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1
Chi, Janine Kay Gwen. "Emergent identities and state-society interactions : transformations of national and ethnic identities in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8889.
Testo completo
2
Malakasis, Cynthia H. "Immigration and Nationalism in Greece". FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1280.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
A source of emigration until the early 1970s, Greece has become home to a rising tide of immigrants since 1991, and its foreign-born population rose from below one to over 11 percent. Equally important is the fact that the Greek state has historically premised national belonging on ethnicity, and striven to exclude people who did not exhibit Greek ethnic traits. My study examines how immigration has challenged this nationalist model of ethnically homogeneous belonging. Further, it uses the Greek case to problematize the hegemonic assumption that the nationalist model of social organization is a human universal. Data consist of reactions to a 2010 landmark law that constituted the first jus soli bill in the nation’s history, and include a plurality of voices found in parliamentary proceedings, newspapers, a government-sponsored online forum and Facebook discussions. Voices examined correspond to three main conceptual camps: people who premise belonging on ethnicity and hegemonic definitions of what it means to be Greek, people who mitigate nationalist norms enough to include immigrants, but reproduce a nationalist worldview, and people who seek to divorce political belonging from ethnicity altogether.
3
Bulgan, Tsegaye. "The Upsurge of Ethno-nationalism and Ethiopia's Fragile Democracy". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104365.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
By exploring the upsurge of the new wave of ethno-nationalism and its effect on institutions of democracy in Ethiopia, this study attempts to contribute to the study of fragile democracy in highly divided states. Methodologically, it is qualitative research where key informant interviews and literature review were employed to collect the needed data. Nine participants including researchers, analysts, and journalists participated in the key informant interview. Ethiopia, the second-most populous African country, is a multi-national ancient country with a long history of statehood. The country’s fragile nature of democracy is suffering from shrinking political space. The national election was postponed twice, and the popular political parties withdrawn from the rescheduled election. Unfortunately, this was accompanied by the unfolding ethnic conflicts in different parts of the country and it is reported that election will not be conducted in places under conflict. These have overshadowed Ethiopia’s transition to democracy which was hailed across the country and beyond in 2018 and 19. The conventional wisdom employed often in elaborating challenges to democratization has been pointing fingers at the incumbent regime. This research, however, argues that though the incumbent government, as the dominant actor should take its share of responsibility, the problem in Ethiopia is beyond that. The deeply entrenched institutionalization of ethnicity; contradictory interpretation of historical narratives; accumulated age-old grievances, and polarized relations among the actors are the factors for the crisis that has been threatening to tear the country apart. The role of economic inequality, corruption, soaring inflation and unemployment have been significant by creating enabling environment for the mobilization of lumpen youth for violent conflict. Apart from that, due to the country’s strategic location in the volatile Horn of African region and the hydro-politics, the regional and international political dynamics have also been impacting peace and development in Ethiopia. This study argues bailing the country out of this crisis and preventing potential disintegration needs deepening democracy and a change of political culture at the national level. Strengthening the role of CSOs and enhancing support from the international community will also be decisive.
4
Rougier, Nathalie. "Ethno-religious identities : an identity structure analysis of clergy in Ireland, north and south". Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325482.
Testo completo
5
Harder, Avalon. ""We're All Jock Tamson's Bairns": Scottish Ethnic Identity and Nationalism in America". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/700.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper explores how Scottish-Americans have contributed to Scottish national dialogues by laying roots for future generations in the form of early ethnic organizations as well as religious and social practices, engaging in discussion about what it means to be both white and ethnic, sustaining forms of traditional culture through Scottish Highland Games, and interpreting their personal experiences with ethnic and national identity as a way of negotiating their relationships with Scottish nationalism. The 2014 referendum on Scottish independence offered historical circumstances that were both relevant and exhilarating to explore these topics under. This exploration incorporates both interview and survey data gathered from Scottish-Americans.
6
Hughes, Melissa. "The Romani Place in Kosovar Space: Nationalism and Kosovo’s Roma". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1397.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
On February 17, 2008,Kosovo declared its independence. The path to independence and the claim to Kosovo was a long process that developed in three primary phases: A) the fostering of territorial solidarity under direct rule and an emphasis on historical ties to the territory; B) the foundation of the national idea within the realms of proto-nationalism; and C) the emergence of peripheral and mass nationalism. This research seeks to define the development of nationalist ideologies in Kosovo and to explore where Roma fit within those ideologies. An historical and sociological approach to nationalism in Kosovo is critical in understanding the current situation of Roma living in, and deported to, Kosovo, including the recent phenomenon of ethnic scapegoating of the Roma by both Serbs and Albanians
7
Degirmen, Burcu Fadime. "Russian Diaspora And The Politics Of Russian Nationalism In The Post Soviet Era". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610042/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
ABSTRACT
This thesis examines how Russian political elites and intellectuals have approached
the issues of Russian nation and diaspora since 1991. This thesis observes that while
Boris Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin claim to advocate a civic definition of a nation in
the boundaries of Russiathey extend the definition of Russian nation to cover the &lsquo
Russian diaspora&rsquo
as well. This thesis argues that the inclusion of the term Russian diaspora in Russian discourse of nationalism has paved the way for developing a consensus about Russia&rsquo
s new identity among its political elites and intellectuals. Accordingly, Russia which is defined as a homeland of ethnic Russians identifies itself as the protector of the rights of Russians in ex-Soviet republics. Moreover, this diasporic politics has been used to legitimate the Russian engagement in the internal and external affairs of post-Soviet states. Nevertheless, as this thesis demonstrates, ethnic Russians residing in the post-Soviet states have significant diversity in terms of their political orientations towards Russia. There are five parts in this thesis. After the introduction, the first chapter explains the role of Russian diaspora in the politics of Russian nationalism under Yeltsin and Putin. While the second chapter examines intellectual approaches to the issues of Russian national identity and diaspora, the third chapter focuses on the conditions of ethnic Russians in the post-Soviet states. The final part is the conclusion.
8
Gondyi, Nengak Daniel. "Negotiating Individual and Group Citizenship through State Creation in Nigeria". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21209.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Nigeria operates a citizenship model which recognizes the rights and belonging of ethnic and culturally identified groups (ethnos) as distinct from, and prerequisite to those of individual citizens (demos). The rights of the ethnos are enforced at the sub-national (state) level of the Nigerian federation and are embodied in the exalted position granted in Nigeria’s constitution to indigenous ethnic groups and serve as a precondition to the rights of the individual citizens within the demos. The struggle to exert the rights and privileges of these groups has led to a continuous mobilization to create states as groups’ homeland and spheres of influence.The aim of my research is to investigate the dual levels of citizenship and how they are presented and negotiated in the process of state creation in Nigeria. The concepts of subjects, identity, ethnicity and nationalism are used as coding themes in the investigation of the research materials. Using data from 5 memoranda submitted to the parliament requesting the creation of new sub-units (states) in Nigeria; qualitative content analysis and supported by a theoretical discussion of identity, ethnicity, nationalism, the self and the other; this research sought to answer three research questions viz: How are identity and ethnicity conceived and deployed in the mobilization for the creation of new states in Nigeria? How is sameness (the ‘self’) and difference (the ‘Other’) presented in the mobilization for new states in Nigeria? How are the dual levels of citizenship explained and mobilized for state creation in Nigeria?Findings from my analysis show that state creation strengthens the citizenship of the ethnic groups thereby weakening that of individuals. Ethnicity and nationalism are used in the mobilization of the ethnos while the discourse of sameness was used to homogenize the subjects of the memoranda at the same time emphasizing the distinctness of perceived Others. Finally, the inclusiveness of groups seeking creation of new states points to the exclusion of those who do not share the dominant collective identity thus hinting on the possible need for new states for all groups in Nigeria.
9
Sixtensson, Johanna, e Carolina Hamma. ""They say: divided we fall, united we stand" - A Study on National Identity and Nation-building in Postcolonial Namibia". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22445.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In most nationstates the construction and making of a national identity is a historic phenomenon as the process started hundreds of years ago. In Namibia however, the construction of a nation and a national identity has just been instigated. Namibia, as one of the last colonies in Africa, did not gain independence until 1990. For a long time, Namibia was subjected to German as well as South African colonial and apartheid rule. Our aim with this essay was to examine the Namibian construction of a national identity, with reference to Namibia's historical postcolonial and postapartheid background. The focus is on how people from two ethnic backgrounds, the Owambo and the San, experience their situation as Namibians in one of the youngest countries in Africa. Hence, we have made 22 interviews in northern Namibia during the fall of 2004. The purpose with this essay has been to comprehend and present a process of nation-building and national identity in the making. We have found that 'ethnicity' still is an important mean of identification in Namibia. Moreover, the fact that Namibia is a postcolonial and postapartheid state, strongly affects the Namibian nation-building and the construction of a Namibian identity. Ethnic categories are still ingrained in people; the distinctions signify difference, and are used as means of identification. Alhough simultaneously, the segregation forced by the colonisers has now made ethnic categories less distinct since such divisions relate to apartheid and repression. The Owambo group tend to be more aware of their position as Namibians in the Namibian nation than the San groups, and their culture is to a large extent 'dominant' and influences the nation-building. The Owambos identify themselves as Namibians. The San groups on the other hand, identify themselves with their ethnic or tribal group. They are also in an inferior minority position, which they are highly aware of.
10
Brøbech, Rosa Lucca. "The 2018 Ghetto Plan: The political problematization of ethnic minorities living in deprived residential areas in Denmark". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22988.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis investigates the problematization of ethnic minorities living in deprived residential areas in Denmark. The study focus on the whitepaper “Ét Danmark uden parallelsamfund – Ingen ghettoer I 2030” published by the Danish government in 2018. The theoretical framework incorporated in the thesis are Gilroy’s concepts of new racism, nation camps and in between different camps, Hervik’s approach of the three elements together with Andersson’s concept of imagined communities. By using Bachhi’s poststructural WPR approach together with the above mentioned theory, this paper finds that the Danish government creates a discourse where ethnic minorities are problematized due to their ethnicity and culture and it becomes a way to legitimize certain initiatives. This thesis argues that the social diagnosis is wrong and that the ghetto plan could be interpreted as racist.
11
ASLAN, JOHANNA. "The Zazas in Crisis: A qualitative study on the influence of the Turkish political discourse on the Zaza Identity". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23176.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Författaren till denna uppsats har under en fältresa till Turkiet gjort en undersökning om Zazas, en mellangrupp människor som ofta faller i den etniska kategorin kurder eller turk, och som där samlade essensiellt akademiskt innehåll och individuella åsikter från lokalbefolkningen som intervjuades. Skälen bakom försummelsen av Zazas och förtrycket mot dem orsakade av Turkiets nationalistiska diskurs utforskas och det lärs ut att när Zazas försummades sitt språk, hade de officiellt uteslutits från hela nationens samhällsstrukturer. Deras språk är nu mycket hotat, på väg att glömmas bort. Denna forskning presenterar Zazas och deras hotade ställning på grund av en stor identitetsförlust orsakad av ett nationalistiskt statligt beslut, vilket främst har påverkat Zazas genom de språkbegränsningar som påtvingats dem.The author of this essay has during a field trip to Turkey done research about the Zazas, an inbetweener group of people who often fall into the ethnic category of Kurds or Turks, gathering essential academic content and individual views from locals who were interviewed. The reasons behind the neglection of Zazas and the oppression against them caused by the nationalist discourse of Turkey are explored and it is taught that when the Zazas were neglected their language, they officially became excluded from all the nation’s societal structures. Their language is now highly endangered, on a path to be forgotten. This research presents the Zazas and their endangered position due to a great identity loss caused by a nationalist state ruling, which has mainly affected the Zazas by the language restrictions forced upon them.
12
Englberger, Florian. "Dealing with nationalism in view of a human need to belong : the feasibility of narrative transformation in Northern Ireland". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16401.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis seeks to delineate what change in divided societies such as Northern Ireland is possible. Two steps are necessary to answer this question: first, to explain the potency of nationalism. I contend that taking the evolutionary history of humans and a human need to belong into account is essential for an understanding of A.D. Smith's ethno-symbolist approach to nationalism. We need to acknowledge that human beings emerged from small-scale settings and are therefore conservative beings who seek those patterns of familiarity that make up the ordinary ‘everyday'. They are also prejudiced beings, as prejudice helps to break down a complex world into digestible pieces. The ethnic state excluding an ethnic ‘other' is an answer to these calls for simplicity. By establishing an apparent terra firma, a habitus, symbols of an ethnic past and national present speak of nationalist narratives that provide a sense of ontological security. In (Northern) Ireland, ethno-national communities based on prejudiced understandings of history have long been established. In this second step I maintain that change that violates the core potent national narratives cannot be achieved. The Provisional IRA's change from insurrection to parliament became feasible because a radical break with republican dogmas was avoided. Sinn Féin, despite a rhetorical move towards ‘reconciliation', still seek to outmanoeuvre the unionist ‘other'. The history of Irish socialism, on the other hand, has been a failure, as it embodied a radical attempt to banish the ‘other' from the national narrative. Regarding ‘post-conflict' Northern Ireland, I argue for a peacebuilding approach that leaves the confinements of hostile identity politics, as these mass guarantors of ontological security possess only limited potential for relationship transformation. We need to appreciate those almost invisible acts of empathy and peace that could be found even in Northern Ireland's darkest hours.
13
Famich, Maiya. "Nation-building In Belarus". Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614194/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process of nation-building in the Republic of Belarus from 1991 till the present time. The focus is made on two main projects of nation-building presented by the official authorities and the political opposition. The main concern of this thesis is to make a comparative analysis of these two projects of Belarussian national identity. Also, the thesis examines the views of the official authorities and the political opposition on the history of Belarus, which is used as a tool of national identity construction in their projects of nation-building. Concepts of ethnic and civic nationalisms are discussed aiming at understanding the nature of nationalism in Belarus together with different theoretical approaches to ethnicity.
14
Waldemarsson, Åsa, e Johanna Hofstam. "Attitudes towards the Region of Öresund among transnational work commuters". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23552.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study is concerned with the region of Öresund and the aspects of work commuting in particular. The purpose is to investigate attitudes and opinions towards the region among work commuters and then apply them to various theories relevant for the questioning, such as globalization, regionalization, ethnicity, nationalism, culture and identity. To investigate the attitudes towards the region we have done a number of interviews with commuters, using qualitative and semi-structured questions. The analysis is divided into three different parts; In Body and in Mind, Us and Them, the Future; and consists of a discussion of our informants’ answers related to the theoretical aspects of the earlier mentioned theories. Our results show that our informants feel a geographical connection to the region but that more common cultural references are needed to be able to speak of a mental connection within the region of Öresund.
15
Knuters, Simon. "Political Buddhism and the Exclusion of Rohingya in Myanmar : Exploring targeted religious nationalism using Myanmar's Muslim Rohingya minority as a case study". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-351717.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Rohingya Muslim minority, originally living in Rakhine state in western Myanmar, has been marginalized and harassed for decades. The Rohingya minority has been stateless since 1982 and they strive to become Burmese citizens. Many Rohingya have been displaced and live in refugee camps in Bangladesh with UNHCR calling them one of the most vulnerable refugee groups in the world. The military junta in Myanmar did not look kindly at rebellious minority groups in the country, brutally beating down all minority opposition. Despite Myanmar is now in a process of democratization, the State-Councilor and President in all but name, Aung San Suu Kyi has refused to address the ongoing violence suffered by Rohingya. Although Myanmar has 135 recognized minority groups, the country is far from being a pluralistic society. Ethnicity and religion have played an important role in creating a national identity in Myanmar; a national identity which systematically excludes Rohingya. This thesis argues that the reason for Rohingya’s exclusion is the so called political Buddhism in Myanmar. Political Buddhism is when excluding Buddhism, the Burmese ethnicity and aggressive nationalism are used to exclude and persecute minority groups perceived as non-Burman. This thesis explores, through an ideology analysis, how political Buddhism can be used to understand the exclusion of Rohingya in Myanmar. Finally, the conclusion is that political Buddhism has been an important element to Rohingya’s exclusion in Myanmar. However, it is not the sole explanation and other factors such as poverty and underdevelopment are also considerable aspects.I Rakhine i västra Myanmar lever den muslimska minoritetsgruppen Rohingya under stort förtryck. Myanmars burmesiska majoritet har förtryckt Rohingya i årtionden och sedan 1982 är minoritetsgruppen statslösa. Flera hundratusen Rohingyier har flytt från Rakhine till flyktingläger i Bangladesh och UNHCR har kallat dem en av världens mest utsatta flyktinggrupper. Trots att Myanmar genomgår en demokratiseringsprocess vägrar Myanmars folkvalda ledare, Aung San Suu Kyi att fördöma våldet som Rohingya har fått utstå. Myanmar har 135 officiella minoritetsgrupper, men Rohingya är inte en av dem och landet är har fortfarande långt kvar till att bli ett accepterande mångkulturellt samhälle. Etnicitet och religion har spelat en viktig roll i skapandet av Myanmars nationella identitet, vilken har exkluderat Rohingya och andra icke-etniska burmesiska minoritetsgrupper. Jag argumenterar att anledningen till denna exkludering beror på så kallad politisk Buddhism, en kvasi-ideologi som uppstått genom exkluderande Buddhism, burmesisk etnicitet och aggressiv nationalism. Den här uppsatsen konceptualiserar politisk Buddhism genom en ideologianalys, utifrån en idealtyp och strävar efter att öka förståelsen för Rohingyas exkludering i Myanmar. Avslutningsvis är politisk Buddhism till stor del anledningen till Rohingyas marginalisering, men andra faktorer såsom fattigdom och låg ekonomisk utveckling är också möjliga faktorer.
16
Ling, Hock Shen. "Negotiating Malaysian Chinese Ethnic and National Identity Across Borders". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1226957088.
Testo completo
17
Ceyhan, Selin. "A Case Study Of Gypsy/roma Identity In Edirne". Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1252683/index.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of this thesis is to argue about a Gypsy/Roma community’
s identity construction from the point of view of classical literature on ethnicity, class and gender dimensions in the symbolic identity construction in the case of Turkey. In this regard, it is important to examine whether this community benefits from citizenship rights. For this purpose, Edirne is chosen as a sample of Turkey because majority of Gypsy/Roma population lives in and this border city into which migrations took place from Bulgaria and Greece. Also for practical reasons of building a communication network, Edirne is selected as a case. A qualitative study, using in-depth interviews with a total of 36 married persons of Gypsy/Roma community referring 18 household in-depth-interviews have been conducted from 2003 winter to summer. Besides, in-depth-interviews with 13 non-Gypsies have been conducted. All interviews were recorded, transcribed and the transcribed texts were used for discourse analysis. During the interviews socio-economic profile, marriage, practices of cultural habits, neighbourhood partnership, political identity, religious rituals and perceiving own identity were inquired. There are three major conclusions of this thesis. The first finding is related to Gypsy/Roma community&
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s socio-economic status. Gypsy/Roma community has problems accessing social benefits of education, health and the labour market in addition to having negative living conditions. The arguments of &
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underclass&
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&
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and &
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&
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urban marginalization&
#8217
&
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coincide with these results. Not only occupation, but also race, ethnicity and gender are linked together with Gypsy/Roma status as &
#8216
inferior&
#8217
citizens. Secondly, Gypsy/Roma community is a closed community in their relations with non-Gypsies with regard to marriage and social network. The third finding is associated with Gypsy/Roma community&
#8217
s perceptions of their identity, which shows variations within community. In this regard, Roma is taken to be the &
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&
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other&
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&
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of not only the non-Gypsies but also Gypsy identity is accepted as the &
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other&
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&
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even of Roma.
18
d'Elena, Grisel. "The Gender Problem of Buddhist Nationalism in Myanmar: The 969 Movement and Theravada Nuns". FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2463.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis uses transnational and Black feminist frameworks to analyze Buddhist nationalist discourses of gender and violence against religious and ethnic minorities in Myanmar. Burmese Buddhist nationalists’ marginalization of the Muslim Rohingya ethnic minority is inextricably linked to their attempts to control Buddhist women. Research includes interviews with U Ashin Wirathu, the leader of the monastic-led nationalist group, the 969 Movement, and with other monks of the organization, as well as with non-nationalist monks, nuns and laywomen. I also analyze Theravada textual discourse as read by my subjects in light of the history of Myanmar to understand the ways the local Theravada tradition has marginalized women and non-Buddhists. By connecting the lack of bhikkhuni ordination and laws hindering Buddhist women from marrying non-Buddhist men with the portrayal of the Rohingya as a threat to the nation, I show how Buddhist nationalists attempt to consolidate power and forestall the democratization process.
19
Dreitcer, Monica. "Changing Influences on Family Size for Palestinian Refugee Women in Beirut". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/228.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis addresses the influences on family size for Palestinian refugees in Beirut. It is based on ethnographic research done in a camp in Beirut over a three month period in which 24 women were interviewed to discern why they choose to have the number of children that they do. This thesis argues that changing nationalist ideals, declining economic status, and evolving women’s roles in the family contributed to the average decrease in family size.
20
Ren, Li. "Imagining China in the Era of Global Consumerism and Local Consciousness: Media, Mobility, and the Spring Festival". Ohio : Ohio University, 2003. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1057001670.
Testo completo
21
Popovic, Dunja. "Economic inequality and Nationalism : Relationship between the discourse of Nation and the National and economic reforms in Yugoslavia, Case Study: Serbia". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-327039.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Taking into consideration that national identity and nationalism are not purely political, and trying not to simplify the factors that led to fallout of the state, I will try to research the history of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and the discourse in literature and media. Most analysis turn to ethno-nationalism and deep-rooted hate. However, this master thesis will take into consideration some other variables, like the economic reforms and the role of the media, literature and political elites that followed. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that were introduced during transition weakened the previous economic system in Yugoslavia and that these reforms went hand in hand with the rise of nationalism in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalistic discourse in different parts of Yugoslavia. The main hypothesis is that the implementation of the economic reforms that went hand in hand with the nationalistic discourse in the media and literature caused the rise of nationalism in different parts of Yugoslavia. The most important unit around which I will define the main research is the question of neoliberal reforms and its effects on the nation and the national discourse through media and literature in former Yugoslavia. This is going to be a research on the consequences of those variables in Yugoslavia and the rise of ethno-nationalism in Serbia, and with that respect, the main research question will be: ‘’What is the relation between the economic reforms, politics, literature and media on the rise of nationalism in Yugoslavia before the fallout?’’ Additional questions are: ‘’How did economic reforms in the 1960s affect the rise of nationalism?’’, How did media, literature discourse and the political elite affect the rise of nationalism?’’ This thesis describes the break-up of Yugoslavia in relation to economic reforms and literature and media, perceiving it as a political, economic, as well as a cultural project.
22
Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Ethnic conflict in Nigeria: a challenge to inclusive social and political development". Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006955.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The question of ethnicity has been one of the most topical subjects of study by social scientists. The controversies around this phenomenon seem to have been heated up by the high visibility of mobilized and politicized ethnic groups in most multi-ethnic states. Therefore, the extent to which ethnic nationalities are able to effectively manage the interplay of ethnic differences determines to what extent a multi-ethnic nation develops without crisis. Historically Nigeria has come a long way from multi-ethnic entity with political differences and background to the amalgamation of 1914 till the present structure of thirty-six states. Ethnicity, no doubt has contributed immensely to ethnic conflicts in Nigeria because of long standing revulsion or resentments towards ethnic groups different from one’s own or fear of domination which can as well lead ethnic groups to resort to violence as a means to protect and preserve the existing ethnic groups. Significantly ethnicity in Nigeria, is a product inequality among the various ethnic groups orchestrated by a long period of colonialism; a period which witnessed the ascendancy of three major ethnic groups to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups and a period when the three major ethnic groups were used as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political goods, resulting in the inability of other ethnic groups to access these socio-political goods. This situation has continued to impact negatively on the forces of national integration and cohesion in ethnically divided Nigeria. Considering the relationship between ethnicity and development; socio-political exclusion is not only ethically dangerous to development but also economically unproductive. It deprives groups and individuals of the opportunity for the necessary development that can be beneficial to the society. Thus, it is important to develop an integrative socio-political frame-work that explicitly recognizes the participatory role of every ethnic group in governance. Hence, there is a need for the adoption of inclusive governance to manage ethnicity in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, ethnic conflict still persists and an attempt will be made in this study to identify the reasons. Central to socio-political sustainability in Nigeria is a system that should recognize that differences are important to development and encompass notions of equality. Such a system should acknowledge the socio-political and economic power of every ethnic group and promote a system devoid of ethnocentric and exclusionary socio-political and economic policies.
23
Turkel, Bryan 9842267. "The Influence of Power Dynamics On the Israeli-Palestinian Ethos of Conflict". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1281.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The study of intractable conflicts has risen in recent years particularly with the work of Daniel Bar-Tal’s work on the ethos of conflict. The ethos of conflict is an original psychological concept that captures the collective societal mindset of cultures locked in intractable conflicts and examines the various factors that keep groups in conflict or help them towards peace. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is arguably the most researched, publicized, and discussed intractable conflict in history. The purpose of this paper is to first examine the foundation of that intractable conflict through the lens of Bar-Tal’s theory and apply it once more how it has changed in the modern day. Particularly, this paper focuses on how the change in power structure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has prioritized the different elements of the ethos of conflict differently for both sides. In the beginning of the conflict, both groups held equitable power that caused them to have similar manifestations of the ethos of conflict. Working with the foundation of Bar-Tal’s theory, this paper provides an analysis of how Israel’s rise to power in the conflict influences different prioritizations of the ethos of conflict for both parties.
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Thobani, Sitara. "Dancing diaspora, performing nation : Indian classical dance in multicultural London". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c189d163-b113-408f-9f3b-181c6fd5fbce.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines the performance of Indian classical dance in the contemporary 'diaspora space' (Brah 1996) represented by the city of London. My aim is to analyse whether and how performances of "national" art, assumed to represent an equally "national" culture, change when performed in transnational contexts. Drawing upon theories of postcolonialism, multiculturalism and diaspora, I begin my study with an historical analysis of the reconstructed origins of the dance in the intertwined discourses of British colonialism and Indian nationalism. Using this analysis to ground my ethnography of the present-day practice of the dance, I unearth its relation to discourses of contemporary multiculturalism and South Asian diasporic identity. I then demonstrate specific ways in which the relationship between colonial and postcolonial artistic production on the one hand and contemporary performances of national and multicultural identity on the other are visible in the current practices and approaches of diasporic and multicultural Indian classical dancers. My thesis advances the scholarship that has demonstrated the link between the construction of Indian classical dance and the Indian nationalist movement by highlighting particular ways in which historical narrative, national and religious identities, gendered ideals and racialised categories are constituted through, and help produce in turn, contemporary Indian classical dance practices in the diaspora. Locating my study in the UK while still accounting for the Indian nationalist aspects of the dance, my contribution to the scholarly literature is to analyse its performance in relation to both Indian and British national identity. My research demonstrates that Indian classical dance is co-produced by both British and Indian national discourses and their respective cultural and political imperatives, even as the dance contributes to the formation of British, Indian and South Asian diasporic politico-cultural identities.
25
Cicic, Ana. "Yugoslavia Revisited : Contested Histories through Public Memories of President Tito". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-407908.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the thesis, I aim to analyze how people remember their past in changed political circumstances, what and who affect that memory, and why and how does rapture between social memory and historical narratives come about. My subject of inquiry is the personality of Josip Broz Tito and above that the period of socialism and the years of his reign. Studying these my intention is not in writing his biography, rather I use him as an object through which I can get a closer look at the production of a new social memory. I analyze my ethnographic data by using the theory of collective memory and politics of memory theory. Those two main analytical tools are combined with more concepts and hypotheses. The inquiry is done on multisited places, by doing multi-local ethnography namely in Croatia and Serbia. I argue that the mnemonic communities like nations, social groups or power elites influence how people perceive their past and consequently remember historical facts. In times of unstable political circumstances like the change of communist order into capitalistic one, people tend to make sense of their complex past by producing different narratives which are often contested.
26
Mngomezulu, Nosipho Sthabiso Thandiwe. "Re-imagining the nation". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019999.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis examines young people’s constructions of nationhood in Mauritius. In 2008, the Mauritian government instituted a Truth and Justice Commission (TJC), set up to investigate the consequences of slavery and indentured labour. Through the Truth and Justice Commission, the Mauritian government indicated its desire to achieve social justice and national unity. Drawing on developments in studies of national identification practices in the 21st Century, this thesis addresses the question of young Mauritian’s locally and globally informed identification practices and asks how their unofficial narratives of nationhood challenge, or divert, or relate to official state narratives of nationhood. The basis of the study emerges from data collected from 132 participants during fieldwork in multiple fieldsites from May to September 2010 as well as research on Mauritian youth on-line from 2011-2014. The advent of the TJC offers an ideal moment to evaluate the dynamics of post-colonial nation-building and nationhood in a selfstyled multi-cultural state. Nationhood, does not exist apriori to the constructions of narratives of the nation, thus the stories told about the nation, imagine the nation into being. By situating the Truth and Justice Commission and other official state narratives alongside young people’s narratives, I argue that contemporary narratives of nationhood in Mauritius represent an intergenerational struggle to define the meaning of the past in the present and consequently outline the future. Reflecting on the ideas and socio-economic and political processes that induce national consciousness, I argue that young people’s narratives of everyday lived experiences are vital for an interpretation of how nationhood is produced in everyday life. The cultural projects of young people – often rendered as liminal or marginal – offer a critical vantage point from where to read constructions of nationhood. Far from being growing pains or childish games, young people’s identity making practices are what Sherry B. Ortner has called “serious games.” This research suggests that official state government narratives of multicultural nationhood in Mauritius narrowly define national identification along communal loyalties, overlooking the dynamism of interculturality and transnationalism in daily practice on the island. Although communalism and rigid colonial interpretations of ethnicity attempt to police and limit the possibilities of alternative modes of being in Mauritius, young people’s identification practices question, challenge, and threaten to disrupt official discourses of ethnic identification in Mauritius Scholarly investigations of young peoples’ lived experiences of nationhood extend theoretical and methodological frames for the study of nationalized subjects and deepen the understanding of the construction of national consciousness. The construction of nationhood always involves narratives of some sort – scholarship on this area has usually focused on official state narratives from social theorists, state governments, and state elites. I argue for the importance of considering subjectivity and lived experience in conceptions of nationhood. In contemporary post-colonial societies, young people are the numerical majority, however, their voices are seldom represented in theories and narratives of nationhood. Whilst young people may appear in state policies (especially education) and official narratives about the future of the nation, their creative imagining and reimagining of narratives of selfhood is often ignored. I examine how young people increasingly are aware of their transnational connections, through participation in transnational youth cultures, and they are consequently increasingly multi-lingual and multicultural. Fixed notions of ethnic identification and discourses of trauma are not at the forefront of young people’s identification of selfhood, rather their ability to take advantage of their multiply situated identification processes allows them new means to evade and transform these narratives. Their identification of selfhood is characterised by a greater degree of dynamism than previous generations had access to, and thus they do not only identify themselves through officially sanctioned national forms of identification. Loyalty to nationhood is thus less predictable, and young people represent a potential threat to the continuation of older forms of nationhood. While official narratives of nationhood may manipulate ethnic and racial cleavages to secure old loyalties, not all young people are persuaded by these notions
27
Suarez, David. "The Western Sahara and the Search for the Roots of Sahrawi National Identity". FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3010.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This work is a socio-historical study of the roots of Sahrawi national identity. The Sahrawi are a community of people who live in the Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony. Most of its territory has been occupied since 1975 by Morocco, which denies the existence of a distinctive population inhabiting the Western Sahara. In contrast, the POLISARIO Front, vanguard of the Sahrawi nationalist movement, argues that the Western Sahara belongs to the Sahrawi and seeks its full independence. It bases its claims on the notion of a distinctive history, language, and culture for the Sahrawi, separate from that of Moroccans.
The central question of this study asks, “What are the origins of Sahrawi national identity?” This study provides a detailed account of Sahrawi identity formation and how it has developed in intensity and scope. It renders a clear understanding of the Sahrawi phenomenon, useful to the international community in its deliberations on the validity of their nationalism. This study examines the foundation of Sahrawi identity through three different theoretical lenses, namely, primordialism, instrumentalism, and constructivism. The study analyzes arguments derived from each of these theoretical approaches, acknowledging the diversity of arguments about the sources of national identity. This study also demonstrates how a national identity can develop over a long period of time as a succession of layers. This study locates the final moment of Sahrawi identity formation in the twentieth century, but adds that this conclusion utilizes essential markers of differentiation that persist over time—the building blocks of any national identity.
28
Anderson, Zoe Melantha Helen. "At the borders of belonging : representing cultural citizenship in Australia, 1973-1984". University of Western Australia. History Discipline Group, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0176.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
[Truncated abstract] This thesis offers a re-contextualisation of multiculturalism and immigration in Australia in the 1970s and 80s in relation to crucial and progressive shifts in gender and sexuality. It provides new ways of examining issues of belonging and cultural citizenship in this field of inquiry, within an Australian context. The thesis explores the role sexuality played in creating a framework through which anxieties about immigration and multiculturalism manifested. It considers how debates about gender and sexuality provided fuel to concerns about ethnic diversity and breaches of the 'cultural' borders of Australia. I have chosen three significant historical moments in which anxieties around events relating to immigration/multiculturalism were most heightened: these are the beginning of the 'official' policy of multiculturalism in Australia in 1973; the arrival of large numbers of Vietnamese refugees as a consequence of the Vietnam War in 1979; and 1984, a year in which the furore over the alleged 'Asianisation' of Australia reached a peak. In these years, multiple and recurring representations served to recreate norms as applicable to the white heterosexual family, not only as a commentary and prescriptive device for migrants, but as a means of reinforcing 'Australianness' itself. A focus on the body as a border/site of belonging and in turn, crucially, its relationship to the heterosexual nuclear family as a marker of 'cultural citizenship', lies at the heart of this exploration. Normative ideas of gender and sexuality, I demonstrate, were integral in informing the ambivalence about multiculturalism and ethnic diversity in Australia. Indeed, for each of these years I examine how the discourses of gender and sexuality, evident for example in parliamentary debates such as that relating to the Sex Discrimination Act 1984, were intricately tied to ongoing concerns regarding growing non-white ethnicity in Australia, and indeed, enabled it. ... In pursuing this contribution, the work draws critically upon recent innovative interdisciplinary scholarship in the field of sexuality and immigration, and draws upon a broad range of sources to inform a comprehensive and complex examination of these issues. Sources employed include the major newspapers and periodicals of the time, Parliamentary debates from the Commonwealth House of Representatives, Parliamentary Committee findings and publications, speeches and polemics, and relevant legislation. This inquiry is an interrogation of a key methodological question: can sexuality, in its workings through ethnicity and 'race', be used as a primary tool of analysis in discussing how whiteness and 'Australianness' reconfigured itself through normative heteropatriarchy in an era that claimed to champion and celebrate difference? How and why did ambiguities concerning 'Australianness' prevail, concurrent with progressive and generally politically benign periods of Australian multiculturalism? The thesis argues that sexuality through the construction of the 'good white hetero-patriarchal family' both informed, and enabled, the endurance of anxieties around non-white ethnicity in Australia.
29
Bhambra, Manmit Kaur. "The social worlds and identities of young British Sikhs and Hindus in London". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:320867c1-95bf-4e1e-a6cd-15e456ff6347.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis is centred on exploring the identity options and orientations of young British Indians, from Sikh and Hindu backgrounds, who are British born and living in the London area. Recent socio-political debates have assumed a lack of Britishness amongst these young people, an assumption that is rooted in the belief that high bonding capital within ethnic minorities has led to a lack of bridging capital. This thesis argues that such statements are an essentialisation of the reality of these young people. In fact, their sources of belonging are far more complex, and far less threatening than we may be led to believe. Through the utilisation of eighty in-depth interviews, this thesis presents the intricate social worlds of these young people and the range of orientations (positive and negative) they feel towards component parts of their social worlds, as well as examining the strength and permeability of boundaries that demarcate these social worlds. The final substantive chapter deals with Britishness, and uncovers and presents the different perceptions and understandings that these young people have about British national identity and the ways in which it is accommodated (or not) alongside other important sources of belonging. It is found that a multi-dimensional approach to identity and belonging is best suited to understand the diverse and highly individualistic trajectories of these young people and that 'diverse-dual identities' are the most common pattern of belonging in this particular empirical case. This thesis make a significant contribution to the existing theoretical frameworks on identity and assimilation as well as the current socio-political debates on Britishness and the cultural integration of ethnic minorities in Britain, by presenting data on an under-researched group, British Indians, and highlighting the range of experiences within this group and the sources of this diversity.
30
Olin, Mary N. "Through the Eyes of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots: The Perception of Cyprus". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/871.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
It is important to consider the effects of past conflicts on the current perceptions of the people of Cyprus and of the future generations. This thesis contends that the ongoing division of Cyprus along with the many unresolved issues regarding past conflicts have had a profound effect on how the people of Cyprus perceive new information in regard to their future. The inquiry will explore the historical background of Cyprus and the affects of nationalism. The need for enemies, large group identity, divided societies and the need for dialogue will also be examined in relation to perception and new information. In light of the interviews and the lived experiences in Cyprus questions arise in regard to how the Cypriots will move forward to a solution that is agreeable to both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. With each person's perception being influenced by the past conflicts, pain and suffering how will they move forward? How has protracted conflict and nationalism influenced the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot perceptions to new information including a possible solution in Cyprus?
31
Canuday, Jose Jowel. "Music, dances, and videos : identity making and the cosmopolitan imagination in the southern Philippines". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ad25b3dd-8d0c-4c9a-8b0a-c85eb3255dd3.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This ethnography examines the processes in which rooted but overlapping forms of cosmopolitan engagements implicate the Tausug imagination of collectivity. It investigates Tausug expression of connection and belonging as they find themselves entangled into global cultural flow and caught up in the state and secessionist politics of attachment. Utilising methodological and theoretical approaches engendered by visual and material anthropology, the ethnography locates rooted cosmopolitan imagination in the works and lives of creative but marginalised and often silenced Tausug cultural agents engaged in street-based production, circulation, and consumption of popular music and dance videos on compact discs. The ethnography follows these cosmopolitan expressions as they are being imagined, embodied, reproduced, and shared by and across Tausug communities in the Zamboanga peninsula, the Sulu archipelago, and beyond through the digital spaces of the internet and cross-border flow of the videos. How the translocality of imaginaries reflected on the videos play out in everyday life and the broader politics of representation are demonstrated here as vital to the understanding of Tausug imagined community as an open, flexible, and dynamically engaging Muslim society despite long-standing political turbulence and economic uncertainty in their midst. Saliently, the thesis argues that Tausug cosmopolitanism cannot be reduced into a phenomenon driven by the expansive currents of Western-led globalisation. Rather, Tausug cosmopolitanism constitutes both continuity of and departure from past forms of translocal connections of Zamboanga and Sulu, which as a region was once integrated to a pre-colonial Southeast Asian emporium and continually through varying ways of connectedness. Old and new global processes come into play in shaping the everyday production of Tausug imaginaries inevitably rendering Tausug identity formation as a trajectory rather than an unchanging fact of being. Drawing from the Tausug ethnographic experience, the thesis contends that rooted cosmopolitanism does not necessarily constitute a singular condition but rather a contested and distinctively multifaceted phenomenon.
32
Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
33
Sarsilmaz, Defne. ""I am a Teacher, a Woman's Activist, and a Mother": Political Consciousness and Embodied Resistance in Antakya's Arab Alawite Community". FIU Digital Commons, 2017. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3542.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Often pointed to as the region’s model secular state, Turkey provides an instructive case study in how nationalism, in the name of conjuring ‘unity’, often produces the opposite effect. Indeed, the production of nationalism can create fractures amongst, as well as politicize, certain segments of a population, such as minority groups and women. This dissertation examines the long-term and present-day impacts on nationalist unity of a largely understudied event, the annexation of the border-city of Antakya from Syria in 1939, and its implications on the Arab Alawite population. In doing so, it deconstructs the dominant Turkish narrative on the annexation, rewrites the narrative drawing on oral history from the ground, and it shows how nation-building is a masculinist project that relies on powerfully gendered language through studying the national archives. The heart of the project, however, remains the investigation of the political, social, and religious subjectivity of Arab Alawite women, with an emphasis on resistance to the structures and practices sustained by the state and patriarchy.
The Arab Alawites, once numerically dominant in the Antakya region, are now an ethno-religious minority group within the Turkish/Sunni-dominated state structure. Although Antakya was the last territory to join Turkey in 1939, ever since that time many of its Alawites have resisted assimilation through covert, yet peaceful, methods. Through this research, I show that a multiplicity of forces have increased the politicization of the Antiochian Alawite community and broadened their demands upon the Turkish state. My research highlights Alawite women’s leadership as a key driver of this process, thanks to the large-scale out migration of Alawite men, the increased socio-economic independence of Alawite women, and the perception of more progressive gender ideals being held by the members of this Muslim sect, when compared to those of nearby Sunni Turkish women.
This dissertation relies on a postcolonial and feminist geopolitical analysis of the Turkish nationalist project to examine how the Turkish state has historically viewed Antakya and the Arab Alawites and how, in return, the experience and collective social and political memory of Alawites was formed. By utilizing innovative methodologies, this research shows how Alawite women are resisting/rewriting/reconfiguring political and social structures through everyday actions that shift the discourse on minorities and women on local and national scales.
34
Cariès, Ricardo. "Récits nationaux gouvernementaux : analyse comparative des guides de citoyenneté canadiens (1947-2012)". Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/23699.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Ce mémoire porte sur les guides de citoyenneté produits depuis 1947 par le gouvernement canadien. Ceux-ci visent à préparer les personnes candidates à la citoyenneté à un examen attestant de leur connaissance du pays, de son histoire, de ses institutions et de ses valeurs. Périodiquement mis à jour, ces guides constituent des récits officiels de l’histoire de la nation. Il s’agira ici d’en étudier les représentations du Canada et de son histoire.
L’objectif de cette recherche est triple : (1) identifier les transformations du récit national au fil des éditions des guides ; (2) analyser les types d’acteurs qui y sont posés comme étant les protagonistes de l’histoire canadienne ainsi que les caractéristiques qui leur sont attribuées ; (3) rendre compte des visions du monde social proposées par les guides, c’est-à-dire des catégories et des schémas utilisés pour présenter, interpréter et analyser le Canada.
Attentif à la saillance du nationalisme et de l’ethnicité dans les discours, ce mémoire s’inscrit dans une approche constructiviste de ces phénomènes tributaire des apports de Max Weber, de Fredrik Barth et de Benedict Anderson. Il porte ainsi attention aux processus de catégorisation inhérents aux représentations de la nation et de l’ethnicité. Cette démarche vise à comprendre comment la nation canadienne et les acteurs qui la constituent sont construits discursivement dans les guides comme des acteurs nationaux et ethniques.
Ce mémoire s’appuie sur une analyse comparative des guides de citoyenneté publiés entre 1947 et 2012. Il mobilise des approches qualitatives de la méthodologie d’analyse de contenu. L’analyse comparative des trames narratives des guides et des personnages qui y sont mis en scène vise à identifier les continuités et les tensions entre les versions du récit national.This thesis focuses on citizenship manuals that have been produced by the Canadian government since 1947. Their aim is to prepare persons applying for citizenship for an examination attesting to their knowledge of the country, its history, institutions, and values. Updated periodically, these manuals constitute an official narrative of the nation’s history. In this study, we will analyze the representations of Canada and its history. The purpose of this research is three-fold: (1) identify the changes in the national narrative throughout the editions of the manuals; (2) analyze the type of figures who have been established as protagonists of Canadian history as well as the characteristics attributed to them; and (3) give an account of the social worldviews put forward by the manuals, which is to say the categories and schemata used to present, interpret, and analyze Canada. Attentive to the salience of nationalism and ethnicity in discourse, this thesis adopts a constructivist approach to these phenomena by building on contributions made by Max Weber, Fredrik Barth, and Benedict Anderson. Thus, it addresses the processes of categorization inherent in representations of nation and ethnicity. The aim of this approach is to understand how the Canadian nation and the figures who make it up are constructed discursively in the manuals as national and ethnic figures. This thesis uses a comparative analysis of citizenship manuals published between 1947 and 2012. The methodology includes qualitative approaches to content analysis. The comparative analysis of the storylines found in the manuals and of the characters depicted aims to identify continuities and tensions between the different versions of the national narrative.
35
Forcier, Mathieu. "La construction des frontières nationales à l’ère numérique : analyse critique des discours en ligne sur l’immigration et les minorités racialisées au Québec". Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22700.
Testo completo
36
Skenderija, Ivana. "Srbská krsna slava v Bosně a Hercegovině". Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339553.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This thesis focuses on issues of multi-layered identities within a social space. It analyzes ritual (or ceremony) as one of the codified displays of culture within which collective ideas and attitudes regarding identity are manifested, shared, and strengthened. Bosnian Serbs - due to political and social change - were forced to redefine their position in society, as well as their (collective) identities and social ties. Slava is a fundamental ritual seen as an attribute of "Serbianness", and in the context of this study, manifests itself as an indicator of establishment and validity of collective identities. Slava is a traditional celebration practiced by Orthodox believers in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Bulgary, Albania, and Macedonia. It is a festivity of either a family, village, or local church patron. At the center of this research will be an individual slava of a family patron saint, krsna slava, or krsno ime. For Bosnian Serbs, krsna slava is currently a revitalized ritual concurring with local tradition and convening with social ambitions of current inhabitants in the region (otherwise it would not be revitalized). The pertinence of this research subject is given by the nature of ritual itself as it is founded on collective sharing and the manifestation of common ideas1 ....
37
Pavils, Janice Gwenllian. "ANZAC culture : a South Australian case study of Australian identity and commemoration of war dead / Janice Gwenllian Pavils". 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/22186.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
"December 2004"Bibliography: leaves 390-420.
vii, 420 leaves : ill., maps, photos. (col.) ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, Discipline of History, 2005