Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "National Democratic Revolution (NDR)"
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Articoli di riviste sul tema "National Democratic Revolution (NDR)"
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Mosala, S. J., J. C. M. Venter e E. G. Bain. "South Africa's Economic Transformation since 1994: What Influence has the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) Had?" Review of Black Political Economy 44, n. 3-4 (gennaio 2017): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12114-017-9260-2.
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Oldenburg, Fred. "From socialist to national‐democratic revolution". Journal of Communist Studies 6, n. 2 (giugno 1990): 187–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415028.
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DZISIAK, Yaroslav. "DESCENDANTS OF THE NOBILITY ARE LEADERS OF THE UKRAINIAN ARMED FORMATIONS OF GALICIA OF THE FIRST QUARTER OF THE 20TH CENTURY". Contemporary era 6 (2018): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-20-31.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
From the beginning of its historical existence, the people of Ukraine-Ruthenia appear as a people with weapons: preparing for campaigns, organizing the defense of their land, carrying out colonization measures in the reconquered territories and creating state structures that are intended to organize the socio-military potential of the people. The state structures are based on the military structure. For centuries, the socio-political elite of our people has naturally been of military origin. Thousands of years ago, for the Ruthenian warlord, as later - for the Ruthenian nobility, the Cossacks, the soldiers of the UNR army, and the Galician army, the basic life priorities were concentrated around such concepts as military glory, honor, dignity, courage, etc. Sudden death on the battlefield opened the way to immortality before the fallen warrior - to Vyrii-paradise. Over the centuries, the persistent threat from different sides, first of all, from the nomadic steppe, dictated the military character of different social groups, not excluding the clergy. When, for some reason, the old upper classes were no longer able to perform the military-political task, it was replaced by a new militarized elite who, with renewed vigor and energy, assumed the defense functions. The Ukrainian land gave birth to elites who were capable of holding weapons. The phenomenon of social mobility existed during the Middle Ages, manifested itself in the years of national liberation competitions 1917-1920s. The armed struggle of the Ukrainian people for independence and unity of the First World War and the post-war revolutionary events was one of the most striking pages. This was marked by the rise of national consciousness, a powerful explosion of liberation energy. In terms of the social scale and political importance, the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution has been a phenomenon of European history, taking a prominent place in the liberation-making processes of Eastern Europe. Objective knowledge of national history is an important task not only for the modern professionals of young Ukrainians but also for Ukrainian citizens in general. Long decades of information blockade and historical fraud, which continued in the east and south of Ukraine in the years of independence, created a distorted, even anti-national, idea of Ukrainians' liberation struggles. The millennial history of peoples and the state testify that their existence was determined by the presence of two significant factors: political leadership and capable armed forces. Naturally, the army has always occupied high levels among public institutions. At the same time, history eloquently testifies that no army, however well-armed, can defeat without professional commanders. The generality and the officer corps determine the army - the army's backbone, which concentrates and embodies the historical military experience, national military traditions, preserves the continuity of generations. The names of the active contributors to the development of the Armed Forces during the first quarter of the 20th century, including nearly five hundred generals and at least three thousand colonels, remain white patches of national historiography. This article is not about a purely military elite, but about the military as the offspring of the nobility - people who were formed in the aura of education, culture, traditionalism, and social constructivism. In numerous examples, the descendants of the Ukrainian nobility were the very resource of the nation- and state-building that survived in times of statelessness and denationalization. Keywords Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, publishing, book, periodical.
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HELEY, Stepan. "THE WEST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC IN HISTORICAL WORKS OF VASYL KUCHABSKYI". Contemporary era 6 (2018): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-78-97.
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The aim of the article is to analyze V. Kuchabsky's historical views on the process of creation of the West Ukrainian People's Republic of 1918-1921. In his works of the first half of the 1930s the scientist highlighted the internal situation of Ukraine, in particular its political and military conditions, and at the same time revealed international relations that had a determinative influence on the future of Ukrainian statehood: Poland and Russia, the Bolsheviks and counterrevolution, the tendency for a new revival of the Russian Empire and the tendency for its collapse, the situation in Central Europe, the Paris Peace Conference and the Eastern European policy of the Western powers. The most significant work of V. Kuchabskyi, "Western Ukraine in the struggle against Poland and Bolshevism in 1918–1923," is a historical study, which objectively reflects the national history without a shadow of tenderness and political inspiration. More than eighty years have passed since its writing, but it still influences on the development of historical science in Ukraine, remains critical for the study of problems associated with the topic. V. Kuchabskyi tried to find out the reason for Ukrainians to lose their own statehood. For the first time in the 14th century, when the Principality of Galicia–Volhynia was conquered by Poland. And then in the 18th century when the Cossack state was annexed by Russia. The desire of Ukrainians to restore the united and independent state failed due to unjustified orientations to Moscow, then to Poland and Turkey. A similar situation, according to the historian, occurred in 1918–1921: while the Ukrainians fought against the Bolsheviks and the White Army, the Poles struck them back, capturing Galicia and Volyn. By signing the Treaty of Riga in 1921, they wanted to restore the division of Ukraine of 1667. The scientist called on the Galician to leave the inter-party controversy and unite for positive creativity and self-organization, to make a lasting peace between themselves, because external factors are often non-reliable and have their own aims, directly opposite to Ukrainian. V. Kuchabskyi warned not to rely on the rapid fall of Bolshevism, relying on the intervention of the capitalist world. On his thought, the damage of this view was disorienting citizens, turning their attention away from what actually was a question of life and death for Ukraine. Estimating the Ukrainian Galician Army, V. Kuchabskyi believed that it could be organized and turned into regular combat power only through significant victories in an actively waged war. But the Ukrainians did not have such commanders, which would turn the mechanically assembled army into a single military organism by their inspiration. According to V. Kuchabskyi, the political experience of the Ukrainian state of 1918–1921 remained undervalued, although it would have been enough to educate a new generation of state-oriented thinkers, creative people. That is why he put the realization of the state idea in direct dependence on the level of the political culture of the masses. This meant that the Galician intellectuals had to get rid of the conservative passivity, which manifested itself in a narrow worldview, the weakness of the will, and spiritual laziness. Only in this case, the national elite will build a democratic state, which will provide conditions for the cultural development of the people, will guarantee equal political and economic rights. Keywords Western Ukraine, Eastern Galicia, Lviv, National Revolution, November Action, ZUNR, UHA, Stanislav, Ukrainian National Council.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Nationalism, identity and civil society in Ukraine: Understanding the Orange Revolution". Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, n. 3 (16 agosto 2010): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.07.001.
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This article is the first to study the positive correlation between nationalism and democratic revolutions using Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution as a case study. The Orange Revolution mobilized the largest number of participants of any democratic revolution and lasted the longest, 17 days. But, the Orange Revolution was also the most regionally divided of democratic revolutions with western and central Ukrainians dominating the protestors and eastern Ukrainians opposing the protests. The civic nationalism that underpinned the Orange Revolution is rooted in Ukraine’s path dependence that has made civil society stronger in western Ukraine where Austro-Hungarian rule permitted the emergence of a Ukrainian national identity that was stymied in eastern Ukraine by the Tsarist empire.
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Moore, David. "Two perspectives on Zimbabwe's National Democratic Revolution: Thabo Mbeki and Wilfred Mhanda". Journal of Contemporary African Studies 30, n. 1 (gennaio 2012): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2012.639655.
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Bevzyuk, E. "Luzhitsky Ethnosaving Movement in the Revolution of 1848-1849". Problems of World History, n. 6 (30 ottobre 2018): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-6.
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The national and cultural activities of the Lusatian Serbs in the period of the revolution of 1848-1849 are one of the brightest and most controversial pages of the past of this small Slavic people ofGermany. During the revolution, the Lusatian Serbs, through their ideologues, with their locallyprovincial patriotism, were oriented towards supporting paternalistic relations with the royal authorities. To the main factors of the participation of the least numerous Slavic people in the revolutionary events of the middle of the XIX century national-cultural and ethnopolitical should be considered. During the revolution of 1848-1849, Serbs from the broad democratic program chose the path of humanization and moderate social liberalization. The first met the national and cultural needs of the people, and the second did not set the ethnic group in opposition to the monarchical power and democratic forces of Germany. In our opinion, the assumption of a possible ethnic minority of wider national rights or autonomy, subject to decisive action during the revolution, is unfounded. Already at the beginning of the XIX century the Lusatian Serbs ethnic group was a statistical minority in its ethnic region, which was divided between the two European states (Prussia and Saxony), therefore calls for more determined national requirements in ethnically mixed areas were not widespread, and the radicalization of thenational movement could lead to ethno-lateral consequences.
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Roeder, Philip G. "The Revolution of 1989: Postcommunism and the Social Sciences". Slavic Review 58, n. 4 (1999): 743–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697197.
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From Prague to Ulan Bator, the decade since 1989 has witnessed a revolution both deep and broad. It was simultaneously a national revolution that created new nation-states, a political revolution that sundered the most fully institutionalized authoritarian regimes of the twentieth century, and an economic revolution that replaced administered systems of production and distribution with markets. Separate national, democratic, and capitalist revolutions that had rocked western European countries in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries swept almost in an instant across nine countries that quickly became twenty-eight.
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Echavarria, Ricardo Restrepo. "Sovereign Democratic Transformation in Ecuador (2007-2016)". Review of European Studies 9, n. 4 (10 ottobre 2017): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v9n4p20.
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Between 1981 and 2007, Ecuador experienced neoliberal reforms coupled with an elite form of democracy. These led to slow growth, upwards redistribution, and political and economic instability. Since then, Ecuador adopted a Citizens’ Revolution to counteract these economic and political forms of domination. This paper advances a few elements of the theoretical understanding of democratic justice inspired by the constitutional vision of Buen Vivir, and their policy applications in reconfiguring the political institutions that shape the state and its international relations. The application in the Citizens’ Revolution movement and historical phase has helped advance the democratization of the Constitution, the Executive, the Legislative, the Judicial system, political rights, the right to life, freedom of expression, national natural resources and investments, external public debt, as well as social rights and the welfare state.
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Gałecki, Łukasz, e Andrzej W. Tymowski. "The German Democratic Republic". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, n. 4 (3 agosto 2009): 509–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342115.
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The 1989 revolution in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) constituted an integral element of wider revolutionary processes in Eastern Europe. But in contrast to what happened in Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, where the abrogation of real socialism meant return to one’s own national history, to distinctive national and state traditions, what happened in the GDR left its citizens in a great void, because they lacked a collective identity of their own. The crisis of GDR society came down to the fact that rejecting socialism meant rejecting one’s own country, and this had for a long time been against the wishes of the majority. As 1989 unfolded, opposition intellectuals continued to see the only alternative to the GDR to be a new, improved, but still socialist GDR. Meanwhile, the popular demonstration in Leipzig on 9 October 1989 signaled the end of the Communist regime. The destruction of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989 was its last dying breath. The paradox was that although the popular call for reunification with West Germany succeeded, the result was widespread frustration, not satisfaction. Moreover, it must be said that the pre-1989 opposition played only a small role in the transformation.
Tesi sul tema "National Democratic Revolution (NDR)"
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Venter, Jan Charl Marthinus. "The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) in a post- 1994 South Africa :|ba reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of this revolutionary ideology / Jan Charl Marthinus Venter". Thesis, North-West University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/8665.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The National Democratic Revolution (NDR) is the central ideology of the governing tripartite alliance consisting of the ANC, the SACP and COSATU. In this class alliance that was formed in the struggle against apartheid, Communists, Socialists, (black) nationalists, Neo-liberalists and Pan-Africanists were to a certain degree united against the enemy of “colonialism of a special type” (apartheid in the vernacular of the NDR) and its exploitational economic legacy. From 2005 onward serious divisions within the once monolithic broad liberationist church became evident, and in 2007 at the Polokwane conference neo-liberalism (the “1996 class project”) was purged in favour of a more stringent and more socialist interpretation of the NDR. In 2012 the call went out for a “national democratic society” in South Africa in accordance with the basic principles of the NDR which will rely on an active citizenry, incorporated on all levels in (political) party structures and functions. This party (the ANC) and its associated activities are seen to be the gateway to development, health care, education and sustainable and safe communities. This principle is borrowed from Mao Zedong’s China where the “Mass Line” principle was first developed, and so the “cadre deployment strategy” that has such an impact on every bureaucracy in South Africa actually comes from Vietnam of the 1950s. As such the NDR is a “compendium of ideological principles.”
It is vitally important that this ideology and its antecedent ideologies and theories, as well as the various schools of thought within the NDR, be analysed in order to provide insight into the decisions the government of South Africa takes, as well as into tripartite alliance politics, faction politics within the broad liberationist church, and policy decisions ranging from Southern Africa to the UN; from economic policies and possibilities of nationalisation of mines and other industries to military decisions and arms scandals. It is therefore the goal of this thesis to present a reconstruction, interpretation and evaluation of the National Democratic Revolution as ideological framework in the post-1994 South Africa. In support of this problem statement the central theoretical statement presented by this thesis is that the NDR forms the fundamental ideology of the ANC, the tripartite governing alliance in South Africa and the associated broad church. Herein a vision of the unjust past, the unacceptable present and the utopian future is developed, consisting of a hard core of fundamental assumptions and an adaptable context of application which, like a living organism, adapts all the time to a changing environment that will eventually dominate South Africa politically in theory and practice.
The problem statement of this thesis is investigated in Chapter 2 by the reconstruction of radical thinking as an ideological framework; In Chapter 3 by the reconstruction of the ideologies and theories that contributed to the formulation of the NDR; in Chapter 4 by the reconstruction and interpretation of the development of the NDR within the South African historical context; in Chapter 5 by the reconstruction and interpretation of the NDR and its analytical dimension; in Chapter 6 by the reconstruction and interpretation of the NDR and its normative dimension; in Chapter 7 by the reconstruction and interpretation of the NDR and its the strategic dimension, and in Chapter 8 through the provision of an evaluation of the ideology of the NDR as well as short scenario perspectives on the future of the NDR.
During the investigation described above several important factors came to light. Arguably the most important of them, described in Chapters 4 and 8, deals with paradigm shifts and the possible future(s) of the NDR. In this regard it is
important to note Blade Nzimande’s (2006) assertion: “the character, content and direction of the NDR are of fundamental importance to our alliance”. This thesis proposes that the character, content and direction of the NDR are of fundamental importance to all having a substantial interest in South Africa.Thesis (PhD (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013
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Cedras, Jody P. "The interface between public administration and alliance politics the ANC-SACP-COSATU dialogue in South Africa". Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/32397.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After three hundred and forty-two years of colonialism and apartheid, South Africans of all walks of life experienced their first democratic elections in 1994. Now, as the country is at the precipice of the 5th democratic elections, it has known no government other than the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC has had landslide victories at the ballot box and always managed to secure an electoral vote of around 66%. These victories have not been by accident and have been carefully managed through an Alliance Pact with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The nature of the Alliance has infiltrated and influenced the character of contemporary South African public administration.
This study postulates vigorously that an alliance is not a coalition, but rather a partnership of ideological semblance and political decorum. This is most significantly expressed through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). The study further elucidates the notion that the NDR remains the main political artery of the ANC and is seminal in the policy debates and critical platforms for each of the Alliance Partners.
The study affirms that irrespective of this convergence of ideology, there is periodic divergence on the leadership role of the ANC viz a viz that of the Alliance as the strategic centre for policy and governance issues. However, the ANC has over the years successfully challenged this assertion and through practice, led the Alliance in a politically driven manner that is predicated on consultation, due diligence and functional purpose. However, any member of the SACP or COSATU who desires to be part of parliament or the executive is required to be a member of the ANC. This, the study asserts, is the new formation of a political partnership. The study adumbrates that the SACP (even though it is registered as a political party with the Independent Electoral Commission) and COSATU do not contest elections separately. As part of the agreement, only the ANC contests elections and as such leads the Alliance. While COSATU and the SACP provide advice through Alliance structures on the deployment of cadres in the public service, the deployment committee is an ANC structure and the final decisions in regard to deployment resides with the ANC. This study has reinterpreted the dialogue within the Tripartite Alliance and how this has moulded the political nomenclature of the ANC, and the solidified impact on the way in which public administration is affected and effected in South Africa and vice versa. The study presents with equanimity how the practice, for example, of dual membership of two political organisations (ANC and SACP) enriches the public service and the policy-making process in a developmental state. It furthermore points to the imperative for a clear underlying ideology (as provided for through the NDR) and certainty as to who leads in such an arrangement. This study finds that it is through the Alliance structures that individual leaders within the Governing Party (ANC) are held to account for their actions – and after a hundred years of existence, the ANC and Alliance structures have managed to address the challenges of time, the pressures of political stress and the coalition of a “broad-based political church”. The logic of maintaining this political marriage and developmental triangulation, and also interpreting the essence of consolidating party manifestos to its membership, and further to preserving democratic principles, while at the same time translating this into the action of good governance in South Africa, is complex, yet manageable.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
am2013
School of Public Management and Administration
unrestricted
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Kocian, Jiří. "Ion Iliescu a jeho role při formování moderní rumunské demokracie". Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304763.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The problematic of Romanian transition to democracy after the year 1989 was by its major part determined by the form of previous regime. Because of the extreme pressure and control exercised on the opposition and personal dictatorship of the regime of Nicolae Ceaușescu, no major dissent groups or centers existed, bearing the potential to take part in the overthrow of the regime. In the swift and still unclear events of December 1989, National Salvation Front rose to hold the power, being directed by Ion Iliescu. As a formerly top positioned communist apparatchik, who had been swept out from status and power after several conflicts with Ceausescu, he transferred almost complete communist structure to the newly formed regime, including Securitate, the secret service. Deconstruction of the former regime was actually performed by the execution of the former president and his wife and by trials of several Securitate generals. Iliescu concentrated most of the power around NSF and in contradiction with the original proclamation postponed transition to democracy. The new regime, which was led by Ion Iliescu demonstrated in its ideological presentation and exercise of power apparent similarities with the era of communist rule, nevertheless, it worked under formal democratic framework. Because of this fact,...
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Smith, Tamara Leanne. "Too foul and dishonoring to be overlooked : newspaper responses to controversial English stars in the Northeastern United States, 1820-1870". Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-921.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the nineteenth century, theatre and newspapers were the dominant expressions of popular culture in the northeastern United States, and together formed a crucial discursive node in the ongoing negotiation of American national identity. Focusing on the five decades between 1820 and 1870, during which touring stars from Great Britain enjoyed their most lucrative years of popularity on United States stages, this dissertation examines three instances in which English performers entered into this nationalizing forum and became flashpoints for journalists seeking to define the nature and bounds of American citizenship and culture. In 1821, Edmund Kean’s refusal to perform in Boston caused a scandal that revealed a widespread fixation among social elites with delineating the ethnic and economic limits of citizenship in a republican nation. In 1849, an ongoing rivalry between the English tragedian William Charles Macready and his American competitor Edwin Forrest culminated in the deadly Astor Place riot. By configuring the actors as champions in a struggle between bourgeois authority and working-class populism, the New York press inserted these local events into international patterns of economic conflict and revolutionary violence. Nearly twenty years later, the arrival of the Lydia Thompson Burlesque Troupe in 1868 drew rhetoric that reflected the popular press’ growing preoccupation with gender, particularly the question of woman suffrage and the preservation of the United States’ international reputation as a powerfully masculine nation in the wake of the Civil War.
Three distinct cultural currents pervade each of these case studies: the new nation’s anxieties about its former colonizer’s cultural influence, competing political and cultural ideologies within the United States, and the changing perspectives and agendas of the ascendant popular press. Exploring the points where these forces intersect, this dissertation aims to contribute to an understanding of how popular culture helped shape an emerging sense of American national identity. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that in the mid-nineteenth century northeastern United States, popular theatre, newspapers, and audiences all contributed to a single media formation in which controversial English performers became a rhetorical antipode against which “American” identity could be defined.text
Libri sul tema "National Democratic Revolution (NDR)"
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Hansen, Sven. Philippinen: Guerilla und Revolution : Ursprünge, Entwicklungen und Krise der NDF. Münster: WURF Verlag, 1991.
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Slovo, Joe. The South African working class and the national democratic revolution. [Cape Town?]: South African Communist Party, 1989.
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Álvarez, Alberto Martín. From revolutionary war to democratic revolution: The Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) in El Salvador. Berlin, Germany: Berghof Conflict Research, 2010.
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The thumpin': How Rahm Emanuel and the Democrats learned to be ruthless and ended the Republican revolution. New York, NY: Doubleday, 2007.
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Karmal, Babrak. Ten point theses of Babrak Karmal ... on national and democratic character of April revolution and its undelayable tasks under the present conditions, dated Nov. 9, 1985. Kabul: [s.n.], 1985.
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Jagoe, Donald Alan. Turmoil, transition...triumph? The democratic revolution in the Philippines. 1986.
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National Endowment for Democracy (U.S.), a cura di. The Democratic revolution: Proceeding of a conference sponsored by the National Endowment for Democracy, May 1 and 2, 1989, Washington, D.C. Washington, D.C. (1011 15th St., N.W., Suite 203, Washington 20005-5003): The Endowment, 1989.
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Bendavid, Naftali. The Thumpin': How Rahm Emanuel and the Democrats Learned to Be Ruthless and Ended the Republican Revolution. Doubleday, 2007.
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Downs, Gregory P. The Second American Revolution. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469652733.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Much of the confusion about a central event in United States history begins with the name: the Civil War. In reality, the Civil War was not merely civil--meaning national--and not merely a war, but instead an international conflict of ideas as well as armies. Its implications transformed the U.S. Constitution and reshaped a world order, as political and economic systems grounded in slavery and empire clashed with the democratic process of republican forms of government. And it spilled over national boundaries, tying the United States together with Cuba, Spain, Mexico, Britain, and France in a struggle over the future of slavery and of republics. Gregory P. Downs argues that we can see the Civil War anew by understanding it as a revolution. More than a fight to preserve the Union and end slavery, the conflict refashioned a nation, in part by remaking its Constitution. More than a struggle of brother against brother, it entailed remaking an Atlantic world that centered in surprising ways on Cuba and Spain. Downs introduces a range of actors not often considered as central to the conflict but clearly engaged in broader questions and acts they regarded as revolutionary. This expansive canvas allows Downs to describe a broad and world-shaking war with implications far greater than often recognized.
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Iversen, Torben, e David Soskice. Democracy and Prosperity. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691182735.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
It is a widespread view that democracy and the advanced nation-state are in crisis, weakened by globalization and undermined by global capitalism, in turn explaining rising inequality and mounting populism. This book argues that this view is wrong: advanced democracies are resilient, and their enduring historical relationship with capitalism has been mutually beneficial. For all the chaos and upheaval over the past century—major wars, economic crises, massive social change, and technological revolutions—the book shows how democratic states continuously reinvent their economies through massive public investment in research and education, by imposing competitive product markets and cooperation in the workplace, and by securing macroeconomic discipline as the preconditions for innovation and the promotion of the advanced sectors of the economy. Critically, this investment has generated vast numbers of well-paying jobs for the middle classes and their children, focusing the aims of aspirational families, and in turn providing electoral support for parties. Gains at the top have also been shared with the middle (though not the bottom) through a large welfare state. Contrary to the prevailing wisdom on globalization, advanced capitalism is neither footloose nor unconstrained: it thrives under democracy precisely because it cannot subvert it. Populism, inequality, and poverty are indeed great scourges of our time, but these are failures of democracy and must be solved by democracy.
Capitoli di libri sul tema "National Democratic Revolution (NDR)"
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"National Democratic Revolution". In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1921. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_300659.
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Armbrust, Walter. "The Trickster in Midan al-‘Abbasiyya". In Martyrs and Tricksters, 181–205. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691162645.003.0010.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This chapter focuses on Taufiq ʻUkasha, a talk-show host and minor parliamentarian in the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) before the revolution, re-created in the protracted state of antistructure after the fall of the regime as a “media personality” and advocate for a cult of Egyptian militarism. He became a primary spokesman for the counterrevolution, and ultimately a political force in his own right. ʻUkasha was often seen during his moment in the political limelight as an appendage of SCAF. He showed a remarkable ability to emerge onto the political stage at a particular moment—specifically, from near the end of 2011 until the rise of Sisi in the summer of 2013. But his political capacities depended crucially on a well-publicized “loose cannon” media persona. It was never likely that ʻUkasha would achieve meaningful power, but he does exemplify potentialities of revolutionary liminality not well captured by viewing a revolutionary situation as a theater in which contention occurs between established political actors. Ultimately, ʻUkasha emerged as a Trickster within the larger arc of the revolution.
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"Part 2. National Insurrection and Democratic Revolution". In A Cosmopolitanism of Nations, a cura di Nadia Urbinati, 109–66. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400831319.109.
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Moore, David, e Tshilidzi Marwala. "Intellectuals, Science, and South Africa’s National Democratic Revolution". In The Role of Intellectuals in the State-Society Nexus, 90–99. The Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection (MISTRA), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv13qfwkk.20.
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"To Fix South Sudan We Must Complete the National Democratic Revolution". In South Sudan: Elites, Ethnicity, Endless Wars and the Stunted State, 210–44. Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r0ft.12.
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Moyo, Sam, e Paris Yeros. "Land Occupations and Land Reform in Zimbabwe: Towards the National Democratic Revolution". In Reclaiming the Land. Zed Books Ltd, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350222175.ch-006.
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"Two perspectives on Zimbabwe’s National Democratic Revolution: Thabo Mbeki and Wilfred Mhanda". In 'Progress' in Zimbabwe?, 127–46. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315873886-14.
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Fishman, Robert M. "Conclusions". In Democratic Practice, 214–30. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190912871.003.0008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This concluding chapter addresses the overall contribution of the book to our understanding of democracy in the contemporary world. The discussion reviews key arguments in the book and takes up possible objections along with alternative forms of explanation. The chapter also examines how generalizable the argument is, considering how national histories shape conceptions of democracy and forms of political conduct in other cases as well. The Greek case, the experience of Scandinavia, and post-revolutionary cases including the United States are also taken up. The chapter analyzes the contribution to theories of critical junctures and other historically minded approaches to explanation. The discussion also considers the importance of political inclusion and of the Portuguese pattern of “conversation” between protesters and power holders for democracy’s central aspirations, especially in pursuit of political equality. The significance of revolution, of protest movements, and of other mechanisms of social change is also taken up.
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Lynch, John Roy. "1875: Democratic Victory". In Reminiscences of an Active Life, a cura di John Hope Franklin, 181–92. University Press of Mississippi, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.003.0022.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This chapter looks at the Democratic victory in 1875. Although as a result of the sanguinary revolution in 1875 there was no hope or prospect of future Republican success in Mississippi, the Republican leaders in that state did not abandon their efforts to bring about and reestablish friendly relations between Senator Alcorn and Governor Ames. With that end in view, both were made delegates to the National Republican Convention of 1876 from the state at large. But this failed to accomplish the purpose desired. When the newly elected legislature met the first Monday in January of 1876, the fact was developed that the Lamar faction was slightly in the ascendancy in the Democratic party. This, of course, resulted in the election of Mr. L. Q. C. Lamar to the United States Senate to succeed Senator Alcorn whose term would expire on March 4, 1877.
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Filatova, Irina. "The Lasting Legacy: The Soviet Theory of the National-Democratic Revolution and South Africa". In The ANC and the Liberation Struggle in South Africa, 77–107. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315459615-5.
Testo completoAtti di convegni sul tema "National Democratic Revolution (NDR)"
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)". In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.