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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Nationalist elites"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 2 febbraio 2022

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Nationalist elites"

1

Zhou, Luyang. "Nationalism and Communism as Foes and Friends". European Journal of Sociology 60, n. 3 (dicembre 2019): 313–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975619000158.

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AbstractSociologists have noted that the ideological inclusiveness of nationalism varies. By comparing the Bolshevik and Chinese communist revolutionary elites, this article explains that such variation depends on the social strength of nationalism. A strong nationalism is (a) undergirded by a widely diffused national culture that can socialize most radical elites into the nation; (b) kept institutionally open to broad social strata so that lower classes can form a nationalist identity through participation; and (c) universally believed to be a geopolitically feasible anti-colonial revolution so that radical elites can think of engagement as worthwhile and necessary. Using a comparative biographical method probing both nationalists and communists, this article demonstrates that nationalism in Tsarist Russia was far weaker than in post-imperial China. In the former, the nationalist movement excluded communists while, in the latter, communists were incorporated. Therefore, the two communist parties had different understandings of Marxism.

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2

Kocher, Matthew Adam, Adria K. Lawrence e Nuno P. Monteiro. "Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation". International Security 43, n. 2 (novembre 2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00329.

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Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.

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Rudling, Per A. "Multiculturalism, memory, and ritualization: Ukrainian nationalist monuments in Edmonton, Alberta". Nationalities Papers 39, n. 5 (settembre 2011): 733–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.599375.

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Canadians of Ukrainian descent constitute a significant part of the population of the Albertan capital. Among other things, their presence is felt in the public space as Ukrainian monuments constitute a part of the landscape. The article studies three key monuments, physical manifestations of the ideology of local Ukrainian nationalist elites in Edmonton: a 1973 monument to nationalist leader Roman Shukhevych, a 1976 memorial constructed by the Ukrainian Waffen-SS in Edmonton, and a 1983 memorial to the 1932–1933 famine in the Ukrainian SSR. Representing a narrative of suffering, resistance, and redemption, all three monuments were organized by the same activists and are representative for the selective memory of an “ethnic” elite, which presents nationalist ideology as authentic Ukrainian cultural heritage. The narrative is based partly upon an uncritical cult of totalitarian, anti-Semitic, and terroristic political figures, whose war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and collaboration with Nazi Germany the nationalists deny and obfuscate. The article argues that government support and direct public funding has strengthened the radicals within the community and helped promulgate their mythology. In the case of the Ukrainian Canadian political elite, official multiculturalism underwrites a narrative at odds with the liberal democratic values it was intended to promote. The failure to deconstruct the “ethnic” building blocks of Canadian multiculturalism and the willingness to accept at face value the primordial claims and nationalist myths of “ethnic” groups has given Canadian multiculturalism the character of multi-nationalism.

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Edwards, Mark. "From a Christian World Community to a Christian America: Ecumenical Protestant Internationalism as a Source of Christian Nationalist Renewal". Genealogy 3, n. 2 (30 maggio 2019): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3020030.

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Christian nationalism in the United States has neither been singular nor stable. The country has seen several Christian nationalist ventures come and go throughout its history. Historians are currently busy documenting the plurality of Christian nationalisms, understanding them more as deliberate projects rather than as components of a suprahistorical secularization process. This essay joins in that work. Its focus is the World War II and early Cold War era, one of the heydays of Christian nationalist enthusiasm in America—and the one that shaped our ongoing culture wars between “evangelical” conservatives and “godless” liberals. One forgotten and admittedly paradoxical pathway to wartime Christian nationalism was the world ecumenical movement (“ecumenical” here meaning intra-Protestant). Protestant ecumenism curated the transformation of 1920s and 1930s Christian internationalism into wartime Christian Americanism. They involved many political and intellectual elites along the way. In pioneering many of the geopolitical concerns of Cold War evangelicals, ecumenical Protestants aided and abetted the Christian conservative ascendancy that wields power even into the present.

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Molchanov, Mikhail A. "Post-Communist Nationalism as A Power Resource: A Russia-Ukraine Comparison". Nationalities Papers 28, n. 2 (giugno 2000): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687473.

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The end of communism brought hopes for a wholesale liberal-democratic transformation to the republics of the former Soviet Union. However, bitter disenchantment soon followed, as resurrected nationalism undermined the republics' stability and threatened democracy. Mass nationalist movements in these countries were not observed until the regime's initial liberalization. In most cases, the high phase of nationalist mobilization was reached only after the postcommunist state elites endorsed nationalism as an official policy of the state. In each instance, nationalist strategies of the state were defined in a complex interplay of domestic and international factors. Ethnicity became politicized as a resource for political action when other resources proved inadequate or insufficient. In addition, exogenous factors often played a leading role in this development.

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6

Lee, Dong Sun. "Democratization and the US-South Korean Alliance". Journal of East Asian Studies 7, n. 3 (dicembre 2007): 469–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002599.

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This article explains why, in the wake of South Korea's democratization, the US-Republic of Korea alliance has suffered a steady decline while avoiding an abrupt collapse. The author argues that democratization weakened this asymmetric alliance by increasing the political influence of nationalism in South Korea. New South Korean democratic elites, subscribing to nationalist ideals, demanded an autonomous, equal relationship with the United States regardless of the de facto power disparity between the two countries. These elites also deemphasized the security threat from North Korea—with which they perceived a shared national identity—and adopted an unconditional engagement policy with that nation. The United States, in turn, resented the apparently unrealistic policies of these elites and showed a decreased interest in the alliance. Democratization, however, did not cause an abrupt end to the alliance, for two reasons. First, North Korea's military strength preserved a significant strategic need in South Korea for allied support. Second, as the result of a measured transition process, old pro-alliance elites in South Korea retained enough political clout to proscribe a radical shift in foreign policy away from the alliance with the United States, while new elites had opportunities to reconcile their nationalist ideals with strategic realities.

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OKUTAN, Muhammet Erdal. "The European Union and First Years AKP: Popular Nationalism in Turkey". International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, n. 4 (23 dicembre 2020): 1090–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss4pp1090-1109.

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Nationalism is one of the important ideologies; it is too difficult to express what nationalism is in one sentence, because it is a multidimensional, debatable ideology. In Turkey, nationalism is also an important issue because of its multi-ethnic and multi-cultural structure. Moreover elites have an important roles on constructing a type of nationalism, especially popular nationalism. Critiques and opposition of the political and intellectual elites against the governmental policies indicated the escalated atmosphere in nationalist discourse in Turkey until 2010. Therefore, this work empowered the theories of popular nationalism, which contribute the relationship between the elites and nationalism to the body of theoretical knowledge. However, some other issues may escalate the popular nationalism in Turkey. Turkish public thinks on that way; 29 percentages of the sample group think that the cause of escalating nationalism in Turkey is PKK terrorism, and secondly 17 percentages of the sample group suggested that EU demands led the increase. On the other hand some may claim that even those issues are interrelated.

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Blank, Stephen. "The Return of the Repressed? Post-1989 Nationalism in the “New” Eastern Europe". Nationalities Papers 22, n. 2 (1994): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408336.

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The intractable war in Yugoslavia, the breakup of Czechslovakia, the nationalist rumblings in Hungary and Romania, and manifestations of imperial and nationalist longings in Russian politics signify nationalism's enduring potency in Central and Eastern Europe. While some foreign observers worried about this potency, the new elites largely believed that liberalism in power could overcome those forces. Liberal democracy's triumph supposedly meant the end of History,inter alia,aggressive nationalism in Eastern Europe. They believed that these national liberation movements had cooperative, mutually supportive relationships that would flower after Communism ended. Nationalist discords were due to Eastern Europe's previous historical post-1914 nightmares, but the new post-1989 states would have amicable relations with their neighbors. Ostensibly, nationalism, once freed from Soviet repression, would bring an end to Soviet rule and usher in a new ‘springtime of nations.'

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Deegan-Krause, Kevin. "Uniting the Enemy: Politics and the Convergence of Nationalisms in Slovakia". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, n. 4 (novembre 2004): 651–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404269596.

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Although aggregate popular support for particular nationalisms in Slovakia showed little change during the 1990s, relationships between nationalisms changed significantly. This article uses categories of nationalism derived from the relational typologies of Brubaker and Hechter to analyze surveys of postcommunist Slovak public opinion and demonstrate that popular nationalisms against Czechs, Hungarians, the West, and nonnationalist Slovaks bore little relationship to one another at the time of Slovakia’s independence but converged over time. With the encouragement of nationalist political elites, a large share of the Slovak population became convinced that Slovakia faced threats from all sides and that the country’s enemies were actually working together to undermine its sovereignty. The example of Slovakia thus provides an important case study for understanding how the complex and interactions between distinct nationalisms creates opportunities for the influence of political leadership.

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Kuo, Huei-Ying. "Rescuing Businesses through Transnationalism: Embedded Chinese Enterprise and Nationalist Activities in Singapore in the 1930s Great Depression". Enterprise & Society 7, n. 1 (marzo 2006): 98–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146722270000375x.

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This article argues that the embeddedness of Chinese enterprises in Singapore society explains the limited success of the nationalist movement in Singapore. To respond to the economic crisis in the 1930s, Chinese business elites employed nationalist rhetoric to appeal to their compatriots in the British colony to support Chinese “national products.” With dual allegiance to both British rule and Chinese national identity, Chinese business nationalists took a transnational approach. Because Chinese business communities in Singapore were organized along subethnic lines, Chinese transnationalism failed to surmount these social divisions.

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Tesi sul tema "Nationalist elites"

1

KISSOPOULOS, LISA. "HOW ELITES PERSUADE: CULTURE IN NATIONALIST CONFLICT, SERBIA AND BOSNIA 1988-1999". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1029335165.

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Pleic, Mate. "The "anti-bureaucratic revolution" the Yugoslav state elites' perception of and their reaction to the Serbian nationalist movement of 1988-1989 /". Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1798971541&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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3

ʻIzz, al-ʻArab ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. "European control and Egypt's traditional elites : a case study in elite economic nationalism /". Lewiston (N.Y.) : Edwin Mellen Press, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392521551.

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Texte remanié de: Diss. Ph. D.--Institute of Islamic Studies--McGill University, 2000. Titre de soutenance : Nineteenth century expressions of economic nationalism in Egypt.
Bibliogr. p. 213-224. Index.

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Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.

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5

Al, Zghayare Khouloud. "Les élites politiques syriennes (1946-1963) : discours et pratiques". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA068.

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Les élites politiques syriennes (1946-1963) : Discours et pratiques.Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse du discours des élites politiques syriennes qui ont dominé la scène politique pendant la période 1946 – 1963, c'est-à-dire de l’indépendance jusqu’à l’arrivée au pouvoir du comité militaire du Ba`ath. Pour comprendre comment le discours s’est construit et comment il a été mis en pratique sur le terrain, nous avons classé les élites en trois catégories : libérale, militaire et émergentes (nationaliste, islamiste et communiste). Ces élites sont traitées aux niveaux politique et historique, mais aussi social, à partir de leur discours : sa formation, sa constitution et sa mise en œuvre. Nous nous sommes donc appuyés sur les documents produits par et sur les leaders : mémoires, discours, articles de presse, déclarations, statuts des partis…L'approche analytique comparative que nous avons choisie, basée sur les théories de Foucault, Bourdieu et Keller, nous a aidés à faire le lien entre le texte des discours et les contextes politiques, économiques, culturels et sociaux où ils étaient produits. Notre approche méthodologique nous a permis d'étudier l'histoire et les mécanismes de la formation des élites, les « acteurs sociaux », d'analyser les discours et de les comparer au niveau des concepts, des slogans et des pratiques. Nous avons observé que si le discours des élites politiques syriennes se voulait attaché à la modernité (société et État), leurs pratiques politiques demeuraient fortement influencées par leurs formations socio-culturelles, locales, idéologiques et par les conditions de la lutte pour le pouvoir à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la Syrie. Ce discours fut « élitiste », notamment en ce qu’il incarnait les intérêts de la bourgeoisie et utilisé pour dissimuler la différence entre la théorie et la pratique. L’étude de cette période de l'histoire de la Syrie éclaire l’évolution de la situation du pays après ‎le ‎Printemps arabe de 2011. Elle aide ainsi à comprendre la réalité actuelle et contribue à répondre à certaines questions d’aujourd'hui à propos du conflit en cours en Syrie
This research focuses on the discourse of the Syrian political elite that dominated the political scene from 1946 to 1963, in other words, from Independence until the Ba`ath military committee came to power. To understand how this discourse has been built and how it has been put into practice, elites have been divided into three categories: Liberal, military and emergent (nationalist, islamist, and communist). These elites are viewed from a political and a historical perspective, as well as a social one based on their discourse: its creation, its constitution and its application. We therefore relied on documents produced by and about leaders, their memoirs, speeches, press articles, statements and parties’ legal statuses.This research utilizes comparative analytical approach. Based on the theories of Foucault, Bourdieu and Keller, which establishes a link between the text of the discourse and the political, economic and cultural contexts in which it has been produced. Moreover, the methodological approach allows one to study the history and the formation of the elites, the “social actors,” as well as, perform an analysis of discourses based on their different concepts, slogans and practices. This research showed that if the Syrian political elite’s discourse appears to be committed to modernity (society and State), their political practices remain strongly influenced by their socio-cultural, local and ideological constitution. It is also influenced by the requirements of the power struggle inside and outside of Syria. This discourse is “elitist” especially because it represents the interests of the upper class/bourgeoisie and further, it is used to conceal the difference between theory and practice. Studying this period of Syrian history creates an understanding of Syria’s evolution after the Arab Spring. It therefore helps in grasping the current situation and answering questions about the Syrian conflict

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Manzano-Guerrero, Orlando. "El desafio independentista de las élites nacionalistas catalanas : Analisis de un proceso inconcluso (2012-2017)". Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019MON30015.

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Après avoir dominé presque sans interruption le paysage politique catalan et avoir contribué à la stabilité et à la gouvernance politiques du pays, les élites nationalistes conservatrices affiliées à la fédération Convergència i Unió opérèrent un changement de cap radical dans leur agenda politique, en promouvant depuis les institutions autonomes sous leur contrôle ce que l’on a appelé le processus souverainiste catalan. Pour le lancement de ce vaste mouvement de contestation politique et sociale, initié à la fin de l’année 2012, ses promoteurs firent valoir la nécessité de permettre aux Catalans de décider de leur avenir politique collectif dans le cadre d’une consultation populaire. Parallèlement, diverses mesures furent prises afin de préparer le terrain en vue de l’éventuelle création d’un État catalan souverain. Bien que le défi lancé par les élites nationalistes fût effectivement freiné par les autorités centrales de l’État à la fin de l’année 2017, aucune solution ne fut apportée aux graves problèmes à l’origine de la crise déclenchée dans la région. Leur projet bénéficie encore d’un large soutien au sein de la classe politique et l’opinion publique de la Communauté Autonome. Enfin, il est impossible d’affirmer que d’autres tentatives de rupture similaires ne se reproduiront pas dans un avenir proche. C’est pourquoi, le défi de l’Independence de la Catalogne est abordé ici comme un processus inachevé. Ce travail de recherche est essentiellement axé sur l’analyse des évènements qui eurent lieu pendant la période 2012-2017 et a pour but de contribuer à éclairer plusieurs points importants auxquels les études existantes sur la question n’apportent pas encore des réponses suffisamment satisfaisantes
After dominating the region’s political landscape almost without interruption since the establishment of democracy in Spain and having played an important role in the political stability and governability of the country ever since, the Catalan nationalist elites affiliated with Convergència i Unió, a coalition of conservative parties, opted for a fundamental change of course in their political agenda, by promoting and undertaking – while still in power at regional level – what is commonly referred to as the Catalan independence process. It was a broad-based political and social protest movement aimed at allowing the Catalans to decide their collective future in a referendum. In parallel, various other measures were taken to pave the way for the potential creation of an independent Catalan state. Although the challenge laid down by the Catalan nationalist elites was effectively stopped towards the end of the year 2017, the significant problems that led to the current crisis have not been resolved. The independence project has still widespread political and public support in Catalonia. Finally, it is impossible to affirm that similar attempts to break away from Spain will not follow in the near future. That is why the independence challenge needs to be addressed – from our point of view – as an unfinished process. This research study focuses essentially in the analysis of the events that took place during the period between 2012 and 2017 and its main purpose is to highlight some important points to which the few existing studies on the subject do not provide yet complete responses

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Chai, Shaojin. "Taiwanese nationalism situation dependency and elite games /". online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?1446934.

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Mohsin, Amena. "The politics of nationalism : the case of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388423.

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Nambara, Makoto. "Economic plans and the evolution of economic nationalism". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286734.

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Wijetunge, M. N. R. "Domestic architecture of the Sinhalese elite in the age of nationalism". Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2012. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/305/.

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Domestic architecture of the Sinhalese elites in Sri Lanka remained as unchartered territory until recently. Having focused on the period of nationalism, which indeed is an area in oblivion (both historically and architecturally), this research established that the elite are in a position to better represent/evoke the shifting political/social/cultural forces (i.e. periodic changes) through their architecture within the Ceylonese (Sri Lankan) society. This was the foremost research question tackled. Moreover, the works of the architects Geoffrey Bawa and Valentine Gunasekara were singled-out for being two most varying trajectories aimed at the elite; the background study of post-independence architecture having led the way. How they represented the aspirations of two differing elite groups - the 'governing elite' and the 'political-class' - was then confirmed having placed them against the extant elitist theories. Moreover, the cultural strands of the Ceylonese elite to survive from pre-colonial and colonial situations were identified, and how the articulations became evident in their domestic architectures was assessed through case studies. On the other hand, as broader aims, the applicability of the outcome of the main research question to contexts other than Sri Lanka, communities other than the Sinhalese, or time periods that draw their meanings for being historically/architecturally significant, were established. Other than the foregoing unique contributions to knowledge, the enquiry into the area of elitism was significant. While Western theories on elitism were considered to determine the most apposite, the under-studied sphere of Eastern elitism was tackled in its pre-modern and modern conditions in order to assess social stratifications for the periods in question - Kandyan, Dutch, British and post-independence. Based on social structures of these periods, their elitist positions were envisaged and domestic architectures identified for the results to be presented as a structural analysis. Within this process, more delicate differences such as typologies and phases were revealed, and included in a supplementary catalogue with a repository of new knowledge for future research to dwell on. Moreover, narration of the entire historical spectrum of the island's elite domestic architecture is noteworthy as an original exploration. Optimistically, the imperative findings of this study would open up paths for future researchers in the field.

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Libri sul tema "Nationalist elites"

1

al-ʻArab, ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz ʻIzz. European control and Egypt's traditional elites: A case study in elite economic nationalism. Lewiston, N.Y: Edwin Mellen Press, 2002.

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Elites africaines et nationalisme: Les précurseurs (Textes et études). Cotonou: Star Editions, 2013.

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The origins of Malay nationalism. 2^a ed. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1994.

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Nugraha, Iskandar P. Teosofi, nasionalisme & elite modern Indonesia. 2^a ed. Beji Timur, Depok: Komunitas Bambu, 2011.

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Nugraha, Iskandar P. Teosofi, nasionalisme & elite modern Indonesia. 2^a ed. Beji Timur, Depok: Komunitas Bambu, 2011.

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Language, elites, and the state: Nationalism in Puerto Rico and Quebec. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1998.

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Bogovi, elite, narodi: Studija. Zagreb: Izdanja Antibarbarus, 1994.

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Sharma, Saroj. Indian elite and nationalism: A study of Indo-English fiction. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1997.

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Elites, race and nationhood: The branded gentry. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Stenseth, Bodil. En norsk elite: Nasjonsbyggerne på Lysaker 1890-1940. Oslo: Aschehoug, 1993.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Nationalist elites"

1

Egry, Gábor. "Regional Elites, Nationalist Politics, Local Accommodations. Center-Periphery Struggles in Late Dualist Hungary". In Österreich-Ungarns imperiale Herausforderungen, 333–54. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737010603.333.

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2

Moreau, Patrick. "Otto Strasser: Nationalist Socialism versus National Socialism". In The Nazi Elite, 235–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12823-5_22.

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Cooper, Frederick. "Alternatives to Nationalism in French Africa, 1945–60". In Elites and Decolonization in the Twentieth Century, 110–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306486_7.

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Rama, Shinasi A. "And the Dominant Cleavage Is … Democracy, Nationalism, and the Triumph of the Security Syntheses". In Nation Failure, Ethnic Elites, and Balance of Power, 255–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05192-1_8.

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Popic, Tamara. "Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Serbian Citizens Abroad". In IMISCOE Research Series, 319–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51237-8_19.

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AbstractThis chapter shows that Serbia’s diaspora policies have given priority to economic, but also cultural engagement of Serbian nationals residing abroad. Following a discussion on the key features of the diaspora, the infrastructure of the state to deal with nationals abroad and its key engagement policies, it focuses on five social protection dimensions and shows that Serbia’s policies are limited to health and pension benefits, and this only under special conditions. Overall, the chapter puts forward the claim that the very limited social protection benefits granted to diaspora can be explained by the elites’ perception of diaspora as mainly an economic resource, and as a supplement to the country’s social-safety net.

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"CHAPTER 1. Introduction: From Nationalist Elites to a Liberal". In Between Silver and Guano, 1–17. Princeton University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400860418.1.

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"Conclusion: Nationalist China and the Problem of Public Authority". In Party, State, and Local Elites in Republican China, 197–204. University of Hawaii Press, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824887476-011.

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Ferguson, Iain. "‘A roar of defiance against the elites’". In The Challenge of Right-wing Nationalist Populism for Social Work, 98–110. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429056536-8.

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Dawisha, Adeed. "Arab Nationalism and Competing Loyalties: From the 1920s to the Arab Revolt in Palestine". In Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691169156.003.0004.

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Abstract (sommario):

This chapter looks at a growing number of voices in the three most important Arab domains of the time—Iraq, Greater Syria, and Egypt—who were declaring themselves to be Arabs, sometimes in conjunction with, at other times to the exclusion of, other identities. Beyond the claims of historical validity, Iraq in the 1920s and 1930s was one of only four countries with a measure of independence, at least in matters of domestic policy. It was in Iraq that the intellectual headquarters of Arab nationalism resided in the person of Sati‘ al-Husri, whose ideas were eliciting a receptive echo among the country’s political elites. Indeed, Husri and other Arab nationalists, many of whom were his disciples, set out to make Iraq the beacon from which Arab nationalist ideas would spread to the rest of the Arab world. The chapter also studies the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine.

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Stanley, Brian. "Holy Nations?" In Christianity in the Twentieth Century, 36–56. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691196848.003.0003.

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Abstract (sommario):

This chapter discusses the relationship between Christianity and nationalism. The twentieth century—and in particular the years after the First World War—saw the global diffusion of the European idea of the nation-state and the corresponding spread of mass nationalist sentiment. As Western colonial intrusion into the economies of Asia and Africa deepened, Asian and African peoples drew on a wide variety of ideas and strategies in pursuit of a goal that was increasingly defined as “national” liberation from alien rule. From the dawn of the twentieth century, nationalism and Christianity, at least in its traditional Western forms, were set on a collision course. In point of fact, at least during the first two decades of the century, nationalism was not generally aligned in opposition to Christianity, nor even to Western thought as a whole, for the simple reason that the educated elites who pioneered the first Asian and African nationalist movements were often the product of mission education and took many of their ideas from Western ideological sources. Indeed, right through the century, there remain a few striking exceptional cases of a continuing, or even growing, convergence between Christian and nationalist identities, both in Europe and beyond it. The chapter then considers two such examples. The first, that of Korea, is largely Protestant in character; the other, Poland, is decidedly Catholic.

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