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1
The politically correct phrasebook: Whatthey say you can and cannot say in the 1990s. London: Bloomsbury, 1994.
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2
The politically correct phrasebook: What they say you can and cannot say in the 1990s. London: Bloomsbury, 1993.
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Coster, Marc de. Woordenboek van eufemismen en politiek correct taalgebruik. Amsterdam: Veen, 2001.
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Politiquement correct: Dico du parler pour ne pas dire. Paris: Éditions de Paris, 2011.
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Callegari, Danielle. Dante's Gluttons. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463720427.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Dante’s Gluttons: Food and Society from the Convivio to the Comedy explores how in his work medieval Italian poet Dante Alighieri (1265-1321) uses food to articulate, reinforce, criticize, and correct the social, political, and cultural values of his time. Combining medieval history, food studies, and literary criticism, Dante’s Gluttons historicizes food and eating in Dante, beginning in his earliest collected poetry and arriving at the end of his major work. For Dante, the consumption of food is not a frivolity, but a crux of life in the most profound sense of the term, and gluttony is the abdication of civic and spiritual responsibility and a danger to the individual body and soul as well as to the collective. This book establishes how one of the world’s preeminent authors uses the intimacy and universality of food as a touchstone, communicating through a gastronomic language rooted in the deeply human relationship with material sustenance.
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Rees, Nigel. The Politically Correct Phrasebook: What They Say You Can and Cannot Say in the 1990s. Bloomsbury Pub Ltd, 1994.
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Albert, Georg, Lothar Bluhm e Markus Schiefer Ferrari, a cura di. Political Correctness. Tectum – ein Verlag in der Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783828876224.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The controversy about political correctness is being carried on in politics and the society, in science and culture; it affects the use of language and the presentation of images in general and the public opinion in concrete terms. From a linguistic point of view, the efforts regarding language corrections and in particular the discussions regarding a gender-correct use of language are of special interest. Yet, the discussion also arises in educational and religion-specific contexts as well as in the political dispute with and about right-wing populism. The public debate regarding taboos and the breaking of taboos in journalism as well as in literature and visual arts also belong to the issue. With contributions by Georg Albert, Frank Polzenhagen, Jan Georg Schneider, Svenja Hermes und Katharina Turgay, Franziska Carls, Elzbieta Adamiak, Thomas Müller-Schneider, Martin Lange, Timo S. Werner, Lothar Bluhm, Marie Schröer und Gregor Schuhen, Jürgen Raab, Markus Schiefer Ferrari, Alexander Linke
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Ceva, Emanuela, e Maria Paola Ferretti. Political Corruption. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197567869.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This book discusses political corruption and anticorruption as a matter of a public ethics of office. It shows how political corruption is the Trojan horse that undermines public institutions from within via the interrelated action of the officeholders. Even well-designed institutions may go off track if the officeholders fail to uphold by their conduct a public ethics of office accountability. Most current discussions of political corruption and of why it is wrong have concentrated either on explaining and assessing it in terms of an individual’s corrupt character and motives or a dysfunction of institutional procedures. This book brings out the common normative root of these two manifestations of political corruption. It discusses them as instances of the same relationally wrongful practice that consists in an unaccountable use of the power of office by officeholders in public institutions. From this perspective, political corruption is an internal enemy of public institutions that can only be opposed by mobilizing officeholders to engage in answerability practices. In this way, officeholders are responsible for working together to maintain an interactively just institutional system.
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du Toit, Fanie. Valuing Political Difference. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881856.003.0008.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Embracing risk and ambiguity, rather than closure and certainty, a third typology of reconciliation theorists have emerged. Calling themselves agonists, they emphasize that reconciliation is fundamentally open-ended, deliberative, and has to strive consciously to include “conflict through other means.” Seen through this lens, reconciliation is more a process-oriented activity than an outcomes-driven one. Agonist reconciliation understands its inception as the call, amid conflict, to political community. Its unfolding is described as incessant discourse and debate, and its promise is understood as the commitment never to stop debating the terms of togetherness in a given context. My criticism of this position rests on two points: underestimating what it takes to overcome violence, and its one-sided emphasis on process at the expense of any predetermined outcomes—a situation that would, I argue, be unacceptable especially to those victims of oppression who correctly demand redress and justice as definite predetermined outcomes of reconciliation.
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Lindvall, Johannes. Reform Capacity. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198766865.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Reform capacity—the ability of political decision-makers to adopt and implement policy changes that benefit society as a whole—can be achieved in two different ways. One method is to build institutions that concentrate power, enabling governments to ignore losers from reform. The other method, which governments rely more on in systems where power is shared, is to build institutions that enable governments to compensate losers from reform. The book discusses numerous empirical examples of how governments have built support for reforms by compensating losers. These examples are drawn from several different policy areas, including trade and labor market policy, fiscal policy, social policy, and tax and economic policy. If political decision-makers in power-sharing democracies are able to solve the bargaining problems that can sometimes complicate negotiations between winners and losers, power-sharing systems have certain advantages over power-concentration systems. Power sharing can lead to high reform capacity in societies where interest groups are powerful enough to block reforms. Power sharing can also lead to high reform capacity when reforms have short-term costs and long-term benefits, since it helps to correct some of the short-sightedness inherent in democratic policymaking.
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Kroeze, Ronald, André Vitória e G. Geltner. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198809975.003.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The introduction to this volume focuses on historiography, methodology and conclusions. It explains how anticorruption has seldom been treated as a historical subject except as the occasional counterpart of corruption; instead, policy makers and social scientists have linked anticorruption and good government to the historical development of democracy and Weberian-style bureaucracy, all emblematic aspects of countries consistently ranked among the least corrupt in the world. This hypothesis has struck most historians involved in this volume as either circular or at least teleological. In response, they have sought to show that efforts to control corruption are not an exclusively Western-European or modern phenomenon; rather, the history of anticorruption is far more complex and diverse. In addition, they also outline how anticorruption is an inherently political issue, related to changing power relations and acute political crises, and that fighting corruption is historically difficult to evaluate in terms of success or failure.
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Waldman, Simon, e Emre Caliskan. The New Turkey and Its Discontents. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190668372.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Turkey of today little resembles that of recent decades. Its economy has expanded, new political elites have emerged, and the once powerful Kemalist military is no longer a potent and dominant political player. Meanwhile, new prosperity has had many unexpected social and political repercussions, pre-eminent among which is the advent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which first came to power in 2002 by downplaying its Islamist leanings and marketing itself as a center-right party. After several terms in office, and amid unprecedented popularity, the conduct of the AKP and its leading cadres has faced growing criticism. Turkey has yet to solve its Kurdish question, and its foreign policy is increasingly under threat as it balances relations with Iran, Israel, Iraq, Russia and the Kurds, to name only a few of its more demanding interlocutors. Widespread domestic protests gripped the country in 2013. The government is now perceived by many to be corrupt, unaccountable, intimidating of the press and intolerant of alternative political views and criticism. Has this once promising democracy descended into a tyranny of the majority led by a charismatic leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan? Is Turkey more polarized now than ever in its recent history? These are among the questions posed in this timely primer on a rising economic power.
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Mandle, Jon, e Sarah Roberts-Cady, a cura di. John Rawls. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190859213.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This collection of original essays explores major areas of debate inspired by the political philosophy of John Rawls. The volume is divided into ten parts, exploring ten distinct questions: Can Rawls’s conception of public reason offer determinate answers to major questions of justice? Is ideal theory useful or relevant to resolving issues of justice in the nonideal world? Are libertarians correct to criticize Rawls’s work for failing to prioritize economic liberty? Should the problems of distributive justice be understood in terms of luck egalitarian or relational egalitarian assumptions? When institutions aim at equality, what is it that they should seek to equalize—primary goods, capabilities, or welfare? Does Rawls’s theory of justice have the resources to address justice for people who are significantly dependent on others and their caregivers? Is Rawls’s theory adequate for addressing gender injustice? Can or should Rawls’s theory include justice for nonhuman animals? Should the principles of economic justice that hold at the global level be similar to the egalitarian principles of justice that hold at the domestic level? Is Rawls’s theory of global justice too tolerant of nonliberal societies? For each question, there is an introductory essay, providing an overview of the relevant arguments from Rawls’s work and the historical contours of the debate that ensued. Each introductory essay is followed by two essays written by scholars who take opposing positions, moving the discussion forward in a fruitful way.
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Franklin, M. I. Sampling Politics. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190855475.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This book is an exploration of the geocultural politics of music sampling. Each chapter delves into one case study—a track, or larger work—from the inside out by starting with the samples that are at the heart of the work. The objective is to unpack how sampled and sampling material work together in light of shifts in the political, economic, and sociocultural contexts of their making, distribution, and reception since. Considering sampling as a material of music, not simply a digital technique or restricted to one sort of music making, addresses an under-explored dimension in studies of the relationship between music (any sort) and politics of the day (usually progressive, social movements). This is a tendency to concentrate on the lyrics as where all the political meaning lies. But this overlooks how sampling, or borrowing from the music made by others, even one’s own, can also be a political act even when this is not the intention. Based on extensive archival research, close-listening musical analysis, and interviews with artists or their estates, each study provides ways to listen, hear (again), and so learn more about how each piece, as sampled and sampling music making, work, on its own musico-cultural terms. Some errors in the public record, misperceptions about some of the works and artists who feature, are corrected in light of debates over the creative, legal, and cultural legacy of music sampling as either “borrowing,” “appropriation,” or even “theft.”
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Hendley, Kathryn. Everyday Law in Russia. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705243.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This book challenges the prevailing common wisdom that Russians cannot rely on their law and that Russian courts are hopelessly politicized and corrupt. While acknowledging the persistence of verdicts dictated by the Kremlin in politically charged cases, the text explores how ordinary Russian citizens experience law. Relying on extensive observational research in Russia's new justice-of-the-peace courts as well as analysis of a series of focus groups, the book documents Russians' complicated attitudes regarding law. It shows that Russian judges pay close attention to the law in mundane disputes, which account for the vast majority of the cases brought to the Russian courts. Any reluctance on the part of ordinary Russian citizens to use the courts is driven primarily by their fear of the time and cost—measured in both financial and emotional terms—of the judicial process. Like their American counterparts, Russians grow more willing to pursue disputes as the social distance between them and their opponents increases; Russians are loath to sue friends and neighbors, but are less reluctant when it comes to strangers or acquaintances. The book concludes that the “rule of law” rubric is ill suited to Russia and other authoritarian polities where law matters most—but not all—of the time.
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Haughton, Tim, e Kevin Deegan-Krause. The New Party Challenge. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812920.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Why are there so many new parties? Why do so few of them survive? And why are they appearing and disappearing in so many more countries these days? Based on hundreds of interviews with party leaders, activists and voters and three decades of election results across Europe, The New Party Challenge introduces new tools for mapping and measuring party systems and develops an integrated conceptual framework for analysing the dynamics of party politics, particularly the birth and death of parties. The book charts and explains the patterns of politics in Central Europe since 1989, and then shows how similar processes are at play on a far wider geographical canvas. The repeated breakthroughs of new parties poses multiple challenges: existing parties that must staunch the outflow of disillusioned voters to fresh alternatives, new parties must figure out how to hold on to those new voters in the face of even newer alternatives, and society as a whole must find a way to pursue long-term policies in a political environment where the roster of political actors is constantly changing. The book underlines the importance of agency and choice in explaining the fate of parties, highlights the salience of the clean versus corrupt dimension of politics, charts the flow of voters in the new party subsystem and emphasizes the dimension of time and its role in shaping developments. The book concludes by reflecting on how the emergence of so many short-lived new parties may affect the health and quality of democracy, and what could and should be done.
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Oates, Rosamund. Moderate Radical. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198804802.001.0001.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This book explores Puritanism in Elizabethan and Early Stuart religious politics. Tobie Matthew (c. 1544–1628) was a religious radical at the start of Elizabeth’s reign, yet ended up in a position of great power within the English Church during the tumultuous years leading up to the British Civil Wars. Moderate Radical work provides a new perspective on this period and an insight into the power of conforming Puritanism as a political and cultural force. Matthew’s vision of conformity and godly magistracy brought many Puritans into the Church, but also furnished them with a justification for rebellion when Puritanism was seriously threatened. Through new sources, including Matthew’s annotations of his extensive library and newly discovered sermons, this book explores the guiding principles of Puritanism and explains why the godly promoted the national Church, even when it seemed corrupt. As Archbishop of York, Matthew protected Puritans, but his protection meant there was a rich seam of dissent at the heart of the Church that emerged when the godly found themselves under attack in the 1620s and 1630s. This is a story about the evolution of conforming Puritanism and its significance for the politics of Tudor and Stuart England; it also examines the influence of Puritan cultural practices, in particular the rich culture derived from sermons. This study is also a biography of a leading figure in the Church who struggled to come to terms with his own son’s Catholicism and the disappointments of his family. It provides new insight into tensions of the pre-Civil War Church.