well as the rules regulating its works which have changed during theprocess on the final results? The constitution-making design approved at the beginning (a congressional one instead of an exclusive one) and the organization form of the works (decentralized in thematic commissions) were largely contested because of the consequences political actors were anticipating and looking forward to, since they are always aware of the rule´s impact. The question is whether or not they anticipated it correctly, and for such it is possible to watch how they have behaved. Attempting to deepen the debate about strategic interaction on the constitutional process, the roll calls will be analyzed in order to understand how collective actors organize their preferences, building majorities in radicalized political contests.

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Marumahoko, Sylvester. "Constitution-making in Zimbabwe : assessing institutions and processes". University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5470.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
Since its conquest by Britain in 1890, Zimbabwe has witnessed a series of constitution-making projects. Spanning over 100 years, the question of constitutional development has continued to dominate public debate. The end of colonial rule did not see an end to the demand for a constitution that is legitimate and durable. The search for an enduring and good constitution continued into the 21st century. With the unveiling of the 2013 constitution-making project, however, it seemed as if a long lasting solution had been 'delivered' on the question of a legitimate and durable constitution. The thesis assesses the questions of institutions and processes in Zimbabwe’s quest to construct a new constitution. It contends that institutions and processes used to make constitutions are as important as the contents of a final constitution. That is why more time and efforts are often spent negotiating the twin questions of institutions and processes of constitution-making than is spent negotiating the content of a constitution. With this in mind, the thesis develops standards for assessing institutions and processes used in successive constitution-making projects in Zimbabwe. A major finding of the assessment is that the twin questions of institutions and processes were neglected in all constitution-making efforts undertaken in Zimbabwe, including that which culminated in the creation of the Constitution of 2013. The thesis maintains that a lot of significance must be attached to the design of institutions and processes of constitution making if a constitution is to be enduring and widely accepted as legitimate.

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De, Goede Meike J. "Consuming democracy : local agencies and liberal peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3062.

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This thesis focuses on liberal peace building in the DRC. The thesis takes a critical approach which emphasises local agencies and their engagements with liberal peace building. However, it seeks to bring this critique back to the institutions with which liberal peace building is preoccupied, by focusing on the hidden local that operates within these institutions. This approach seeks to give new meaning to processes of institution building without rendering institutions irrelevant as a top-down approach. Focusing on the first legislature of the Congolese Third Republic (2006-2011) this thesis provides a case study of how local agencies consume liberal democracy within the National Assembly, and make it their own. It discusses current liberal peace building practices as a process of mutual disengagement, in which both the local and liberal intervention seek to disengage from each other. Although this results in a lack of legitimacy of the peace building project both locally as well as with liberal interventions, it also creates hybrid space in which local agencies consume liberal democracy. The thesis conceptualises these local agencies as being convivial, in other words, they are enabled by people's relations. The thesis therefore focuses on MPs relations with their electorate, as well as with the executive and other MPs in their party or ruling coalition. In through these interactions local agencies consume liberal democracy – it is accepted, rejected, diverted, substituted, etc. The thesis concludes that through these practices of consumption local agencies negotiate liberal democracy. The liberal democratic framework is kept intact, but it is not enabled to function as foreseen, because local agencies are responsive to a moral matrix of the father-family. However, the liberal democratic framework itself provides new tools through which local agencies also renegotiate the unwritten rules of the moral matrix of the father-family.

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Lisowski, Telma Rocha. "O poder constituinte entre continuidade e ruptura: limites, tradição e transformação". Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-13022014-112657/.

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A fundação ou refundação de uma comunidade política nunca significa um começo ou uma transformação absoluta, pois toda mudança, ainda que se possa considerá-la revolucionária, traz consigo uma carga de continuidade. A partir dessa hipótese, o presente trabalho analisará o conceito de poder constituinte originário, procurando demonstrar alguns equívocos e insuficiências da sua teorização clássica. O principal problema a ser apontado é que a teoria do poder constituinte originário, entendida como teoria da ruptura, pode gerar uma indistinção entre poder e autoridade e, em última análise, entre poder e direito, favorecendo assim uma formulação radical da democracia. Apresenta-se, como alternativa, uma visão do poder constituinte que não o coloca como criador absoluto de toda ordem jurídica e política, mas como sendo em parte criatura de uma ordem pré-existente, o que implica a existência de limites à sua atuação. Esses limites derivam, de um lado, do pressuposto de que tratamos do poder constituinte de titularidade popular, o que significa que o próprio procedimento de elaboração constitucional deverá obedecer a alguns princípios democráticos; de outro lado, há uma série de limites decorrentes das instituições que se desenvolveram em determinado local e época, bem como do grau de organização e das concepções prévias do povo que pretende constituir-se em comunidade política. As ideias expostas ao longo do trabalho serão operacionalizadas através do estudo de um exemplo concreto, qual seja, o da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte brasileira de 1987/1988. Serão analisados alguns elementos que demonstram o elevado grau de continuidade institucional entre a ordem constitucional instaurada a partir desse marco e a ordem anterior, dando especial atenção à manutenção da forma de Estado, forma e sistema de governo. No polo oposto, estudar-se-ão os elementos que marcam a ruptura entre essas duas ordens, com destaque para a alteração essencial no regime político. Ao final do trabalho, espera-se apresentar uma concepção alternativa de poder constituinte originário em contraposição àquela de poder constituinte derivado, evitando caracterizá-lo como ilimitado e incondicionado, como pretende a teoria clássica.
The foundation or refoundation of a political community doesnt signify an absolute beginning or transformation, for there is some load of continuity in every change, even when it is considered to be revolutionary. From that hypothesis, this work will analyze the concept of originary constituent power, by trying to show some oversights and insufficiencies of its classical theory. The major problem to be mentioned is that the theory of the constituent power, when understood as a theory of rupture, can lead to confusion between power and authority and between power and law, which favors a radical formulation of democracy. As an alternative, another point of view from the constituent power will be introduced, one that doesnt put it as an absolute creator of the juridical and political order, but as a creature of a pre-existent order, bringing therefore limits to its proceeding. On the one hand, these limits come from the assumption that we are dealing with the constituent power of popular titularity, which means that the making of the constitution itself will have to obey some democratic principles; on the other hand, there is a series of limits that derive from the institutions developed in a determined time and place, as from the organizational level and previous conceptions from the people that want to build a body politics. The ideas exposed in the firsts chapters will be exemplified through the study of a case, that of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987/1988. At this point, the work will analyze some elements that demonstrate the great level of institutional continuity between the new and the old constitutional orders, with special attention to the maintenance of the federal form of state and the presidential system. On the other side, it will be studied which elements define de rupture between the two orders, discussing the essential alteration of the political regime. In the end, we expect to present an alternative notion of the originary constituent power in comparison with that of derived constituent power, avoiding its characterization as an unlimited and unconditional body, as the classical theory intends.

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El, Hadani Nadia. "Les débats parlementaires sur l'immigration : positions politiques et évolution thématique (1998-2016)". Thesis, Toulouse 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU30317.

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L'Assemblée nationale est le lieu institutionnel par excellence où se construisent des identités et des légitimités, qui reflètent l'image de la société et la diffusent en même temps. L'analyse des débats parlementaires à propos d'immigration de 1998 à 2016 révèle une évolution chronologique, rythmée par des événements politiques ou médiatiques, nationaux ou internationaux, qui renforcent la présence de telle ou telle thématique. Ainsi, la politisation du débat sur l'immigration a constitué un grand tournant dans le discours national. Si des discours sur les valeurs ont d'abord succédé aux préoccupations humaines, c'est aujourd'hui le vocabulaire gestionnaire qui domine : la gestion des demandeurs d'asile, la maîtrise des flux migratoires, les relations internationales. Les discours anti-immigration, qui accompagnent une politique de durcissement et de fermeture, ne reposent donc plus sur des positions idéologiques, mais sur des principes de "réalités", ou supposés tels. Cette étude se voudrait une mise au point sur le discours parlementaire portant sur la question de l'immigration, et ce à travers une analyse textométrique, à l'aide du logiciel libre IRaMuTeQ permettant de montrer l'évolution des thématiques liées à l'immigration et de dessiner les contours du discours dominant
The National Assembly is the quintessential institution where identities and legitimacies are formed, which not only reflect the image of society but also display the image of society. The analysis of the parliamentary debates on immigration from 1998 to 2016 reveals a chronological evolution, marked by political or media events, both national and international, which reinforce the presence of such or such theme. Thus, the politicization of the immigration debate was a major turning point in the national discourse. While discourses on values first succeeded human concerns, today it is the managerial vocabulary that prevails namely: the management of asylum seekers, the control of migratory flows and international relations. Anti-immigration discourses, along with hardening and closure policies, are no longer based on ideological positions, but on principles of "realities", or supposed to be. This research intend to examine the parliamentary discourse on immigration, through a textometric analysis, using the free software IRaMuTeQ to show the evolution of themes related to immigration and draw the contours of the dominant discourse

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Aydin, Ahmet Ersat. "Les Trois provinces entre Russie et Turquie (1918-1921) : un défi aux territorialisations étatiques". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lorraine, 2022. https://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/ulprive/DDOC_T_2022_0364_AYDIN.pdf.

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Le cœur du questionnement porte sur l'impact sur les Trois provinces (Elviye-i Selâse) de trois processus combinés et partiellement successifs : la déprise du pouvoir russe ; l'installation de l'emprise ottomane-turque ; l'affirmation de centres régionaux face aux centres que sont Moscou et Istanbul. Processus auxquels il faut ajouter les dimensions relatives aux groupes religieux et ethniques locaux, extrêmement complexes même si les Arméniens des trois provinces ont échappé aux problèmes de 1915-1917. Dans ce contexte les Trois provinces (nom turc de cette région) que la Turquie a perdues en 1878 et qu'elle a provisoirement reprises en 1918, sont marquées par des dynamiques locales qui se sont articulées avec la construction de l'État turc au sortir de la Première Guerre mondiale, et plus largement avec les transformations rapides des équilibres stratégiques entre 1917 et 1921 dans une zone marquée par le croisement entre trois grandes lignes de force : l'expansion russe vers la Méditerranée (même si elle est provisoirement en suspens) ; la ligne transversale représentée par la stratégie britannique d'isolement des mers chaudes face à l'expansion russe ; la ligne d'expansion turque (et non plus ottomane) vers l'Asie centrale turcophone (le Touran) qui s'étend du nord de la Turquie actuelle à l'ouest de la Chine. Or à ces axes internationaux correspondent, sur le plan régional (Caucase du sud), des logiques transnationales qui explique la création, sous égide sociale-démocrate à partir de la révolution bolchevique, du Sejm (Assemblée) transcaucasien, qui signa avec la 3e Armée turque l'armistice d'Erzincan le 5 décembre 1917. Mais l'existence d'une entité régionale résulte avant tout de la décomposition politique de l'Empire russe, et d'une affirmation complexe des diverses nationalités de la région, dont les Arméniens qui, en 1917, semblaient mieux organisés (bien sûr côté russe). Il s'agit donc d'une monographie régionale centrée sur les interactions entre les acteurs locaux, régionaux, et extérieurs. Les diverses puissances étatiques en conflit pour la région pouvaient être assez éloignées (l'action des troupes britanniques et italiennes est ici très intéressante)
The core of the questioning concerns the impact of the three successive processes on the Three Provinces (Elviye-i Selâse): overturning the Russian power, establishing the Ottoman-Turkish influence, and asserting the claims of regional centers against Moscow and Istanbul. In these three provinces, there are different religious and local groups. There was are quite an entanglement, and even the Armenians who stayed away from the problems in 1915-1917 are part of it. “Three provinces” is the Turkish expression used for a part of the Balkans before 1878, but then it migrated and clearly referred to the provinces of Batumi, Kars and Ardahan), which Turkey lost in 1878 and recaptured temporarily in 1918. The broader strategic balance was at stake precisely in this region, right when the Turkish State, at the end of World War I, extended its reach. Between 1917 and 1921 it was the place where the strategic ambitions of three main actors intersected: Russia's expansion into the Mediterranean (even if suspended), the British strategy of isolating the warm seas from the Russian southern drive, and the Turkish expansion from present-day northern Turkey to western China and into Turkish-speaking Central Asia. However, these international endeavors were part of a multilayer grid with strong regional (Southern Caucasian) actors. For a while, trespassing the national perspective, social-democracy was in a position to foster the creation of a transnational Caucasian Sejm (Parliament). This body signed the Erzincan Armistice with the third Turkish Army on December 5,1917, after the Bolshevik Revolution. But this unique situation resulted, above all, from the political disintegration of the Russian Empire and the complexity of the region's various national dynamics. At the time, the Armenians seem to have been better organized. Therefore, this study is a regional monograph that focuses on interactions between local, regional and external actors. The various states competing ih the region could indeed intervene in the region from afar (British and Italian troops provide interesting examples)

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Branco, Luis Fernando Migliari. "Industriais brasileiros entre o autoritarismo e a democracia: a transição para a Nova República (1974-1988)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-19122016-113522/.

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A presente dissertação tem como proposta analisar a participação do empresariado industrial nacional no processo de transição política da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) para a Nova República (1985-atual). De forma mais precisa, a pesquisa procura elaborar um pensamento crítico a respeito da capacidade de articulação dessa fração da classe burguesa nas suas relações com o Estado para garantir os seus interesses políticos e econômicos. Nesse aspecto, a dissertação estabelece como essas relações se desenvolveram sob uma perspectiva histórica - ao longo do processo de industrialização do país - para, em seguida, analisar a sua reorganização no período de transição política, compreendido entre 1974, com o início da Abertura política, e 1988, quando a Constituição da Sexta República foi promulgada. As análises elaboradas se apoiam numa leitura bibliográfica que discute a formação do setor industrial a partir das especificidades do desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil, considerando a sua condição periférica no capitalismo; e do levantamento de fontes bibliográficas e de documentos produzidos pelo setor e por periódicos, que possibilitam uma avaliação mais detida sobre o papel desempenhado pelos industriais durante o período de transição política. Assim, a dissertação tem como objetivo caracterizar os interesses e os posicionamentos tomados pelo empresariado industrial nacional durante esse processo, de modo a dimensionar a sua influência para o fim da ditadura e para a conformação da Nova República. Como estudo de caso, a dissertação se propõe a aprofundar o debate sobre a atuação dos industriais na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1987-1988), com a intenção de destacar a relevância histórica desse momento para a afirmação do seu poder nos rumos econômicos e políticos do país.
This dissertation proposal is to analyze the participation of the national industrial business in the political transition process of civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) to the New Republic (1985-present). More precisely, the research seeks to develop a critical thinking about the articulation capacity of this fraction of the bourgeois class in its relations with the State to guarantee their political and economic interests. In this respect, the dissertation establishes how these relations have developed from a historical perspective - during the country\'s industrialization process - to then analyze its reorganization in the political transition period, from 1974, with the beginning of the \"Opening policy \", and 1988, when the constitution of the Sixth Republic was enacted. Elaborate analysis rely on a literature reading that discusses the formation of the industrial sector from the specifics of economic development from Brazil, considering its peripheral condition in capitalism; and bibliographical sources survey and documents produced by the industry and journals that provide a more detailed assessment of the role played by industry during the period of political transition. Thus, the thesis aims to characterize the interests and positions taken by the national industrial business during this process in order to measure their influence to the end of the dictatorship and the conformation of the New Republic. As a case study, the thesis objective is to deepen the debate on the role of industry in the National Constituent Assembly (1987-1988), with the intention of highlight the historical importance of this moment for their power statement in the economic and political direction of the country.

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Balieiro, Almir. "As forças policiais e a ordem em terras mato-grossenses (1945-1947)". Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-28052014-121608/.

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O emprego excessivo e abusivo da força em práticas policiais permeou grande parte dos discursos, realizados em plenário da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946. Objeto dos debates constituintes configurou-se numa lógica protagonizada entre os parlamentares da situação (PSD) e os da oposição (com destaque, para os do PCB), na qual aqueles argumentaram que o emprego de práticas policiais abusivas e arbitrárias justificava a necessidade de se manter a ordem, enquanto estes afirmaram tratar de práticas policiais contra os operários que lutavam por melhores condições de vida. A partir deste contexto os objetivos foram os de pesquisar as práticas das forças policiais em terras mato-grossenses, com especial atenção no período de 1945 a 1947 fim do Estado Novo, convocação da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte e a promulgação das Constituições do Brasil e do Estado de Mato Grosso, e as contribuições dos constituintes às questões da ordem e da segurança. Duas fontes importantes e inéditas, neste tipo de tese, foram intensamente interrogadas; os Boletins Internos das Forças Policiais em Mato Grosso 1945 a 1947 - e os anais da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946. Os resultados revelaram que as práticas policiais, em terras mato-grossenses, na metade do século XX, foram concentradas na realização dos serviços de construção e manutenção de estradas e pontes, na capital e no interior do Estado de Mato Grosso. Quanto as contribuições dos constituintes, estas foram conservadoras, quando defrontadas com os intensos debates e embates sobre as questões da ordem e da segurança, durante a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946. Contudo, pela primeira vez na história das constituições brasileiras ficou consignado, na Carta de 1946, as atribuições das forças policiais estaduais as Polícias Militares. Por fim, uma última consideração abordou o emprego dos termos ordem e segurança nos textos legais, durante o período republicano, a qual resultou na inexistência de definição precisa destes, fato que permaneceu com a Carta Magna de 1988.
During the National Constituent Assembly formed on 1946 large portion of the speeches conducted in plenary defended the employment of excessive and abusive force into policing practices. Subject of the constituent debates, this has configured a logic followed up by government party parliamentarians ( PSD ) and opposition ones (highlight given to PCB party), in which those claimed that employment of arbitrary and abusive policing practices was justified by the need of preserving order, while these professed this as policing practices against workers struggling for better living conditions. Objectives established from this portrait aimed at investigating policing practices in Mato Grosso, highlighting the period from 1945 to 1947 - the end of the Estado Novo, Constituent National Assembly summons and the promulgation of Brazilian and Mato Grosso State Constitutions, and at obtaining contributions of the constituent related to order and security issues. To fulfil this thesis the Internal Bulletin of the Police Forces in Mato Grosso - 1945 to 1947 - and the annals of the National Constituent Assembly of 1946, two important and unprecedented sources, were intensely interviewed. As the result it was clear that policing practices that took place in Mato Grosso in the middle of the twentieth century were focused on performing roads and bridges construction and maintenance services in the capital and within the Mato Grosso State. Regarding the contributions of the constituents, these were conservative when facing intense debates and discussions on order and security issues during the National Constituent Assembly of 1946. However, for the first time in Brazilian constitution history the 1946 Charter enshrined the role of the state police forces - the Military Police. Finally, one last consideration on the thesis addressed the usage of the terms order and security in legal texts during the republican period, concerning the resulting lack of their precise definition, a fact that remained unchanged in the Magna Carta of 1988.

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Araujo, Gabriel Frias. "Da revolução à constituição: legalidade, legitimidade e os dilemas da constituinte na formação do Estado Moderno Brasileiro em Vargas (1930-1934)". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152515.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo resgatar as discussões e debates em torno da Constituição de 1934, desde a Revolução de 1930, que marca a chegada de Getulio Vargas ao poder até à convocação da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1933. Partindo da análise da Revolução de 1930 e seus desdobramentos, busca-se compreender os desafios e etapas rumo à constitucionalização a partir da tensão entre legitimidade e legalidade e do resgate dessas categorias. Pretende-se, dessa forma, revelar e compreender o processo de legalização e montagem da ordem varguista, bem como as dificuldades enfrentadas na transição para um Estado Moderno e para nosso primeiro experimento democrático. Momento de crescente tensão, diversas polêmicas surgiram em torno da Assembleia Constituinte, envolvendo sua legitimidade, soberania e mesmo críticas à limitação do poder constituinte de 1933. Pretende-se, dessa forma, trabalhar alguns temas centrais que atravessam a questão do poder constituinte com vistas ao problema da legalidade e da legitimidade, bem como acompanhar a trajetória legal até a Constituição, analisando documentos, decretos, e debates parlamentares, chegando-se então a um panorama da situação pós-revolução e pré-constituinte do Governo Provisório, marcada por controvérsias e impasses, a qual confrontaremos com a visão de dois diferentes autores da época, Carl Schmitt e Hans Kelsen, que participa diretamente da questão por meio de um parecer encomendado pela comunidade jurídica brasileira. Recuperando esses dois importantes autores, buscaremos compreender suas diferentes perspectivas e soluções para o dilema da Constituinte de 1933, que culmina em uma mais significativas e importantes Constituições de nossa história recente, marco dos direitos sociais e da cidadania. Trata-se de um importante momento de nossa história política e constitucional, cujos desdobramentos iluminam nossas contradições e nos ajudam a entender as limitações de nosso estado de direito e de nossa democracia até os dias atuais.
The present work aims to rescue the discussions and debates around the 1934 Constitution, since the 1930 Revolution, which marks the arrival of Getulio Vargas to power, until the convocation of the National Constituent Assembly of 1933. Starting from the analysis of the Revolution of 1930 and its impacts, the research seeks to understand the challenges and stages towards the constitutionalization on the perspective of the tension between legitimacy and legality and the discussions of these categories. In this way, we intend to reveal and understand the process of legalization and construction of the Vargas regime, as well as the difficulties faced in the transition to a Modern State and our first democratic experiment. At a time of growing tension, several controversies arose around the Constituent Assembly, involving its legitimacy, sovereignty and even criticism to the limitation of the constituent power of 1933. The intention is to work with some central issues related to the question of the constituent power with regard to the problem of legality and legitimacy, following the legal trajectory up to the Constitution, analyzing documents, decrees, and parliamentary debates, in order to get picture of the post-revolution and pre-constitutional situation of the Provisional Government, marked by controversies and impasses, which we will confront with the vision of two different authors of the time, Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen, who participates directly in the controversy through an opinion commissioned by the Brazilian legal community. Recovering these two important authors, we will try to understand their different perspectives and solutions to the dilemma of the Constituent Assembly of 1933, that culminates in one of the most significant Constitutions of our recent history, a framework of social rights and citizenship. This is an important moment in our political and constitutional history, whose developments illuminate our contradictions and help us understand the limitations of our state of law and our democracy until the present times.
CAPES: 1687617

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Park, Gyuyeon. "Do Women Legislators Represent Women? : The Effect of Women Legislators and Gender Quotas on the Substantive Representation of Women in the 20th National Assembly of the Republic of Korea". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-449067.

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This thesis aims to explore the link between women’s descriptive representation and substantive representation in the 20th National Assembly of the Republic of Korea according to the different conceptualization of women’s substantive representation. First, the link between women’s descriptive representation and substantive representation is examined by investigating whether women legislators introduce bills for women’s interests and succeed in passing such bills more than men. Plus, women legislators’ impact on the introduction of bills for women’s interests and success to pass such bills is explored separately according to different definitions of women’s interests, feminist and traditional women’s interests. This thesis also seeks to compare the influence of quota women with non-quota women on introducing bills for women’s interest and being able to pass such bills. The effect of legislators’ gender and quota women on women’s substantive representation is analyzed by running multivariate OLS regressions. The result strongly supports the positive impact of female legislators on the substantive representation of women. The regression analysis result indicates that being female is positively and significantly related to all types of women’s substantive representation, except the introduction of traditional women’s interests bills. The positive effect of the female legislators is more robust on the introduction of feminist women’s interests bills than the passage of them. However, the positive effect of the female legislators is stronger on the passage of traditional women’s interests bills than the introduction of them. When I compare the connection between women’s descriptive representation and substantive representation according to the different definitions of women’s interests, female legislators are more positively related to feminist women’s interests than traditional women’s interests. The result mildly supports the positive moderating effect of quota women on the link between women’s descriptive representation and substantive representation. These findings indicate that women legislators and quota women improve women’s substantive representation in the Republic of Korea. Specific effects of female legislators and quota women on women’s substantive representation are varied depending on different aspects of substantive representation and different definitions of women’s interests.

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Roux, Stéphane. "Le concept de "convention nationale" sous la Révolution. Contribution à l'étude de la représentation constituante". Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020076.

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Dans un système constitutionnel fondé sur la souveraineté de la nation, le pouvoir constituant fait figure de phénomène ambivalent, difficilement analysable en termes juridiques. Par définition réfractaire à tout encadrement impératif, le pouvoir suprême au sein de l’Etat n’en doit pas moins revêtir une forme organisée pour exprimer une volonté normative. Les acteurs de la Révolution française agissent aux confins du droit, tirant profit des ressources de la philosophie politique et de l’histoire pour établir une constitution, principe fondamental du système juridique qu’ils cherchent à établir. Ils se dotent d’outils pour parvenir à leurs fins : le concept de « convention nationale » en est un, auréolé du succès des réalisations américaines. Plutôt qu’à une transposition institutionnelle, les révolutionnaires français procèdent à une adaptation. En devenant « extraordinaire », la représentation constituante qu’ils conceptualisent perd son caractère révolutionnaire pour devenir pleinement juridique. Elle offre une alternative à l’insurrection. Un tel processus présente cependant un revers. Ce pouvoir, en accédant à l’existence investi de l’exercice de la souveraineté, est dégagé de toutes contraintes juridiques autres que celles qui découlent de son organisation. Ces contraintes pèsent sur ses membres, exacerbant les tensions qui déchirent un corps collectif doté des pouvoirs les plus étendus. Les dérives sanglantes qui frappent la Convention nationale ne sont pas inéluctables ; elles découlent de l’exploitation politique des failles inhérentes au fonctionnement d’une représentation souveraine dont les membres ne doivent jouir d’aucun privilège
In a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege

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SOUZA, Mayara Paiva de. "O que não devia ser esquecido: a anistia e os usos do passado na Constituinte de 1946". Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2010. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/2362.

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The debate about amnesty in the National Constituent Assembly of 1946 involved a negotiation process initiated in 1945 with the amnesty decreed by the government Vargas. The amnesty decree signed by President Getúlio Vargas in 1945 aimed at the liberation of the Communists, in particular, Luiz Carlos Prestes in jail since 1936. Constituents elected in 1946, the Communists were "foreign body" of that Assembly. The political upheavals of the post-war and post-Estado Novo in Brazil have generated a resurgence of strong anti-communism in the country. The debate about amnesty in the Assembly involved, among other things, the political trial of the action of the Communists. The Assembly turned to the trial of the past. The impatience of opposition to the inheritance Vargas became the Constituent Assembly on stage for a battle of memory in two plans: the competition among political elites, and veto the Communists. The debate on the amnesty was far from promoting forgetfulness and forgiveness needed to disarm political, in contrast, memory was the scene of strong political dispute, feeding resentments and divisions that marked the Brazilian political life at that juncture.
O debate sobre a anistia na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1946 envolveu um processo de negociação iniciado no ano anterior com a anistia decretada pelo governo Vargas. O Decreto assinado por Getúlio Vargas em 1945 visava à libertação dos comunistas, em especial, Luiz Carlos Prestes, preso desde 1936. Eleitos Constituintes em 1946, os comunistas eram o corpo estranho daquela Assembleia. As transformações políticas do pós-Guerra e do pós-Estado Novo no Brasil geraram o ressurgimento de um forte anticomunismo no país. O debate sobre a anistia na Constituinte envolvia, entre outros temas, o julgamento político da ação dos comunistas. A Constituinte voltou-se para o julgamento do passado. O inconformismo da oposição com a herança varguista transformou a Assembleia Constituinte em palco para uma disputa de memória em dois planos: a disputa entre as elites políticas e o veto aos comunistas. O debate sobre a anistia esteve longe de promover o esquecimento e o perdão necessários ao desarme político, ao contrário, a memória foi palco de forte disputa política, alimentando divisões e ressentimentos que marcaram a vida política brasileira naquela conjuntura.

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Seino, Eduardo Lopes. "Projetos de cidadania diferenciada: negros e indígenas na ANC de 1987-88". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-11042016-132338/.

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O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar os projetos de cidadania diferenciada de negros e de indígenas no contexto da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88, uma vez que ambos os grupos tensionam a questão da igualdade e da diferença no debate político e teórico sobre cidadania. Para tanto, realizamos uma reconstrução histórica da mobilização política desses grupos até o momento da Constituinte e, adentrando a ANC de 1987-88 por meio dos seus diários de reuniões, demos voz às lideranças dos dois grupos. A partir disso, compreendemos os níveis que compõem os projetos de cidadania diferenciada e demonstramos a dificuldade imposta à antecipação teórica da justiça em relação à cidadania diferenciada.
This work analyzes blacks and indians differentiated citizenship projects in the National Constituent Assembly context of 1987-88, considering that both groups cause tension in the theme of equality and difference in the political and theoretical debate of citizenship. Therefore, we carry out a historical review of these groups political mobilization until the moment of the Constituent Assembly and, into de NCA of 1987-88, with its journals of meeting, we gave voice to both groups leaders. From this, we understand the levels that compose differentiated citizenship projects and we demonstrate the difficulties imposed to theoretical anticipation of justice regarding differentiated citizenship.

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Marins, Priscila Marchini. "O liberalismo político de Isto É no processo da Assembléia Nacional Constituinte Brasileira nos anos de 1985 até 1988". Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2009. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/1753.

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The main purpose of this research is to investigate the ideological and political ideas of the magazine ISTO É. This research intends to understand how the magazine s position is and how it grew as a private device of hegemony. In order to achieve that, we analyzed the performance and political position of this weekly magazine considering the analysis of leads and articles of ISTO É about the accompaniment, the journalistic covering and news about the process of preparation, installation and approval of the Constituent National Assembly, between the period that extends into 1985 - beginning of the management of Jose Sarney and the guiding of the Constituent National Assembly - until 1988 - promulgation of the new Brazilian Constitution. The journalistic strategy and the practical hegemonic used by ISTO É magazine through its articles and editorials that had acted as political forces in the Brazilian society and the dispute with other means of communication have been studied in order to find out there were elements in the journalistic editorial that defended or directed proposals or measured neoliberal project already in that context of the decade of 1980
O objetivo desta dissertação é investigar a linha política e ideológica da revista ISTO É. Essa pesquisa busca perceber como a revista se constituiu e se posicionou como aparelho privado de hegemonia. Para isso, procuramos entender a atuação e a posição política desse periódico semanal a partir da análise de editoriais e matérias acerca do acompanhamento, da cobertura jornalística, da notícia e da narração do processo de preparação, de instalação e de aprovação da Constituição pela Assembléia Nacional Constituinte. Esse estudo se centraliza em uma perspectiva nacional, entre o período que se estende do ano de 1985 - início da gestão de José Sarney e do encaminhamento da Assembléia Nacional Constituinte - até o ano de 1988 - promulgação da nova Constituição brasileira. Procurando apreender, nessa pesquisa, a estratégia jornalística e a prática hegemônica utilizada pela revista ISTO É através de suas matérias e editoriais que atuaram como força política na sociedade brasileira e na disputa com outros meios de comunicação pelo espaço de poder. Para isso, o entendimento do dialogo da revista ISTO É com a Assembléia Nacional Constituinte, parte dos elementos que estiveram presentes e encontrados durante a análise desse veículo jornalístico impresso. Analisamos também se houve elementos existentes nas matérias/editoriais jornalísticos que defendiam ou encaminhavam proposições ou medidas de cunho neoliberal já naquele contexto na década de 1980

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Esteves, Ricardo Lopes. "A constitucionalização da questão nuclear no Brasil". Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/9050.

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Faced with the civil and military ambivalence of nuclear energy, its use by various international actors has become synonymous not only with development tools, but also with mistrust and global danger. In this context, Brazil had appeared to be a threat to international security, for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968, and for having a nuclear program that sought to achieve full control of its fuel cycle since 1953. This work aims to understand how the nuclear issue became a matter included in the 1988 Constitution, taking into account the different actors involved in this process, their performance and the interests that guided the acceptance or non-acceptance of the Brazilian nuclear program . The debate about the use of this technology reaches nuances that go beyond simple ideological and party questions, crossing a pretended "national interest", placed in a spectrum that can be understood from the Brazilian demand for technological capacity restricted to a club of powers until the possibility of imposing itself as a military agent with greater military power. Being placed as a sine qua non condition for the chance of Brazil to project itself as an influential country in the international system, the decision-making process regarding the acceptance of this type of energy in the 1988 Constitution runs through a complex international context. Thus, it is intended to contribute with the studies about the Brazilian nuclear program in the context of redemocratization. The work is based on the analysis of primary sources and the rich literature on the Brazilian nuclear program, on legislative behavior and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. As a conclusion, the thesis hypothesizes that the nuclear imaginary was an element belonging to the State project that was proposed in the 1987/1988 Constituent, considering Brazil as a nation that should be independent and technologically advanced compared to other countries.
Diante da ambivalência civil e militar da energia nuclear, sua utilização por diversos atores internacionais tornou-se sinônimo não somente de instrumento de desenvolvimento, mas também de desconfiança e perigo global. Nesse contexto, o Brasil afigurou-se como uma ameaça para a segurança internacional, por não assinar o Tratado de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares em 1968, e por ter um programa nuclear que ambicionava alcançar o pleno controle de seu ciclo de combustível, já desde 1953. Este trabalho objetiva compreender como a questão nuclear se tornou um tema incluído na Constituição de 1988, levando em consideração os diversos atores participantes desse processo, seu desempenho e os interesses que nortearam a aceitação ou não do programa nuclear brasileiro. O debate sobre a utilização dessa tecnologia atinge nuances que vão além de simples questões ideológicas e partidárias, perpassando um pretenso “interesse nacional”, colocado em um espectro que pode ser entendido desde a demanda brasileira por capacidade tecnológica restrita a um clube de potências até a possibilidade de se impor como agente militar com maior poder bélico. Sendo colocado como condição sine qua non para a possibilidade de projeção do Brasil enquanto país influente no sistema internacional, o processo decisório sobre aceitação desse tipo de energia na Constituição de 1988 resvala um contexto internacional complexo. Dessa forma, pretende-se contribuir com os estudos sobre o programa nuclear brasileiro no contexto da redemocratização. O trabalho baseia-se na análise de fontes primárias e da rica literatura sobre o programa nuclear brasileiro, sobre o comportamento legislativo e sobre a não- proliferação de armas nucleares. Como conclusão, a dissertação lança a hipótese de que o imaginário nuclear foi elemento pertencente ao projeto de país que se propunha na Constituinte de 1987/1988, ao pensar o Brasil como nação que deveria ser independente e avançada tecnologicamente frente aos demais países.

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Dallari, Paulo Massi. "O instituto do veto presidencial no constitucionalismo brasileiro contemporâneo". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-03052016-103219/.

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Nos Estados republicanos modernos, o sistema de freios e contrapesos é um dos modelos institucionais responsável por assegurar o equilíbrio entre os Poderes e prevenir abusos por parte dos governantes. Dois questionamentos podem ser encontrados na literatura brasileira sobre o tema e fundamentam esta Dissertação: um geral sobre o suposto poder excessivo que o nosso sistema político confere ao Poder Executivo e outro, específico, de que nesse contexto, o veto teria um papel central na supremacia do presidente da república sobre o Congresso Nacional no âmbito do processo legislativo. Partindo dessas premissas, a pesquisa avalia se essas características estão condizentes com as expectativas e o desenho institucional proposto para o Estado brasileiro pela Assembleia Nacional Constituinte ANC de 1987. Com base nos anais da ANC e em referências históricas, conclui-se que, ao menos no tocante ao instituto do veto presidencial, o modelo de preponderância do Poder Executivo observado no processo legislativo decorreu de uma opção deliberada e reafirmada pela elite política em 1988, quando da promulgação da Constituição.
In modern republican states, the system of checks and balances is one of the institutional models responsible for ensuring the balance between powers and preventing abuses by rulers. Two issues can be found in the Brazilian academic literature on the matter that underlie this Dissertation: one concerning the alleged excessive power that our political system grant to the executive branch, and another one more specific that, in this context, the veto would have a main role in the supremacy of the President of the Republic over Congress in the legislative process. Beginning with these assumptions, this research evaluates whether these characteristics are consistent with the expectations and the institutional design proposed for the Brazilian State by the National Constituent Assembly (ANC) of 1987. Based on the ANC records and historical references, it concluded that, at least in regard to the presidential veto institute, the preponderance of the executive branch model observed in the legislative process derived from a deliberate and reaffirmed choice made by the political elite in 1988, at the promulgation of the Constitution.

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Le, Digol Christophe. "La nation en assemblée : essai sur les conditions sociales de formation de l'assemblée nationale (1789-1791)". Paris 10, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA100163.

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Cette thèse revient sur les premiers moments de la Révolution française, c'est-à-dire sur la formation et l'action de l'Assemblée constituante, réunie en mai 1789, en adoptant le point de vue de l'analyse politiste de la construction des institutions. À partir de l'analyse de sa formation et de la compréhension des usages sociaux qu'en font les députés, il s'agit de comprendre les conditions sociales de sa formation. L'hypothèse principale de ce travail consiste à comprendre comment le système des différences sociales qui, sous l'Ancien régime, constituait autant d'obstacles à leurs mobilisations conjointes peut engendrer en 1789 des formes d'interdépendances qui contraignent les députés nommés à coexister et à agir ensemble sous l'effet du système des enjeux pratiques et symboliques dans lesquels ils sont pris. Cette hypothèse conduit à chercher dans l'écart entre les positions occupées et les positions espérées le principe des revendications et de l'action des constituants
This work returns to the first moments of the French Revolution, specifically the creation of the Assemblée Nationale in May 1789. It performs a social analysis of the formation of the political institutions. On the one hand there is a study of the creation and transformation of the Assemblée Nationale. On the other there is an attempt to understand the use of it made by the deputies and their supporters. The goal is to arrive at an understanding of the social conditions of its creation. The principal hypothesis investigates how the social structures which under the Ancien Régime formed so many obstacles to their collective mobilisation can lead to, in 1789, a system of interdependencies. These constrained the elected deputies to co-exist and act together under the influence of social and symbolic practices which all they are subjected to. Looking at the gap between the existing and the desired positions of the members of the Assemblée Nationale, their claims and actions are examined

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Lecoq-Pujade, Benjamin. "La naissance de l'autorité de la représentation nationale en droit constitutionnel français (1789-1794)". Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://scd-rproxy.u-strasbg.fr/login?url=https://www.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr/pvurl.php?r=http%3A%2F%2Fdallozbndpro-pvgpsla.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr%2Ffr%2Fpvpage2.asp%3Fpuc%3D5442%26nu%3D238%26selfsize%3D1.

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La question contemporaine de la place et du rôle du Parlement au sein des institutions françaises interroge la nature de l’autorité traditionnellement reconnue à la représentation nationale. Cette recherche a pour objet d’analyser les origines révolutionnaires de ce paradigme du droit constitutionnel français consistant à voir dans l’assemblée des représentants de la Nation le siège d’une autorité politique trouvant sa source dans l’expression représentative de la volonté générale.La Révolution française est longtemps apparue comme le moment matriciel du droit constitutionnel et du constitutionnalisme modernes en France. Mais à la différence de ses devancières d’Angleterre et d’Amérique du Nord, celle-ci eut moins pour objet de limiter le pouvoir que d’en régénérer à la fois le fondement et l’exercice. À cet égard, elle se présente au droit constitutionnel comme une révolution de l’autorité, c’est-à-dire comme un bouleversement total des fondements de l’existence politique tendant à substituer à l’ancienne monarchie, traditionnelle et sacrale, un ordre constitutionnel moderne prenant pour base l’égale liberté des citoyens et l’autonomie naturelle de la collectivité nationale. Le grand œuvre des révolutionnaires français fut donc de redéfinir la relation de commandement à obéissance en substituant à l’autorité transcendante du monarque celle, immanente, d’une Nation appelée à vouloir pour elle-même par l’intermédiaire de ses représentants. C’est en effet par le prisme de la représentation que la Révolution a entrepris de réconcilier autorité et liberté. L’avènement de la représentation nationale, appelée à devenir, et pour longtemps, le centre de gravité de la vie politique française, trouve donc son origine dans cette volonté de refonder l’obligation d’obéissance à travers la conjonction de l’autonomie individuelle et de l’autonomie collective.Ce projet libéral et émancipateur, consistant à réaliser l’emprise de la Nation sur elle-même par le canal de la représentation, souffre pourtant d’une ambivalence congénitale tenant aux aspirations contradictoires du constitutionnalisme révolutionnaire. Celui-ci est en effet partagé entre la nécessité de justifier la subversion de l’ordre ancien, et le souci de fonder pour l’avenir un gouvernement libéral et tempéré, tendant à rationaliser et à dépersonnaliser l’autorité publique. L’institution de la représentation nationale, à la fois produit et moteur de la Révolution, cristallise alors cette tension. Les travaux de l’Assemblée constituante et de la Convention nationale révèlent en effet que les constituants révolutionnaires n’ont cessé d’osciller entre deux conceptions de la représentation et du constitutionnalisme. L’une, moderne, se fonde sur l’altérité de la Nation et de ses représentants pour placer la Constitution et la garantie des droits au-dessus de l’autorité de ces derniers. L’autre, plus ancienne, tend au contraire à en opérer la symbiose en fondant l’autorité de la représentation nationale sur un impératif existentiel : prêter vie à cette nation souveraine qui ne peut advenir à l’existence juridique que par l’expression d’une volonté commune. Le constitutionnalisme révolutionnaire reste donc au milieu du gué, bloqué entre la tradition organiciste d’Ancien Régime, dans laquelle il plonge ses racines, et l’esquisse d’un constitutionnalisme moderne tendant au contraire à dissocier l’État et la Société, l’autorité et la liberté
The place and the contemporary role of Parliament in French institutions lead to question the nature of the traditionally recognized authority of national representation. The objective of this research is to analyze the revolutionary origins of French constitutional principle which consists in seeing, in the assembly of representatives of the Nation, the heart of a politicial authority whose source is the representative expression of the general will. The French Revolution has long appeared as the matrix moment of modern constitutional law and constitutionalism in France. However, unlike its predecessors in England and North America, it was less intended to limit power than to regenerate both its foundation and exercise. In this respect, it presents itself to constitutional law as a revolution of authority, that is to say as a total upheaval of the foundations of political existence tending to replace the old monarchy, traditional and sacral, with a modern constitutional order based on the equal freedom of citizens and the natural autonomy of national community. The great work of the French revolutionaries was, therefore, to redefine the relation of command to obedience by substituting the transcendent authority of the monarch, by the immanent authority of a Nation, which materializes itself through its representatives. It is in fact through the lens of representation that the Revolution undertook to reconcile authority and freedom. The advent of the national rpresentation, destined for a long time to become the center of gravity of French political life, finds its origin in this desire to refound the obligation of obedience through the conjunction of individual autonomy and collective autonomy. This liberal and emancipatory project, which consists in realizing the nation’s grip on itself through representation, nevertheless suffers from a congenital ambivalence due to the contradictory aspirations of revolutionary constitutionalism. It is divided between the need to justify the subversion of the old order, and the desire to establish for the future a liberal and temperate government, tending to rationalize and depersonalize public authority. The institution of national representation, produced and generated by the Revolution, crystalized this tension. The work of the Constituent Assembly and the National Convention reveals that the revolutionary constituents have constantly oscillated between two conceptions of representation and constitutionalism. One, modern, relies on the otherness of the Nation and its representatives to place the Constitution and the guarantee of rights above the authority of the latter. On the contrary, the older one tends to symbiosis with it by basing the authority of national representation on an existential imperative: to give life to this sovereign nation which can only come to legal existence by the expression of a common will. Revolutionary constitutionalism therefore remains in the middle, stuck between the organicist tradition of the Old Regime, in which it has its roots, and the outline of a modern constitutionalism tending instead to dissociate the state and the society, as well as authority and freedom

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Campos, Yussef Daibert Salomão de. "A dimensão política do patrimônio cultural na constituinte de 1987-1988". Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2015. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4360.

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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Essa tese trata do patrimônio cultural como matéria a ser inserida no corpo constitucional da Carta de 1988, envolvido na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) brasileira de 1987 e 1988. O objetivo é o de identificar os atores envolvidos, as discussões, diretas e transversais, que se apropriaram do tema durante o processo Constituinte mais recente da história do país. É também o de entender os meandros que levaram à redação final do que hoje conhecemos como artigo 216, o mais importante da Constituição da República no que tange à conceituação do patrimônio e a designação das formas de preservação e proteção. Para isso, foram utilizadas revisões bibliográficas, pesquisa em fontes como atas de audiência e reuniões no período Constituinte, e a consulta a jornais para estruturar a tese ora apresentada. Será visto que alguns conflitos tangenciaram a discussão, mas quando o tema foi diretamente debatido, a tendência foi a de conciliação como resultado das tratativas entre as partes envolvidas. A ANC, como ambiência política, será perscrutada, no que se refere ao patrimônio, para revelar quais mediadores, agentes e reivindicações destacaram-se e como suas ações refletiram num artigo abrangente, com um conceito amplo de patrimônio cultural. A demanda por reconhecimento de culturas, identidades e memórias será considerada, todavia a sua perspectiva econômica acerca da propriedade da terra, por parte de grupos indígenas e de negros, marginalizados nas políticas públicas de até então, foi encarada como assunto de menor relevo pela ANC, em uma nítida contenção de conflitos, por um lado, e atendimento a anseios de forças políticas incisivas, de outro.
This thesis addresses the issue of cultural patrimony during the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987 and 1988, with regard to its insertion in the body of the text of the 1988 Constitution. The aim is to identify the actors involved and the direct and transversal discussions that focused on this theme during the most recent constitutional process in the history of the country. It also aims to understand the intricacies that have led to the final text of what we know today as article 216, the most important one of the Constitution of the Republic concerning the conceptualization of patrimony and the designation of means for its preservation and protection. Therefore, the present work has been built upon bibliography review, consultation to newspapers and searches through minutes of hearings and meetings held during the constitutional period. It is possible to observe that some conflicts have appeared during the discussions, but once the issue was directly debated, there was a tendency to conciliation, as a result from negotiations among the actors involved. This is a comprehensive article, with a broad concept of cultural patrimony, which investigated the National Constituent Assembly (ANC, for its acronym in Portuguese) as a political ambience, on the issue of patrimony, in order to reveal the most remarkable mediators, actors and requests, as well as the reflections of their actions. The claims for the recognition of cultures, identities and memories have been considered by the Constituent Assembly. Nevertheless, the economic perspective towards land property by groups of indigenous and black people, marginalized by public policies until then, has been treated as a less relevant issue, on one side as a clear avoidance of conflicts, on the other as an answer to incisive political forces.

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El, Hani Jamal Eddine. "L'idéee de nation chez les orateurs de la Constituante". Paris 8, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA081598.

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Cette these s'inscrit dans le cadre de l'histoire des idees. Elle reserve egalement une place a la litterature. Elle est divisee en quatre parties : le 1er chapitre est intitule : << la situation avant la revolution >>. Ii se donne comme tache d'etudier la situation de la nation, la place des orateurs, ainsi que l'environnement politique et social sous l'ancien regime. Le 2eme chapitre : << naissance d'une nouvelle nation >> s'interesse aux procedes rhetoriques, a l'enjeu des concepts, ainsi qu'au debat a l'assemblee autour de quelques questions qui ont separe ou rassemble les representants. Le 3eme chapitre : << la redistribution du pouvoir >>. La revolution impose des transformations importantes d'abord au niveau du discours ou la << nation >> acquiert une dimension qu'elle n'avait pas auparavant. La place que la nation detient desormais lui permet de disputer a la monarchie ainsi qu'a l'aristocratie leur preeminence dans la societe. La nation sort triomphante de cette rivalite. Elle inquiete les moderes qui entendent desormais mettre fin a la revolution. Le 4eme chapitre : << la declaration et la constitution : essai d'interpretation >>. Les debats a l'assemblee produisent deux textes importants. En depit de leur caractere impersonnel et collectif, ces textes portent l'empreinte de quelques orateurs en personne. Par ailleurs, la constituante permet l'emancipation aussi bien de l'individu que de la nation. Celle-ci est le vainqueur inconteste de la constituante. Elle supplante desormais les anciennes puissances de l'ancien regime, acquiert une nouvelle legitimite et offre au peuple une unite qu'il n'avait pas connue auparavant.

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Brandão, Lucas Coelho. "Os movimentos sociais e a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988: entre a política institucional e a participação popular". Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-16082012-125217/.

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A dissertação analisa a interação entre a dinâmica da participação popular e a dinâmica político-legislativa a partir do exame da mobilização social ocorrida ao longa da elaboração da Constituição de 1988. Defendo a hipótese de que, no período da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC), essa interação foi intensificada e requalificada em função: primeiro, do contexto de crise do estado desenvolvimentista e de crise político-institucional que possibilitou o processo de transição democrática e favoreceu a mobilização social; segundo, do uso, até então inédito no mundo, de instrumentos de democracia direta (como a emendas populares) já no processo de elaboração da nova Constituição, o que criou novas oportunidades para a mobilização social na ANC. Utilizando um arcabouço conceitual e analítico das teorias sobre movimentos sociais (especialmente a Teoria do Processo Político), construo e analiso um banco de dados das ações coletivas realizadas ao longo da Constituinte. Demonstro, por meio desta análise, que esses instrumentos populares geraram uma institucionalização da interação entre os parlamentares e os atores extraparlamentares. E isto produziu impactos significativos tanto na dinâmica político-legislativa quanto na dinâmica da participação popular, influenciando a mobilização social, o jogo político e os resultados da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte.
The dissertation analyzes the interaction between the popular participation dynamics and the political-legislative dynamics by investigating the social mobilization that occurred during the preparation of the 1988s Constitution. I support the hypothesis that, during the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), this interaction was increased and requalified according to: first, the context of the of the developmental state crisis and the political-institutional crisis, which allowed the process of democratic transition and favored social mobilization; and second, the use of direct democracy instruments (like the popular amendments) already in the process of drafting the new Constitution, which created new opportunities for social mobilization in the ANC. Using a conceptual and analytical framework of the theories of social movements (especially the Political Process Theory), I construct and analyze a database of collective actions carried out during the Constituent Assembly. This analysis shows that these popular instruments created an institutionalization of the interaction between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary actors. And that this produced significant impacts both on political-legislative dynamics and on the dynamics of popular participation, influencing social mobilization, the political game and the results of the National Constituent Assembly.

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Thomas, Anja. "The "European integration paradox" : comparing EU practice and discourse on the role of parliaments in the EU in the Assemblée nationale and the Bundestag across time". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0039/document.

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La thèse compare l’Assemblée nationale et le Bundestag en ce qui concerne l’évolution dans le temps des pratiques des affaires européennes qu’ont les députés, et de leurs discours sur le rôle des parlements dans l’UE. Elle met en lumière une évolution paradoxale : A mesure que les députés se saisissent de l’Europe, les pratiques parlementaires nationales imprègnent de plus en plus leurs discours sur la démocratie parlementaire dans l’UE. L’analyse se fait à travers une « description dense » (« thick description») fondée sur des documents, de la littérature secondaire et des entretiens avec des acteurs parlementaires, en activité aujourd’hui ou dans le passé. Les débats parlementaires sont analysés à l’aide d’une méthode qualitative-quantitative qui compare les clivages des discours dans le temps. La thèse soutient l’argument selon lequel les néo-institutionnalismes, qui prévalent actuellement dans les études européennes, ne suffisent pas pour comprendre les processus d'institutionnalisation, qui ont lieu dans les parlements nationaux, parallèlement à l'évolution de la législation européenne. En intégrant des éléments de la « practice theory », du social-constructivisme de Peter Berger et Thomas Luckmann et de l’« ancien » institutionnalisme de Max Weber, on peut comprendre les observations comme le fruit d’un changement des « motifs d’action » discursive des acteurs. A mesure que leur expérience de l’UE s’accroit, les députés évaluent la démocratie européenne de moins en moins sur la base de réflexions a priori sur le futur de l’intégration européenne, mais en fonction des pratiques qu’ils expérimentent tous les jours
The thesis compares EU practice and discourse on the role of parliaments in the EU across time, in the Assemblée nationale and the Bundestag. The thesis brings to light the presence of a European Integration Paradox: Members of Parliaments’ rising experience in EU participation has led to an increasing importance of domestic roles for MPs’ ‘word and deed’ in EU affairs. EU practice is analysed through ‘thick description,’ which is based on primary and secondary interview evidence with current and historical parliamentary actors as well as the study of documents and secondary literature. Assessments of discourse on the role of parliaments are conducted through a systematic deductive-inductive analysis of debates on selected EU treaty changes. This thesis argues that neo-institutionalisms currently prevalent in EU studies are inadequate for understanding the institutionalisation processes at work in national parliaments with increasing EU legislation. Integrating elements of practice theory, of the social-constructivists Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann and the ‘old’ institutionalism of Max Weber, the observations can be interpreted as change of ‘motives’ of discursive action of the actors. With rising experience of ‘doing EU’, Members of Parliament evaluate the role of parliaments in the EU less on the basis of a priori considerations but depending of their day-to-day parliamentary practice

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Lee, Jae Yong M. Arch Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Renaissance of the ramp : reconceptualization of National Assembly's architectural symbolism and accessibility". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/115615.

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Thesis: M. Arch., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture, 2018.
This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (page 72).
This thesis examines the architectural potential through the functional extension of the plaza and reconstruction of the symbolic National Assembly to answer questions. Creating a space of ramps will heighten perceptions of accessibility of the National Assembly. The plaza becomes the place of communication as it establishes a new relationship between the space of the ramp and the National Assembly. Today, the perception of the National Assembly in Seoul, Korea is as an authoritarian and inaccessible space. The large plaza in front of the building is only accessible if one passes the security check; as a result, normal citizens rarely use the area. Because the building is only 30 years old, rebuilding an entire new structure is neither feasible nor plausible. Considering this situation and the history, what kind of architectural transformation could be made to change people's perception towards the National Assembly Building and its surrounding area? What architectural language or device could be used to enhance the accessibility and symbolism of the space? The space of the ramp symbolizes equal accessibility and facilitates a political dialogue between citizens and the government. Instead of being a mere vertical circulation device from floor to floor, the ramp is designed in diverse ways to acquire a more meaningful status, both functionally and symbolically. Unlike the columns which were used merely as ornamentation in the National Assembly, columns in the new architecture structurally support the ramp as well as symbolically support people coming to this new space to see the National Assembly from different perspectives. The monumentality of the authoritative architecture becomes diluted through a transparent and approachable public space that generates a new image of Korea's political architecture. This architectural intervention hopefully results in changing the perception towards the National Assembly from an authoritarian and inaccessible space to an open and accessible space.
by Jae Yong Lee.
M. Arch.

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47

Treille, Eric. "Parti de campagnes : candidatures socialistes et élections législatives 1993-1997". Rennes 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000REN10418.

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L'emprunt du titre d'une oeuvre de Jean Renoir devient guide de recherche : "approcher le fonctionnement d'un parti politique dans l'élection et par l'élection, d'élections dans un parti et par un parti".

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48

Carré, Benoît. "Pensions et pensionnaires de la monarchie : de la grâce royale au système de redistribution de l'Etat au XVIIIe siècle". Thesis, Lille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H001.

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Pensions et pensionnaires de la monarchie : de la grâce royale au système de redistribution de l’État au XVIIIe siècle La question des pensions et des pensionnaires de l’État est abordée à partir d’un corpus de sources centré sur les archives de la Maison du Roi, du Trésor royal et du Comité des pensions de l’Assemblée nationale constituante. Les mécanismes d’attribution et de distribution des pensions royales permettent de redécouvrir les contradictions de la monarchie d’Ancien Régime, prises entre la permanence de traditions anciennes et les exigences de l’État moderne. En revenant sur les tentatives répétées et inabouties de réformer et de rationnaliser un objet de dépenses dont le poids n’a cessé de peser sur les finances royales, la thèse invite à s’interroger sur ces formes de distributions utilisées par le pouvoir comme un instrument de domination politique et social, mais dont les aspects financiers et comptables ont été inégalement maîtrisés. L’histoire de la gestion des pensions royales au XVIIIe siècle offre une étude de cas particulièrement documentée qui permet d’illustrer le développement de la bureaucratie moderne, révélant une administration imaginative dans sa manière de réformer les pensions de l’État mais freinée par les intérêts contradictoires du régime. C’est finalement la crise politique de 1789 qui a permis de clarifier et de réformer un système de grâces royales devenu le symbole des abus de la cour aux yeux de l’opinion publique. En séparant les pensions de cour des pensions de l’État, en créant un droit à la pension pour les serviteurs de l’État là où l’Ancien Régime ne connaissait qu’un système de récompenses fondé sur l’usage et l’esprit de clientèle, le Comité des pensions de l’Assemblée nationale constituante a posé, en 1790, les bases du premier système de retraite de la fonction publique d’État
Pensions & pensioners of the French monarchy : from royal favour to State redistribution system in the eighteenth century The issue of State pensions and pensioners is tackled on the basis of a corpus of sources found among the archives of the Maison du Roi (Royal Household), the Trésor royal (Royal Treasury) and the Comité des pensions (Pensions Committee) of the Assemblée nationale constituante (National Constituent Assembly). An analysis of the attribution and distribution mechanisms of the Royal pensions reveals the contradictions of the Ancien Régime monarchy: the preservation of ancient traditions versus the requirements of a modern State. The repeated and unsuccessful attempts to reform and rationalize an object of expenditure whose weight has not ceased to weigh on the royal finances is demonstrated here. The thesis invites us to question these forms of distribution used by the power as an instrument of political and social domination, but whose financial and accounting aspects have been unequally controlled. The history of the royal pensions management in the 18th century offers a particularly well-documented case study that illustrates the development of modern bureaucracy. It reveals an inventive administration in its way of reforming State pensions while constrained by conflicting interests of the regime. It was finally the political crisis of 1789 that clarified and reformed a system of royal liberalities that became the symbol of abuses of the Court in the eyes of public opinion. In 1790, by separating Court pensions from State pensions, by creating an entitlement to pension for State servants where the Ancien Régime knew only a system of rewards based on custom and clientelism, the Comité des pensions of the Assemblée nationale constituante laid the foundation for the first pension system of the State Public Service

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49

Smith, Courtney Bruce. "The politics of global consensus building : decision making in the United Nations general assembly /". The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487953567772159.

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50

Obrecht, Marcus. "Niedergang der Parlamente ? : transnationale politik im Deutschen Bundestag und der Assemblée nationale". Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2004. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00381932.

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Ce travail traite l'évolution de l'institution parlementaire en France et en Allemagne. Il part d'un topo de la recherche sur le parlementarisme : l'idée du déclin de la représentation nationale, une thèse qui a été formulée par de nombreux auteurs parallèlement aux phases de modernisation de l'institution et dont la dernière version s'inspire des processus d'européisation et de mondialisation. La thèse étudie les efforts de l'Assemblée nationale et du Bundestag dans les années 1990 pour s'adapter à ces nouvelles situations, identifie les variables responsables de l'adaptation et observe le changement dans les fonctions de contrôle, de législation, de représentation et de légitimation dans la politique transnationale. Après une analyse du contexte constitutionnel des deux parlements, trois arènes du travail parlementaire font l'objet d'une étude comparative approfondie : les structures de spécialisation (commissions), les structures publiques (plenum) et les structures de réseaux ("la politique étrangère parlementaire"). Les résultats montrent que la fonction législative diminue selon l'interdépendance croissante des systèmes politiques. Si cette fonction perd graduellement en importance, les parlements ont su partiellement compenser cette évolution par un renforcement de leur fonction de contrôle et de leur fonction symbolique.

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