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Cassia, Paul Sant. "Religion, politics and ethnicity in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878)". European Journal of Sociology 27, n. 1 (maggio 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004501.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity and politics in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878), the period of Ottoman rule. Its major thesis is that in the pre-industrial framework of Ottoman rule in Cyprus neither religion nor ethnicity were major sources of conflict in a society composed of two ethnic groups (Greeks and Turks) and following two monotheistic faiths(Christianity and Islam) in marked contrast to the recent history of Cyprus. In broad outline it closely parallels Gellner's thesis (1983) that nationalism is a by-product of industrialization, extensive education literacy and geographical and social mobility, and it seeks to show that the major cleavages in Cyprus were mainly intraethnic rather than interethnic.
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Oka, Kayleen U. "Ethnicity and Nationalism". American Journal of Islam and Society 21, n. 4 (1 ottobre 2004): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i4.1764.
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Thomas Hylland Eriksen’s second edition of Ethnicity and Nationalismcomes over 10 years after the first. In light of a decade’s worth of historicaland political changes, this new edition has been expanded to covertransnationalism, hybridity, and globalization, and includes a new chapteron multiculturalism, culture, and rights. The book, which is presented as a core text for social anthropology students and a leading introduction to thefield, takes its theoretical standpoint from social anthropology but alsodraws on studies from anthropology and sociology. Its main themes remainthe same as the first edition: reflexive identity and social change, identitypolitics, social complexity, and group dynamics ...
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Smith, A. D. "Introduction: Ethnicity and Nationalism". International Journal of Comparative Sociology 33, n. 1-2 (1 gennaio 1992): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071529203300101.
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Smith, Anthony D. "Introduction: Ethnicity and Nationalism". International Journal of Comparative Sociology 33, n. 1-2 (1992): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002071592x00013.
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Bakic, Jovo. "Theoretical approaches to ethnicity, nationalism and nation". Sociologija 48, n. 3 (2006): 231–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0603231b.
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The author takes into consideration main theory of ethnicity and nationalism: primordialism, perennialism, modernism, ethno-symbolism, post-modernism, and interactionism. He pays his attention on both good and bad features of the different theoretical approaches in order to formulate his own approach. In addition, he offers several the most famous and convincing definitions and typologies of the nations and nationalism. At the end, he tries to make definitions of the ethnicity (ethnical connectedness), ethnical resource, e. g. language, religion, "race", ethnic myths etc, ethnic category, and ethnic as well as to briefly outline his own approach that is basically interactionist with some additions of ethno-symbolism.
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Hidalgo, Margarita. "Bilingual Education, Nationalism and Ethnicity in Mexico". Language Problems and Language Planning 18, n. 3 (1 gennaio 1994): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.18.3.05hid.
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RESUMEN Educatión bilingüe, nacionalismo y etnicidad en México: De la teoria a la práctica Este artículo describe el modelo de asimilaciôn de los grupos indígenas de México a la vida nacional a través de la educación bilingue (EB). La EB se ha usado como el instrumento que facilita el desplazamiento lingüístico. La EB se examina a la luz de un discurso superior que define la identidad nacional como una parte activa del nacionalismo. A su vez el nacionalismo esta fuertemente vinculado al Estado, el aparato de control de masas más efectivo. Se examina la trayectoria de casi quinientos anos de castellanizaciôn y como unos doscientos de política nacionalista: ambas trayectorias se vinculan a otra variable importante: la etnicidad central. Se propone ademâs que las fuerzas ideológicas que impiden una inversión del desplazamiento lingiiistico se encuentran profundamente arraigadas en las tradiciones de castellanizaciôn y nacionalismo. Las demandas de los grupos indigenas a tener education en sus propias lenguas maternas han generado una abundante literatura sobre un curriculo bilingue-bicultural. Sin embargo, los estudiosos de asuntos indigenas, los profesores bilingues y los funcionarios públicos no se han desprendido de las pesadas tradiciones arriba mencionadas. Por tanto, en los ultimos quince anos, no hay una sola prueba de que las lenguas maternas de los indigenas se usen en la educaciôn formal y se mantengan por efectos de la misma. Por el contrario, el proceso de desplazamiento es continuo. Y como la EB es subvencionada enteramente por el Estado, los grupos encargados de estudiar y proponer estrategias de mantenimiento de las lenguas maternas, lejos de proponer una inversión temporal o permanente del desplazamiento lingiiistico, han asimilado los dictados del Estado — el representante por excelencia del nacionalismo —, a través de un proceso de acomodo en las instituciones estatales, que sirve a su vez para logar la movilidad social ascendente. RESUMO Dulingva edukado, naciismo kaj etneco en Meksikio: de la teorio al la praktiko La artikolo priskribas modelon de la adaptiĝo de indiĝenaj meksikaj popoloj al la ĝenerala socio. Dulingva edukado estis uzita kiel faciligilo de lingvoŝanĝo. Dulingva edukado estas studata rilate al la debato, okazanta sur pli alta nivelo, pri nacia identeco kaj naciismo. La vojo tra preskaŭ kvincent jaroj de kastiliigo kaj ĉirkaŭ ducent jaroj de naciisma politiko estas studata kaj ligata al alia grava variablo: la kreo de centra etneco. La aŭtoro sugestas, ke la fortoj, kiuj nun malhelpas la renverson de la lingvoŝanĝo, havas profundajn radikojn en tiuj tradicioj. El la postulo de indiĝenaj grupoj pri edukado en la denaska lingvo rezultis vigla diskuto pri la avantaĝoj de dulingva kaj dukultura instrutemaro, sed la sciencistoj, instruistoj kaj administristoj ne trovis taŭgajn strategiojn por malfermi spacon por la denaska lingvo en la formala edukado aŭ en neformalaj terenoj. Post forpelo de la Somera Instituto de Lingvistiko, kiu supozeble uzis dulingvan edukadon por religia konvertado, ĉiuj projektoj nuntempe estas zorgataj de institucioj financataj aŭ stirataj de la regis-taro. Ili efike ensorbis sciencistojn, dulingvajn instruistojn kaj administristojn — el kiuj la lastaj du grupoj jen kaj jen havas indiĝenajn anojn. La postuloj de la indianaj popoloj estis kvietigitaj per politiko de aranĝoj, kiu kutime tendencas al la nacia ŝtato kaj la centra etneco, la meksikeco.
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Shanin, Teodor. "Ethnicity in the Soviet Union: Analytical Perceptions and Political Strategies". Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, n. 3 (luglio 1989): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015978.
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Social facts and policies can be understood only in light of our own perceptions. This holds true with a vengeance where ethnicity, nationhood, or nationalism are concerned. All through the twentieth century this syndromecum-terminological chain has played an extensive, puzzling and usually unpredicted part in structuring social life and political action. New ethnic identities (for example, Tanzania'ism or Indonesian'ism) with their related designations and loyalties have cometo the fore with a speed that reveals the transitional and relational nature of ethnic phenomena. The same holds true for the ups and downs of acute nationalism. On the other hand, many throughout the world would agree with the great Catalonian historian, Pierre Vilar, whose internationalist values are not in doubt, that “in the relationship between my own life and history, nationals problems seem to overwhelm all others.” However one may conceptualize ethnicity and nationalism, their political impact has provided a major and continuous dimension of social action.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "ETHNIC ELEMENT IN THE CONTEMPORARY GEORGIAN POSTMODERNIST INTELLECTUAL DISCOURSE (“ARILI” AND “DIDGORI” AS ACTORS OF “IMAGINED COMMUNITIES” AND “INVENTED TRADITIONS”)". History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 16, n. 2 (12 luglio 2020): 376–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch162376-393.
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The author analyzes the collective ideas about ethnicity and ethnic culture in the modern intellectual discourse of Georgia in contexts of interdisciplinary theories of nationalism. The purpose of the article is to analyze the various forms and dimensions of “ethnicity” and “ethnic culture” in modern Georgian cultural nationalism as a modernist and constructivist project. It is assumed that the modern project of the nation in Georgia is based on the imagination of Georgians as a political community and the actualization of the concepts of “kartveloba”. Kartveloba is defined as an invented tradition that arose in intellectual discourse as a result of transplantation of Western theories of nationalism. The author analyzes the role of ethnicity and ethnic culture in the development of modern Georgian nationalist imagination in the contexts of the activities of intellectuals as the main producers of nationalist discourse? In modernist historiography, nationalism is imagined as a social and cultural construct and one of the consequences of modernization, which minimizes the factor of ethnicity, reducing it to one of the invented traditions. It is assumed that Georgian intellectuals are active in their attempts to support and develop the concept of “kartveloba” as a synthetic version of Georgianness. The author believes that intellectuals are not inclined to ethnographization of ethnic culture, rejecting its museufication in the world of postmodernity and consumer society. It is presumed that Georgian intellectuals were able to synthesize the values of ethnicity and the principles of the nation as a political community. The author shows that Georgian ethnic culture is widely represented and actualized in cultural spaces, and the intellectual transplantation of Western culture does not exclude the manifestation of Georgian ethnicity, facilitating its integration into the Western canon.
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Chandler, Robin M. "Artisans and the Marketing of Ethnicity: Globalization, Indigenous Identity and Nobility Principle In Micro-Enterprise Development". Ethnic Studies Review 31, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2008): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2008.31.1.10.
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As a constructed category of human difference, ‘ethnicity’ has given way to ‘culture’ in its shared genealogy in the new millennium. Public knowledge about such phenomena as ‘ethnic cleansing’, debates on immigration, and the use of ethnicity as both a dependent and independent variable in research and policy are central realities in the domestic and foreign policies of many nations. The social psychology of group affiliation, nationalism, and the use of ethnicity (as well as gender) in workplace diversity, or the deployment of ethnicity in electoral politics continues to perplex and complicate human social interaction.
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Ramet, Pedro. "Primordial Ethnicity or Modern Nationalism: The Case of Yugoslavia's Muslims". Nationalities Papers 13, n. 2 (1985): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998508408020.
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One of the longest standing debates in social science has been that which has divided students of ethnicity over the issue of modernization. On the one side are the tribalists, who emphasize that the ethnonational consciousness of a self-defined group is historically rooted and believe that processes of racial and cultural homogenization associated with the broader phenomenon of modernization promote the gradual break-down of ethnic boundaries within states and ultimately encourage the spread of global culture and the disappearance of ‘tribal’ languages (here one might include such examples as Catalan, Sorb, Romansch, and perhaps also Welsh, Macedonian and Estonian). In this view, ethnocentrism is negatively correlated with the degree of interaction, and multiethnic societies are supposed to be less ethnocentric than ethnically homogeneous societies. There are two chief variants of this approach represented by the functionalists (assimilationists) and the Marxists.
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Weyland, Kurt. "Firmer Roots of Ethnicity and Nationalism? New Historical Research and Its Implications for Political Science". Perspectives on Politics 19, n. 2 (21 maggio 2021): 564–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592721000268.
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Among social scientists, constructivism has long reigned supreme in the study of ethnicity, nationality, and nationalism. Accordingly, scholars have highlighted the role of cultural framing and political choice in the definition of ethnic categories, their fluidity, and their flexible boundaries. Conversely, they have deemphasized the historical roots of ethnicity and depicted nations as the contested products of nationalist movements and political leaders and as (merely) “imagined communities” (Anderson 1991). Although constructivism encompasses a broad gamut of theories that differ in the malleability ascribed to ethnicity (Chandra 2012, 19–22, 139–49), recent authors have emphasized its susceptibility to change by highlighting manipulation by political-electoral entrepreneurs (Wilkinson 2012) and focusing on “identity in formation” (Laitin 1998), “ethnicity without groups” (Brubaker 2004), and “imagined noncommunities” characterized by “national indifference” (Zahra 2010).
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Lieberman, Victor. "Ethnic Hatred and Universal Benevolence: Ethnicity and Loyalty in Precolonial Myanmar, and Britain". Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, n. 2 (25 marzo 2021): 310–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000062.
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AbstractInsisting on a radical divide between post-1750 ideologies in Europe and earlier political thought in both Europe and Asia, modernist scholars of nationalism have called attention, quite justifiably, to European nationalisms’ unique focus on popular sovereignty, legal equality, territorial fixity, and the primacy of secular over universal religious loyalties. Yet this essay argues that nationalism also shared basic developmental and expressive features with political thought in pre-1750 Europe as well as in rimland—that is to say outlying—sectors of Asia. Polities in Western Europe and rimland Asia were all protected against Inner Asian occupation, all enjoyed relatively cohesive local geographies, and all experienced economic and social pressures to integration that were not only sustained but surprisingly synchronized throughout the second millennium. In Western Europe and rimland Asia each major state came to identify with a named ethnicity, specific artifacts became badges of inclusion, and central ethnicity expanded and grew more standardized. Using Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain as case studies, this essay reconstructs these centuries-long similarities in process and form between “political ethnicity,” on the one hand, and modern nationalism, on the other. Finally, however, this essay explores cultural and material answers to the obvious question: if political ethnicities in Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain were indeed comparable, why did the latter realm alone generate recognizable expressions of nationalism? As such, this essay both strengthens and weakens claims for European exceptionalism.
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Handoko, Susanto T., e La Ode Hasirun. "Relasi Nasionalisme Etnik, Nasionalisme Negara dan Nasionalisme Kewarganegaraan di Papua". Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 4, n. 2 (11 dicembre 2019): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v4i2.24269.
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This article aims to discuss the dynamics of relations between ethnic nationalism, civic nationalism and state nationalism in the Land of Papua. The growth and development of Papuan ethnic nationalism since the integration of Papua into reform was caused by Indonesian state policies. Historical method is used in this research. The research approach is a qualitative approach to phenomenological research design. Strengthening Papuan ethnic nationalism due to the Central Government's (Jakarta) policies that were not fully accepted by indigenous Papuans. The Papuan people felt marginalized and discriminated against in the process of development in both the political, economic, social and cultural fields, especially during the New Order government. Papuan ethnic nationalism is characterized by demands for independence from the Indonesian state and instrumentalization of ethnicity for political purposes. Ethnic nationalism eventually shifts the civic and or state nationalism as part of the Indonesian state.
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Heywood, Linda M. "Unita and Ethnic Nationalism in Angola". Journal of Modern African Studies 27, n. 1 (marzo 1989): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015627.
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Over the last decade or so scholars in the social sciences have been reassessing works on the rise of nationalism in Africa published in the 1960s and early 1970s. These earlier studies, written during the euphoria following independence and the spread of liberation ideology, regarded the transfer of power to the African élite as signalling the end of subjugation to European control and the emergence of modern African states.1This revision focused on the post-colonial state and its rôle as a mediator between competing groups for power and the allocation of resources.2Since then, the trend has generated a revival in understanding ethnicity which is again seen as a major force in most of the crises which have troubled Africa.
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Encarnación, Omar G. "Ethnicity and Violence: The Case of Radical Basque Nationalism (review)". Human Rights Quarterly 30, n. 4 (2008): 1011–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.0.0033.
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Burton, Elise K. "Narrating ethnicity and diversity in Middle Eastern national genome projects". Social Studies of Science 48, n. 5 (ottobre 2018): 762–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312718804888.
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Most Middle Eastern populations outside Israel have not been represented in Western-based international human genome sequencing efforts. In response, national-level projects have emerged throughout the Middle East to decode the Arab, Turkish and Iranian genomes. The discourses surrounding the ‘national genome’ that shape scientists’ representation of their work to local and international audiences evoke three intersecting analytics of nationalism: methodological, postcolonial and diasporic. Methodologically, ongoing human genome projects in Turkey and Iran follow the population logics of other national and international genome projects, for example justifying research with reference to projected health benefits to their fellow citizens. Meanwhile, assumptions about and representations of ethnicity and diversity are deeply inflected by local histories of scientific development and nationalist politics. While Iranian geneticists have transformed this paradigm to catalog national genetic diversity through a discourse of ‘Iranian ethnicities’, Turkish geneticists remain politically constrained from acknowledging ethnic diversity and struggle to distance their work from racialized narratives of Turkish national identity. Such nationally-framed narratives of genomic diversity are not confined to their original contexts, but travel abroad, as demonstrated by a US-based genome project that articulates a form of Iranian-American diasporic nationalism.
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Mumtaz, Soofia. "Paul R. Brass. Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1991. x+358 pages. Hardbound. Indian Rupees 325.00". Pakistan Development Review 35, n. 1 (1 marzo 1996): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v35i1pp.95-96.
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This book is a collection of nine essays. Except for the last chapter, all the essays were written between 1978 and 1990 and are extentions of an earlier work, Language, Religion, and Politics in North India (Cambridge University Press) published by the author in 1974. Two main arguments constitute the theme of the book. First, that ethnicity and nationalism are social and political constructions of modern conditions rather than reflections of primordial identities. Second, that both these constructions are related to the role of a centralising state. They depend upon the kinds of alliances that are made between the state and the regional or other non-dominant élites. As such, ethnicity and nationalism are seen as the outcome of interactions between the state leadership and the élites from non-dominant ethnic groups, especially the groups on the peripheries of such states.
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Tilly, Charles. "Citizenship, Identity and Social History". International Review of Social History 40, S3 (dicembre 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.
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With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.
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Sohrabi, Nader. "Reluctant Nationalists, Imperial Nation-State, and Neo-Ottomanism: Turks, Albanians, and the Antinomies of the End of Empire". Social Science History 42, n. 4 (2018): 835–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.4.
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Nationalism's role in the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire is re-examined. Traditionalists blamed the breakdown on the extreme nationalism of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) while today's orthodoxy attributes it to the external contingency of the Balkan Wars and World War I instead. This article looks at the onerous state-building and mild nation-building demands put forth by the CUP toward the Albanians. The Albanian resistance created unstable coalitions that broadened to include north and south, and tempered religion in favor of ethnicity, but fell short of demanding independence. The First Balkan War forced a vulnerable Albania to reluctantly declare independence for which it had made contingent plans. The Ottoman center refused to change course and its pursuit of an imperial nation-state prompted other populations to think and act more ethnically than ever before and draw up their own contingent plans. The concept of ethnicity without groups (Brubaker) and the causal connection between state-building and nationalism (Hechter) are critically assessed in the Ottoman context.
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Rogers, John D. "Post-Orientalism and the Interpretation of Premodern and Modern Political Identities: The Case of Sri Lanka". Journal of Asian Studies 53, n. 1 (febbraio 1994): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059524.
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Interpretations of ethnic and cultural nationalism in South Asia have been marked by a tension between “primordialist” and “modernist” approaches. In keeping with the more influential general works on ethnicity and nationalism (Gellner 1983; Anderson 1983; Horowitz 1985; Tambiah 1989), modernist interpretations now generally prevail in scholarly accounts. These works usually trace the roots of ethnic and cultural nationalism to the social and religious reform movements of the nineteenth century, which are seen as indigenous responses to the impact of colonial rule. The emphasis given to particular aspects of colonialism varies, but includes cultural influences, such as Western education; economic factors, including changes in class structure; and political changes, such as the extension of representative government. These modernist interpretations, however, are not entirely unchallenged within scholarship, and primordialist views, which draw more direct links between ethnic nationalism and precolonial identities, remain strong in political, journalistic, and popular forums.
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Vaughan, Leslie J. "Cosmopolitanism, Ethnicity and American Identity: Randolph Bourne's “ Trans-National America ”". Journal of American Studies 25, n. 3 (dicembre 1991): 443–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800034289.
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This paper examines the contestation over otherness – in the form of ethnicity and national identity – that arose in the U.S. during World War I, culminating in the Red Scare of the 1920s. In the narrative of “Americanization,” immigration policies were joined with a militant nationalism, aiming to eliminate “enemies within” and from without, through a process of deportation, the criminalization of dissent and military interventionism. The demonization of immigrant-otherness became a means of strengthening solidarity among Anglo-Saxons, at a time when their cohesiveness was being challenged internally. As such, the history of America's internal control over its immigrant self is the familiar one of the limits of liberalism.
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Scott, David, e C. Geertz. "The demonology of nationalism: on the anthropology of ethnicity and violence in Sri Lanka". Economy and Society 19, n. 4 (novembre 1990): 491–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085149000000018.
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Tennekoon, S. "Some Reflections on Historical Revisionism and Nationalism: The Divayina Debate on Ethnicity and Social Change". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 6, n. 2 (1 settembre 1986): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07323867-6-2-27.
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Mayrl, Damon. "Negotiating the Politics of Diversity: A Symposium on Rogers Brubaker’s Grounds for Difference". Social Science History 43, n. 02 (2019): 365–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.4.
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Rogers Brubaker’s work has been a touchstone for the study of ethnicity, nationalism, and politics for more than a quarter-century. His recent book, Grounds for Difference, offers an important new theoretical statement on the politics and organization of cultural diversity. In this symposium, four prominent historical sociologists provide commentary on the possibilities and complexities of the book, with particular attention to their normative, political, and methodological implications.
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Semenenko, I. "Nations, Nationalism, National Identity: New Dimensions in Academic Discourse". World Economy and International Relations 59, n. 11 (2015): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-91-102.
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Analyzing discourses on interethnic relations can contribute to a clearer understanding of the focal points of tensions in contemporary political communities sharing a common territory and common political institutions. These discourses represent the complex of problems related to nation-building and are generated both in the public sphere and in academic discussion. As such, they often develop separately one from the other. Assessing the current academic discourse on nations and nationalism, on nation-building and the nation-state, on citizenship, cultural diversity and interethnic conflict can contribute to the formation of the agenda of a politics of identity aimed at building a civic nation. Memory politics deserve special attention in this context, as the interpretation of historic memory has today become a powerful instrument that political elites can use to consolidate the nation and, in different contexts, to politicize ethnicity and deepen cleavages in existing nation-states. The affirmation of a positive civic (national) identity is a reference framework for modern democratic societies, and it is in meeting the challenges of politicizing ethnicity that political priorities and academic interests meet. However, the current domination of politics over academia in this conflict prone sphere contributes to its radicalization and to the formation of negative and exclusive identities that can be manipulated to pursue elitist group interests. Evaluating models of political organization alternative to the ones known today (such as “the nation-state”) does not aspire to “write off” the nation, but this can help to come up with visions and ideas politics can take up to overcome the conflict potential that contemporary societies generate over ethnic issues. Acknowledgements. This article was prepared with financial support provided by the Russian Science Foundation [research grant № 15-18-00021, “Regulating interethnic relations and managing ethnic and social conflicts in the contemporary world: the resource potential of civic identity (a comparative political analysis)”]. The research was conducted at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO), RAS.
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Fanning, Bryan. "In Defence of Methodological Nationalism: Immigrants and the Irish Nation-State". Irish Journal of Sociology 21, n. 1 (maggio 2013): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.21.1.2.
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The focus of this article is on tensions between transnationalism and methodological nationalism in the sociology of immigration, with reference to sociological analyses of the Irish case. Cosmopolitans, critical theorists and others who emphasis global interdependences, inequalities and risks see the focus on the nation-state as deeply flawed. The case for sociological transnationalism is that it addresses lives lived at odds with borders, nation-state containers and the cages of national identities. It challenges perceptions that the nation-state, a relatively new human invention, is natural, inevitable or static. However, both nationalism and ethnicity have persisted as categorical identities invoked by elites and other participants in political and social struggles and need to be still taken seriously.
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Atanasov, Petar. "Macedonia between nationalism(s) and multiculturalism: The framework agreement and its multicultural conjectures". Sociologija 45, n. 4 (2003): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0304303a.
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This paper deals with the nationalism(s) and multiculturalism in the Macedonian society, and the multicultural democracy contingency within Macedonian practice. Furthermore, it shed lights on the implementation of the Framework Agreement after the conflict of 2001 seen through the national and multicultural paradigm In addition the paper attempts to correlate the class and the ethnicity in Macedonian socialist pre- ethnic period, with the transition processes and current Macedonian state-of-affairs The paper argues that the management of ethnic differences must reconcile the two nationalisms and in opposite direction, the 'battle' for the resources and symbols between Macedonians and Albanians will reinforce the affections toward their own national (ethnic) identity.
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Maswekan, Max. "SISTEM NILAI PELA SEBAGAI MODAL SOSIAL DALAM RANGKA PENGUATAN KEBANGSAAN PADA BASIS LOKAL DI MALUKU". ARUMBAE: Jurnal Ilmiah Teologi dan Studi Agama 2, n. 1 (4 giugno 2020): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37429/arumbae.v2i1.415.
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Indonesia is a pluralistic country (diverse) in terms of ethnicity, religion, culture, language and social system. This diversity is a blessing that is given as a potential wealth of the nation. On the one hand, this potential can be managed to strengthen nationality and people's welfare, but on the other hand, it can be a potential conflict that can weaken and even solve (disintegration) of nationalism if it is not managed properly. Indonesia has a variety of local wisdom as invaluable social capital. One of them is Pela in Maluku which has a value system that is capable of marching and strengthening (integration) nationalism. The Pela value system has at least four functions that are able to effectively integrate (social cohesion) and strengthen national potential at the local (regional) level, especially in Maluku.
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Bigagli, Francesco. "School, ethnicity and nation-building in post-colonial Myanmar". Research in Educational Policy and Management 1, n. 1 (16 dicembre 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.46303/repam.01.01.1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Drawing on concepts of ethnicity and ethnic nationalism, this paper seeks to analyze the reasons and extent to which school education has been utilized to define the newborn nation. This will be done through an analysis of Myanmar’s political history and, subsequently, through an examination of specific educational policies and practices such as the introduction of a one-language policy, standardized curriculum and textbooks and teacher-centered pedagogies that have deliberately been used in the attempt to assimilate rather than integrate Myanmar’s ethnic diversity. The second part of the paper will address the nature and dynamics of decades of identity-based conflicts arguing that the “ethnicization”of the education system in favour of the Bamar majority has not only acted as a catalyst for the perpetuation of violence exacerbating divisions along civil-military lines but has reinforced ethno-linguistic identities through the use of education as a tool of resistance, with critical implications for social cohesion, tolerance for diversity and the overall future of the country.
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Korhonen, Pekka. "Book Review: The Politics of Multiple Belonging: Ethnicity and Nationalism in Europe and East Asia". China Information 20, n. 1 (marzo 2006): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x0602000107.
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Gorshkov, M. K., e E. A. Bagramov. "“New nationalism” and the issue of nations in the interpretation of American social theorists". RUDN Journal of Sociology 20, n. 4 (15 dicembre 2020): 733–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2020-20-4-733-751.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article considers the so-called new nationalism that has been developing in the United States and other Western countries since the last decades of the 20th century as a system of ideas about nations, sovereignty, racial and national relations, and also currents of nationalism. Recent forecasts of the ideologists of globalism about the inevitable departure from the political scene of nation-states, nations and nationalism are opposed by the contemporary nationalism which became a real political factor, primarily in the United States. The authors show the variety of concepts of nationalism, which allows its supporters in the United States to follow both openly chauvinistic ideas and liberal ideas of solidarity that makes up the nation. Among the reasons for the rise of nationalism, the authors consider the interaction of two trends in the public-political life - politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization (or nationalization) of politics. The authors believe that the emphasis on ethnic nation and ethnic nationalism (as opposed to civil nation and civil nationalism) reflects the exacerbation of inter-ethnic tensions in the United States and other Western countries. Based on the analysis of the new nationalism, the authors distinguish its right direction, whose supporters nominally renounce Nazism and racism but promote similar ideas, and a moderate liberal direction which often equates nationalism with patriotism. Representatives of both trends appeal to national interests and values of the nations historic core, and criticize migration policy and multiculturalism. In addition to white racism and its evolution, the article considers the scope of nationalism and patriotism of African-American movements, in particular Black Lives Matter and the results of the study of the dual consciousness of African Americans as combining the concept of nation within a nation and a new, completely American identity. Despite many American theorists idea of the absence of the American nation as such, the authors consider the concept of a new identity of the American nation, which M. Lind defines as a unity of language and culture, regardless of the racial composition, i.e. as an expression of liberal nationalism and a renewed concept of the melting pot. Lind and his colleagues believe that the factor of the current split of the American nation is not racial or ethnic confrontation (Balkanization) but the social gap between rich and poor. The authors consider the criticism of the policy of the American ruling class as a means for the sociological study of the racial problem and for the development of ways for solving it.
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Abbasi, Azhar Mahmood, e Muhammad Shoaib Malik. "Sub-Nationalism and the Case for Intrastate Re-Demarcation in South Asia". Global Political Review V, n. III (30 settembre 2020): 184–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).18.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The demographic make-up of South Asia has helped reinforce ethnic politics in each country in the region. South Asia is a diverse and vibrant region ethically, culturally, lingual and religiously. The diversity has its own downside in the region as it has been a constant source of tension and strife as well. Sub-nationalism largely revolves around ethnicity, and all-important policy decisions mainly reflect the ethnolinguistic diversity of any society. Various South Asian countries like India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka Nepal, Bangladesh, and have practised many sub-nationalist movements, most of them acquired separate political and social identities, and others are still persisting in certain forms. This article seeks to analyze the discourse around subnationalism, ethnic politics, ethnonationalism, and the creation of new federating units in South Asia.
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Iskandar, Israr. "LOCAL POLITIC DYNAMICS, NATION INTEGRATION AND HISTORY LEARNING CHALLENGE". Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 12, n. 1 (23 luglio 2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v12i1.12119.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Even though it is not directly included in the history study material, local politic dynamics in regional autonomy era can also be a challenge for history study at pre-university level. Negative excess of regional autonomy policy implementation and politic development after “Orde Baru” era that is likely to challenge the effectiveness of nationalism and national country existence can be a special challenge for history study, and civic education in general. At one side, the comprehensive history teaching will develop contextual nationalism spirit to the youth but at the other side, the phenomenon of regional autonomy implementation and local politic dynamics in the reformation era will challenge the existence of the nationality spirit, due to the spirits emerged and strengthened are the ethnocentrism, ethnicity, social conflict, and separatism. Special strategy for history study at school will be necessary to overcome the issue.
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Jeon, Sangick, Tim Johnson e Amanda Lea Robinson. "Nationalism and Social Sanctioning Across Ethnic Lines: Experimental Evidence from the Kenya–Tanzania Border". Journal of Experimental Political Science 4, n. 1 (2017): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2017.10.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractPast research shows that ethnic diversity reduces the ability to sanction norm violators, ultimately undermining cooperation. We test this directly by experimentally varying the ethnic composition of groups playing a dictator game with third-party punishment among two ethnic groups along the Kenya–Tanzania border. We also implement a structurally identical game where the endowment division is randomly determined in order to isolate a punishment motivation from the motivation to rectify income inequality. While costly income adjustment in both games is driven primarily by norm violations and inequality aversion, the ethnic composition of groups also influences sharing and sanctioning behavior in Kenya but not Tanzania, consistent with documented differences in the strength of nationalism across the two countries. However, the way in which shared ethnicity affects sanctioning in Kenya—namely, increased punishment of out-group violations against in-group members—is at odds with theories that anticipate that costly sanctioning will primarily target coethnics.
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Mohapatra, Bishnu N. "Book Reviews : PAUL R. BRASS, Ethnicity and Nationalism (Theory and Comparison), Sage, 1991, 358 pp., Rs. 280". Indian Economic & Social History Review 31, n. 2 (giugno 1994): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946469403100207.
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Sen, Amartya. "JUSTICE AND IDENTITY". Economics and Philosophy 30, n. 1 (marzo 2014): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267114000017.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper discusses the relationship between justice and identity. While it is widely agreed that justice requires us to go beyond loyalty to our simplest identity – being just oneself – there is less common ground on how far we must go beyond self-centredness. How relevant are group identities to the requirements of justice, or must we transcend those too? The author draws attention to the trap of confinement to nationality and citizenship in determining the requirements of justice, particularly under the social-contract approach, and also to the danger of exclusive concentration on some other identity such as religion and race. He concludes that it is critically important to pay attention to every human being's multiple identities related to the different groups to which a person belongs; the priorities have to be chosen by reason, rather than any single identity being imposed on a person on grounds of some extrinsic precedence. Justice is closely linked with the pursuit of impartiality, but that pursuit has to be open rather than closed, resisting closure through nationality or ethnicity or any other allegedly all-conquering single identity. Christian List
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KAUFMANN, ERIC. "American Exceptionalism Reconsidered: Anglo-Saxon Ethnogenesis in the “Universal” Nation, 1776–1850". Journal of American Studies 33, n. 3 (dicembre 1999): 437–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006180.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The history of nativism in the United States has received considerable scholarly attention, yet the few systematic attempts to explain it have focused predominantly on psychological or economic causes. This article asserts that such explanations fail to address the crucial cultural dimension of the nativism issue, which must be analyzed through the prism of historical sociology. Specifically, this article argues that American nativism cannot be understood without reference to an “American” national ethnic group whose myth–symbol complex had developed prior to the large-scale immigration of the mid-nineteenth century. Without understanding this social construction, it is difficult to explain subsequent attempts to defend it. This article, therefore, does not seek to retrace the history of American nativism. Instead, it focuses on the period prior to 1850, when American nativism was in its infancy. It examines the development of an Anglo-American ethnicity during 1776–1850 and attempts to delineate its structure. This “American” complex of myths and symbols, with its attendant set of life-style images and narratives, is shown to conform to more generally models recently presented by theorists of ethnicity and nationalism. Finally, it is argued that American nativism may have exhibited a very different pattern if an “American” national ethnicity had not taken root.
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Bandyopadhyay, Ranjan. "Who owns the past? The politics of religious heritage in contemporary India". Tourism Review 71, n. 3 (15 agosto 2016): 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tr-09-2016-0035.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Purpose This conceptual paper aims to contribute to the growing literature around the “politics of heritage” by focusing on India which has a multifaceted society with several layers of religious culture and history. Design/methodology/approach The work is based on an extensive review of the literature and philosophical discussions relating to the politics of heritage tourism and the political dimensions of nationalism and ethnicity from an interdisciplinary perspective. Findings The main purpose of this conceptual paper is to develop hypotheses. Hence, the study asks: How does postcolonial India reconstruct its past and how are religions represented as part of the national image and for the purpose of tourism promotion? How tourism and religious heritage support a broader secular dreamscape of harmonious cultural nationalism in India? Considering all allegations for supporting the Hindutva movement (who considers Hinduism to be the source of India’s “essential” identity and believes it alone can provide national cohesiveness) by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in India, it is worth examining if there are any subtle changes to the tourism agenda created by the new government and the ambivalence surrounding it. Is there any place for the “foreigners” (Muslims and Christians) in Hindutva political ideology? Future scholars can analyze how tourism promotional material represents three major religions in the country by the current Indian Government (i.e. BJP) in its official tourism website: www.incredibleindia.org. This will take “politics of heritage” studies to a different trajectory, as analysis of web media has emerged as a critical medium in understanding numerous social processes. Research limitations/implications The paper draws on a wide range of seminal work by scholars of nationalism and ethnicity over the past few decades, but it cannot be comprehensive. Originality/value The paper’s originality lies in its novel approach to an understudied aspect in tourism studies (i.e. politics of heritage) and providing suggestions for future research.
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Lewis, Ioan. "Visible and Invisible Differences: The Somali Paradox". Africa 74, n. 4 (novembre 2004): 489–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.4.489.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
AbstractIn exploring the difficulties experienced by the traditionally politically uncentralised Somalis in establishing a stable and effective state, based on their ethnicity, this article compares ethnicity, nationalism and lineage identity. In this case, ethnicity and nationalism are local products, influenced but not created by the colonial experience. They have had to contend with the intractable force of segmentary lineage identity, which has proved extremely difficult to adapt and accommodate to the requirements of modern statehood. In its cultural context, agnation is all the more pervasive and powerful in constituting an ‘invisible’ bond, conceived by Somalis as a biologically based distinction like ‘race’. Unlike race, it is almost infinitely elastic and divisible. Ethnic identity, which rests on external distinctions such as language, culture and religion, cannot be broken down into a series of formally equivalent segments, but is less binding as a social force. Today, after the collapse of the state of Somalia in 1991, following protracted grass‐roots peace‐making between clans, two parts of the nation—the former British Somaliland, and the north‐eastern region of Somalia (‘Puntland’, based on the Majerteyn clan, and other closely related clans)—have developed separate local states. Although Somaliland claims complete independence, which Puntland does not, both polities incorporate parliamentary institutions that accommodate traditional, and modern political leaders and processes. The ex‐Italian residue, Southern Somalia, still without any form of government, is in what appears to be the final throes of its long‐running, fourteenth grandiose international ‘peace’ conference in Kenya. Thousands of delegates, in various configurations, have already spent over eighteen months in these talks. Although its embryonic constitution now recognises ‘clans’ as constituent political units, this attempt to re‐establish Somalia is based on the usual ‘top‐down’ approach, rather than on spontaneous local negotiations amongst ‘stakeholders’ on the ground, such as those on which Somaliland and Puntland are founded. With contingents of foreign ‘experts’, the whole process seeks to reinstate a familiar Eurocentric state model, unadapted to Somali conditions.
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Azem, Ahmad Jamil. "The American intelligence breakdown in Iraq and the failure of the strategies of conflict ‘transformation’". Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, n. 2 (1 aprile 2010): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550911003741671.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper shows how the American planning for the war in Iraq of 2003 lacked the use of major academic and scientific disciplines. Some basic theories and principles in the field of nationalism and ethnicity studies as well as the field of Middle Eastern studies were supposed to guide the planning for the post-war era in a better way. The goals of the war were originally very ambitious and included ‘conflict transformation’ which implies facilitating changes in the social and political structure of Iraq and the Middle East, but it has now changed to the more modest goal of ‘conflict management’ which focuses on containing violence.
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McDonnell, Erin Metz, e Gary Alan Fine. "Pride and Shame in Ghana: Collective Memory and Nationalism among Elite Students". African Studies Review 54, n. 3 (dicembre 2011): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0043.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Abstract:Based on an original dataset of university students, this article investigates Ghanaian collective memories of past events that are sources of national pride or shame. On average, young elite Ghanaians express more pride than shame in their national history, and they report shame mostly over actions that caused some physical, material, or symbolic harm. Such actions include not only historic events and the actions of national leaders, but also mundane social practices of average Ghanaians. Respondents also report more “active” than "receptive" shame; that is, they are more ashamed of events or practices that caused harm to others and less ashamed about events in which they were the “victims.” We advance the idea of a standard of “reasonableness” that Ghanaians apply in their evaluation of events, behaviors, or circumstances: they apply contemporary standards of morality to past events, but they temper their judgment based on considerations of whether past actions were “reasonable” given the power and material imbalances at that time. Ghanaian students identify strongly with both national and pan-African identities, and they frequently evoke their international image to judge a national event as either honorable or shameful. Ethnicity can be one factor in an individual's judgment of precolonial events, whereas political party affiliation is the stronger predictor of attitudes toward postindependence events.
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Madan, T. N. "Book Reviews : Adrian Hastings, The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 235". Indian Economic & Social History Review 36, n. 2 (giugno 1999): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946469903600207.
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Steinmetz, George. "Reflections on the Role of Social Narratives in Working-Class Formation: Narrative Theory in the Social Sciences". Social Science History 16, n. 3 (1992): 489–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001659x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article explores the role of social narratives in working-class formation. The primary goal of this exercise is to generate concepts for the comparative analysis of working-class identities and practices. My thesis is that more successful cases of working-class formation involve the elaboration of coherent narratives about individual and collective history, stories that are coordinated with one another and that are organized around the category of social class. In such narratives, events are selected for inclusion due to their relevance to social class, or they are excluded or deemphasized because of their irrelevance to class, and events are interpreted, emplotted, and evaluated in a way that emphasizes class rather than other possible constructs. By contrast, working-class formation is less pronounced where individual and collective narratives are based on alternative, nonclass forms of identity, such as nationality, gender, ethnicity, and race. Working-class formation is also weaker where individual narratives are asynchronous, where the individual and collective levels are not coordinated with one another, or where identities fail to attain narrative coherence.
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Desjardins, Sean P. A. "Hoe een inheems perspectief de archeologische interpretatie kan verbreden". Paleo-aktueel, n. 31 (1 giugno 2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/pa.31.145-152.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
How Indigenous-focused research can inform broader archaeological practice. In Europe, archaeologists have traditionally engaged less with the concept of Indigenous archaeology—and the various cultural-anthropological tenets underpinning it—than with the related, but distinct, concepts of ethnicity, nationalism and even autochthony, which are ostensibly more congruent with the various forms of social organization observed across the continent from pre-Neolithic times to the present. In this article, we argue that due to their recognition and embracing of unique systems of knowledge production (ontologies), contemporary Indigenous understandings of the past can inform the archaeologies of regions currently without Indigenous populations. We draw upon our experiences carrying out fieldwork amongst Indigenous peoples and within their traditional territories.
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Seman, Ahmad Ali. "MULTICULTURAL AND ETHNICITY HISTORY APPROACH TOWARDS NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN MALAYSIA". Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 11, n. 2 (8 agosto 2018): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v11i2.12328.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Integration is a process to create national identity in a society which is differs in culture, social matter, location that live in a political unit. The concept of national integration is actually a broad concept. From sociological perspective, the process of understanding can be explained as integration, as in political integration resulted from the efforts in cooperating and uniting the parties that have followers with various ideological background. The national integration process happens as the result of the needs to strengthen the harmony and security for a sovereign country. Malaysia, however, has taken several concrete steps to bridge the diversity in ideology, politics, economy, and social matter, along with the efforts towards educational system. History education had been made as the main choice in Malaysia in order to realize the goal of teaching political value as well as its importance. History also plays a role in improving socialization and awareness towards politics within the young generation, as well as strengthening nationalism as an important element to build a good citizenship. History education should be able to foster national integration and national development. The awareness towards historical heritage is important to foster group identity that later may form the sense of belonging, love, empathy and loyalty. The development on history education in Malaysia shows that the subject of history has been made as a bridge in achieving the above goal (KPM, 2003) namely to foster the loyalty and identity as the citizen of Malaysia and as the member of the world society. Multicultural perspective is important to be delivered in history education so that every ethnic will be pround and respected. Multiculturality and diversity should be considered as a potential to foster diversity into national integration. History may also build an understanding and respect as well as explores other ethnic cultures as to find similarities that can be accepted nationally to build tolerant and to prevent clash among ethnics in Malaysia in the future time.
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Kirchanov, M. V. "“TSKHINVALI REGION” AND “AUTONOMOUS REPUBLIC OF ABKHAZIA” AS “LIEUX DE MÉMOIRE” AND INVENTED TRADITIONS IN THE MODERN GEORGIAN POLITICAL IMAGINATION (2018-2019)". Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, n. 3 (30 settembre 2020): 327–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-3-327-333.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The author analyzes the invention of traditions in modern Georgian nationalism in the contexts of the imagination of the “Tskhinvali region” and the “Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia” as inseparable parts of the imagining political body of the Georgian nation. The methodology is based on the principles proposed in the inventionist turn in the interdisciplinary Nationalism Studies. The author analyzes the problems of imagination of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as parts of Georgia in contexts of legal attempts to legitimize the Georgian affiliation of these territories, political and cultural tactics and strategies of Georgian intellectuals, used by them in their attempts to integrate Abkhaz and Ossetian narratives into the imagined Georgian political and geographical canon. The author believes that the invented traditions in the Georgian case can be defined as heterogeneous intellectual, social, political and cultural practices of the imagination of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as subjects of the Georgian political space and parts of imagined symbolic Georgian geography. The activities of the “government” of these regions, which are imagined by their supporters as “governments in exile” are discussed in the text. The author believes that the traditions of Georgian nationalism, the high level of consolidation of society, and legal incentives, including the Law on Occupied Territories, became the incentives that turned South Ossetia and Abkhazia into invented traditions of political imagination in Georgian nationalism. It is shown that the invented traditions of modern Georgian nationalism are diverse and range from different versions of ethnicity to various political constructs. It is assumed that the active debates in Georgian society about the role and place of Abkhazia and South Ossetia turned these regions into invented traditions and places of memory of modern Georgian identity. The author believes that the activities of the “governments” and other administrative structures of the “Tskhinvali region” and the “Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia”, controlled by Tbilisi, are mainly ideological, propaganda and informational in their nature, because they invent and depicture images of these regions in the Georgian centred system of coordinates.
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Ujomu, Philip Ogochukwu. "The Problem of Nationalism, “Nigeria” As a Contested Category and the Quest for a Social Philosophy of National Integration". Tattva - Journal of Philosophy 7, n. 1 (1 gennaio 2015): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12726/tjp.13.5.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper examines the problem of nationalism in Nigeria construed as the search for a basis on which the members of the society can claim a sense of belonging, identity and common purpose. There is a problem of the national question here because ethnicity, corruption, disobedience to law and order, disdain for the rule of law and accountability and the disregard for the value of human life have undermined the social order and eventually created an army of the vulnerable and marginal peoples that can be manipulated for parochial ends. The apparent underperformance of the various instruments of the state such as the police, national assembly, appointed ministers, law courts, prisons, etc, due to inefficiency, injustice, under-funding, politicization and social dissatisfaction have threatened the unity of Nigeria and highlighted deficits in the social order that have made Nigeria to appear as a contested construct or category. Given the above we seek a philosophical approach to building a social system or social philosophy of national integration.
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Goalwin, Gregory J. "“Religion and Nation Are One”: Social Identity Complexity and the Roots of Religious Intolerance in Turkish Nationalism". Social Science History 42, n. 2 (2018): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.6.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Turkish nationalism has long been an enigma for scholars interested in the formation of national identity. The nationalist movement that succeeded in crafting the Republic of Turkey relied upon rhetoric that defined the nation in explicitly secular, civic, and territorial terms. Though the earliest scholarship on Turkish nationalism supported this perspective, more recent research has pointed to Turkey's efforts to homogenize the new state as evidence of the importance of ethnicity, and particularly religion, in constructing Turkish national identity. Yet this marked mismatch between political rhetoric and politics on the ground is perplexing. If Turkey was meant to be a secular and civic state, why did Turkish nationalist policies place such a heavy emphasis on ethnic and religious purity? Moreover, why did religious identity become such a salient characteristic for determining membership in the national community and for defining national identity? This article draws upon historical research and social identity complexity theory to analyze this seeming dichotomy between religious and civic definitions of the Turkish nation. I argue that the subjective overlap between religious and civic ingroups during the late Ottoman Empire and efforts by nationalists to rally the populace through religious appeals explains the persistence of religious definitions of the nation despite the Turkish nationalist movement's civic rhetoric, and accounts for much of the Turkish state's religiously oriented policies and exclusionary practices toward religious minorities in its early decades.
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Alaverdyan, Artem L., e Konstantin G. Maltsev. "Ethnicity and “Ethnic Nationsˮ in Modernist Theories of the Nation: Content and Criticism". IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, n. 2 (210) (28 giugno 2021): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-2-4-16.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The representation of a nation and an ethnos in the horizon of the requirements of “liberal metaphysicsˮ (K. Schmitt) is conditioned by a number of principles: liberal individualism presupposes the understanding of any real community as an association based on the self-determination of an autonomous individual-citizen; associations are social communities in which “naturalˮ and “naturalˮ can be admitted as a “residueˮ (V. Pa-reto), which must be removed; the individual is represented in social reality through interests, which in politics as management are rationally “harmonizedˮ on the basis of an “intersecting consensusˮ - through a compro-mise - that is, we are always talking about a political nation, whose ethnic “colorationˮ is a temporarily unre-solved trait associated with its genesis. Ethnicity - a “social groupˮ based on “cultural identityˮ - in cases of politicization leads to “perversionsˮ in nation-building (“ethnic nationsˮ) and a morally unacceptable policy of nationalism. The idea of an ethnos as a “natural phenomenonˮ is absolutely excluded in the economic par-adigm (J. Agamben) of liberal metaphysics; the article highlights the ideal type of representation of an ethnos as a “natural phenomenonˮ - the theory of ethnos by L.N. Gumilyov and demonstrates its essential incompati-bility with the rigid conceptual framework of understanding the nation in liberal modernist and post-modernist theories of nation and ethnos. It is concluded that the concept of an ethnos (and a nation) acquires completeness from the point of view of liberal imperatives in constructivist concepts, in which identity, a social group are interpreted as analytical tools and, thus, “ethnicˮ and “nationalˮ are presented “without sub-stanceˮ (“Grouping without groupsˮ) as a result of framing.
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Kostic, Nemanja. "Ethnoreligious dichotomization in Serbian epic poetry". Sociologija 61, n. 1 (2019): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1901113k.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
By using certain theoretical settings of ethno-symbolic and interactionist approach to the phenomena of nation and nationalism, this paper?s aim is to explain and reconstruct various pre-modern forms of ethno-religious dichotomization widely present in Serbian folk epic poetry. In that purpose, the paper displays ideas about ?other? communities that were nurtured in the Serbian epic poetry, where these ideas were interpreted as a reflection and consequence of concrete socio-historical circumstances. Special attention was given to examining the interconfessional and inter-class relations, which could have vastly influenced the self-determination process for the members of Serbian ethnic community. In other words, the factors of religious affiliation, social ranking and ethnicity are recognized as key determinants in establishing ethnoreligious dichotomization in the epic literature. The findings of the study showed that the most pronounced and most represented ethno-religious boundary in the epic poetry was set in relations to the Ottomans and Islam. On the other hand, the scarcity, incoherency or the lack of distinction of the dichotomization in relations to non-Ottoman communities, Greeks, Bulgarians, Hungarians, ?Latins?, Albanians and Arabs show that this boundary was not particularly defined, unlike the one with the Ottomans, who were different not only in terms of ethnicity, but also in terms of religion and class.