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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Power (social sciences) Political aspects"
1
Bolotina, Ye, O. Shubna, A. Кvasha, and V. Melchenko. "Political Aspects of Public Administration in the Public Sector of Ukraine." Economic Herald of the Donbas, no. 4 (66) (2021): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/1817-3772-2021-4(66)-68-74.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article reveals the basic theoretical principles of public administration. The stages of formation and development of public administration are studied. It was found that public administration, as a system of public administration in Ukraine, needs to be reformed in a market economy and democratization of society. The main problems of formation and development of the system of public administration in terms of compliance with the European political trend of integration of public and personal factors, expanding the sphere of state influence while maximizing rights and freedoms, absolutization of the administrative factor of social transformations are considered. It is established that public administration: provides implements the decisions of the authorities; applies democratic, public, liberal forms and methods of managing the social, social and economic development of the country. The main factors that influenced the emergence in many countries of the world of such a new form of government in the public sector as public administration. Based on the understanding of the peculiarities of the evolution of the management model in the public sector, the need to introduce the concept of "public administration" into scientific circulation is substantiated. Recommendations for decentralization of management in the context of domestic reforms to increase the efficiency of the system of public authorities on an innovative basis are offered. In this context, it is extremely important to implement initiatives on constitutional changes in the decentralization of power, the priorities of the Public Administration Reform Strategy of Ukraine for 2016-2020; development of a new version of the Law of Ukraine "On Civil Service", which regulates the basic principles, legal and organizational principles of public service.
2
Bazić, Jovan. "The Social Aspects of Sport." Physical Education and Sport Through the Centuries 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/spes-2018-0005.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
SummaryIn this paper we evaluated the basic viewpoints on the mutual relations between contemporary sport and society. Sport is a global social phenomenon which is determined by a variety of different processes, including: the fast development of the industrial society and capital, an increase in leisure time, the development of a liberal democracy and the media. A special feature in these relations is the overall globalization process in today’s world. The basic structure of this paper is made up of two functional parts. In the first part we indicate the dominant theoretical-methodological paradigms in studying sport in social sciences, especially sociology: functionalism, conflict theory in society, interpretive and postmodern theory. In the second part of the paper we analyze the dialectics of contemporary relations between sport and society, where special attention is dedicated to the distribution of social power between sport, capital and the media at the local and global level. At the local level especially, there is a pronounced influence of politics on sport, which is realized through various mechanisms of government power, as well as other political subjects. The most solid bonds between sport and society on both levels are maintained by capital and the media, which know no boundaries. Through ownership and mechanisms of financing sports clubs and associations, athletes and athletic events, an entire network of capitalist relations in sport was created. Sport has become one of the most important factors of television programs, the internet and social networks, which has led to an enormous growth in profit and popularity of sport, but also to great changes in the social relations between people.
3
Suh, Nam Pyo. "Axiomatic Design and Design Thinking in Humanities and Social Sciences in the 21st Century." MATEC Web of Conferences 223 (2018): 01025. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201822301025.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Since the Industrial Revolution (IR), science and technology have advanced at an ever-accelerating rate. In a mere 250 years since IR, advances in science and technology have changed nearly all aspects of humanity. Before IR, people and animals were used as the primary source of power and energy. After IR, steam engines and other power sources replaced human and animal power, which ultimately changed the economic and political structure of many nations and the world. Now, the world is undergoing socio-economic transformation due to information technology and will soon enter the age of biological revolution. These and other advances in science and technology are likely to accelerate, creating both opportunities and some unanticipated risks to humanity. To ascertain that the technological changes result in positive outcomes for humanity and society, more research in humanities and social sciences is needed so as to complement the advances being made in natural sciences and technology. The question raised in this paper is: “Can Axiomatic Design and design thinking be applied in the fields of humanities and social sciences so as to create imaginative societal solutions in the technology era?” Design examples are given that show how AD can be applied in non-technical fields.
4
Vujovic, Sreten. "Local, glocal, entrepreneurial and socio-ecological aspects of the contemporary city." Sociologija 54, no. 1 (2012): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1201105v.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper, using political science and sociological approach, points to a series of phenomena, processes and problems related to the decentralization of state government, local government, glocal world, entrepreneurial city and urban socio-ecological features in the context of globalization, post-socialist transformation and ecological modernization. It is primarily about the way of managing the city, about urban policy. The power is the central category of each policy, including the local politics - power, social actors and interests in connection with them. Urban processes are governed by different actors - politicians, businessmen, experts, citizens / consumers, NGOs - some of which actually run, while others are subordinated, or resist, which indicates the latent and manifest tensions and conflicts in urban areas. Therefore, the concluding part of the paper points to the phenomenon of entrepreneurial city and its actors involved in the game of power. In order to concretize, some results of recent (2010) socio-ecological research of attitudes of representatives of local government in Serbia are used. Whether and how much a democratic decision-making in urban politics takes place is also one of the questions that are attended to.
5
Jotterand, Fabrice. "The Politicization of Science and Technology: Its Implications for Nanotechnology." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 34, no. 4 (2006): 658–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2006.00084.x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Nanotechnology represents, in part, a technological revolution in the sense that it allows highly innovative applications of various areas of the physical and life sciences. The development of nanotechnology and nanoscience, however, intensifies challenges to the traditional understanding of how to pursue scientific and technological knowledge. Science (in its broad meaning) can no longer be construed simply as the ideal of the quest for truth (i.e., “pure science”). Science, through its technological applications, has become the source of economic power and, by extension, political power. Science, with its political implications, has entered what John Ziman calls the era of “post-academic science.”In this paper, I argue that nanotechnology is a cardinal exemplar of this politicization, that is, the convergence of science, technology, politics, and economics for social and governmental purposes. At the same time, I assert that this new scientific ethos offers the possibility of a better integration of ethical and philosophical reflections at the core of scientific and technological development.
6
Kaspe, Svyatoslav. "Light and Power: The Panopticon as a Political Form and its Variations." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 19, no. 1 (2020): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2020-1-9-34.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
After Michel Foucault, Bentham’s Panopticon became a widely recognized image of the modern state. The article focuses on some aspects of this strong metaphor that were not taken into account by Foucault or most other researchers. The question of the sources of light in the Panopticon, also understood metaphorically as a sine qua non for the exercise of power and for its legitimacy at the same time, allows to describe such variations of the state’s political form that is based on either a “political religion” (adjacent to a totalitarian phenomenon), or secular (adjacent to liberalism) and based on the “civil religion” (the most complicated of all). A key variable here is the mode to interface the political and the sacred. If in the pre-modern era the openness of political forms for influences emanating from the sacred was presumed, in modern states the political reaches autonomy; the political becomes emancipated from the sacred, and occupies its place in the most radical scenarios. The author argues that in the future, the highest sustainability will be demonstrated by those variations of the state political form in which this autonomy is not completed, or where the connections between the political and the sacred are maintained, albeit at a reduced level, that is, those in which “civil religion” is practiced.
7
Aleshina, Ekaterina Yuryevna. "Political Discourse as Sliding Mode Manifestations." International Journal of Applied Research in Bioinformatics 12, no. 1 (January 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijarb.2022010102.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The article considers the problem of political discourse transformation as exemplified by European (British&Russian) political rhetoric of the 20th century. Considered is the complex nature of political discourse comprising both its variable and invariable aspects reflecting discursive constancy and change which are regarded as manifestations of the sliding mode usually applicable to exact sciences phenomena. The major factors of transformation depend on social change caused by dramatic events in history, namely political conflicts. The invariable part of political discourse is concentrated around the text structure with dicteme as the main information and structure unit of the text and discourse. The variable part is determined by factors of speech regulation including target content of the utterance, status of the speaker and the listener, pre-supposition and post-supposition. Genre and register specificity of political discourse as its constant characteristics reflect the change. Conclusions offer some generalizations Virtual Learning offer for Biologic Informatics aspects
8
Zanotti, Laura, Courtney Carothers, Charlene Aqpik Apok, Sarah Huang, Jesse Coleman, and Charlotte Ambrozek. "Political ecology and decolonial research: co-production with the Iñupiat in Utqiaġvik." Journal of Political Ecology 27, no. 1 (January 28, 2020): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v27i1.23335.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Environmental social science research designs have shifted over the past several decades to include an increased commitment to multi-, inter-, and transdisciplinary team-based work that have had dual but complementary foci. These address power and equity in the substantive aspects of research, and also to adopt more engaged forms of practice, including decolonial approaches. The fields of political ecology, human geography, and environmental anthropology have been especially open to converge with indigenous scholarship, particularly decolonial and settler colonial theories and research designs, within dominant human-environmental social science paradigms. Scholars at the forefront of this dialogue highlight the ontological (ways of knowing), epistemological (how we know), and institutional (institutions of higher education) transformations that need to occur in order for this to take place. In this article we contribute to this literature in two ways. First, we highlight the synergies between political ecology and decolonial scholarship, particularly focusing on the power dynamics in research programs and historical legacies of human-environmental relationships, including those of researchers. Second, we explore how decolonial research pushes political ecologists and other environmental social scientists to not only consider adopting international and local standards of working with, by and for Indigenous Peoples within research programs but how this work ultimately extends to research and education within their home institutions and organizations. Through integrating decolonized research practices in the environmental social sciences, we argue that synthesizing multiple knowledge practices and transforming institutional structures will enhance team-based environmental social science work to improve collaboration with Indigenous scientists, subsistence practitioners, agency representatives, and sovereign members of Indigenous communities.Keywords: Alaska; collaboration; co-production; decolonial; Indigenous Knowledges; Iñupiaq Peoples
9
Carmen, Ira H. "Bioconstitutional Politics: Toward an Interdisciplinary Paradigm." Politics and the Life Sciences 5, no. 2 (February 1987): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400002100.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This article integrates theory and data culled from two largely unrelated subdisciplines—biopolitics and constitutional politics—to provide a “bioconstitutional” overview of power relationships among Homo sapiens. That overview features three aspects of constitutional configuration: (1) the biopsychological, evidence of which is drawn chiefly from neuroscience, primatology, biochemistry, and championship chess play; (2) the biosocial, evidence of which is drawn chiefly from gene-culture coevolutionary analysis, anthropology, social psychology, jurisprudence, and political science; (3) the biopolicy aspect, evidence of which is drawn exclusively from the American scene, most particularly Supreme Court decision making involving reproductive choice and governmental constraints on gene-cloning. Constitutionalism is conceived as a thought-action field theory, whose values are not only dynamic and functional, but also both politically influential and subject to political influence. Bioconstitutionalism supplies the requisite life science context for these patterns, and itself presents notable feedback features as humans acquire greater capacity to order their adaptive strategies through biological intervention programs.
10
Harris, Martin. "Power, Knowledge and Social Process in Technology Analysis: The Case of CAD/CAM." Journal of Information Technology 12, no. 1 (March 1997): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026839629701200105.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
“Social process’ analyses of technology implementation have had a major influence on research carried out over the last 15 years. Technology implementation is now widely regarded as a ‘socially negotiated’ process the outcome of which is likely to be shaped by different interests and constituencies within the innovating firm. However, the explanatory status accorded to questions of power and political process remains problematic. This paper combines an empirical investigation of the political processes associated with the implementation of CAD/CAM with a cross-disciplinary treatment of the underlying theoretical issues. The concluding part of the paper focuses on ‘political’ and ‘learning’ aspects of technical change. ‘Power’, ‘knowledge’ and ‘control’ rationalities are included in a revised theorization of the technical change process.
Tesi sul tema "Power (social sciences) Political aspects"
1
Maeda, Mitsuko, and 前田美子. "Power relations among actors in development cooperation: patterns, concepts and approaches in a Japanese-assistedteacher training project in Cambodia." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38233575.
Testo completo
2
Bastalich, Wendy. "Politicising the productive: subjectivity, feminist labour thought and Foucault." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb324.pdf.
Testo completo
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au, Zsuzsanna Millei@newcastle edu, and Zsuzsa Millei. "A genealogical study of the child as the subject of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20081002.80627.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The study produces a genealogy of the child as the shifting subject constituted by the confluence of discourses that are utilized by, and surround, Western Australian precompulsory education. The analysis is approached as a genealogy of governmentality building on the work of Foucault and Rose, which enables the consideration of the research question that guides this study: How has the child come to be constituted as a subject of regimes of practices of pre-compulsory education in Western Australia?
This study does not explore how the historical discourses changed in relation to the child as a universal subject of early education, but it examines the multiple ways the child was constituted by these discourses as the subject at which government is to be aimed, and whose characteristics government must harness and instrumentalize. Besides addressing the research question, the study also develops a set of intertwining arguments. In these the author contends that the child is invented through historically contingent ideas about the individual and that the way in which the child is constituted in pre-compulsory education shifts in concert with the changing problematizations about the government of the population and individuals. Further, the study demonstrates the necessity to understand the provision of pre-compulsory education as a political practice.
Looking at pre-compulsory education as a political practice de-stabilizes the takenfor-granted constitutions of the child embedded in present theories, practices and research with children in the field of early childhood education. It also enables the de- and reconstruction of the notions of childrens participation, empowerment and citizenship. The continuous de- and reconstruction of these notions and the destabilization of the constitutions of the child creates a framework in which improvement is possible, rather than a utopian, wholesale and, thus revolutionary, transformation in early education (Branson & Miller, 1991, p. 187). This study also contributes to the critiques of classroom discipline approaches by reconceptualizing them as technologies of government in order to reveal the power relations they silently wield.
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盧詠思. "從「校本管理條例」爭論看權力話語". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2005. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/678.
Testo completo
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Yang, Victor. "Unleashing power : pathways to inclusion and representation in U.S. AIDS activist organisations : a comparative case study of political representation in the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5b51086e-cd00-4d92-b39a-2865219ea5a1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The thesis proposes a theory for the development of substantive representation among social movement organisations (SMOs). Substantive representation (SR) is the extent to which political institutions advance the policy interests of their constituents, in particular the most disenfranchised. Despite their noble proclamations, institutions of representative democracy often fail to advance the interests of groups who have been ignored and absent at the proverbial table. The thesis establishes a causal process to explain the divergence in SR outcomes among informal SMOs, or all-volunteer groups that disavow formal hierarchy in favour of egalitarian modes of decision-making. It utilises a case study of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), an umbrella organisation dedicated to ending the HIV/AIDS crisis in the United States and worldwide. It explains an anomalous story of SR attainment through the ACT UP Philadelphia chapter, compared to sister groups in New York City and Boston. The analysis draws from 92 semi-structured interviews, 13 months of participant observation, periodical review, and archival databases. ACT UP Philadelphia translated common SMO intentions of inclusivity into the uncommon rituals of practice. It forged a deliberate pipeline to invest not only in the presence but also the power of disenfranchised people with HIV, people too dark and poor to interest counterpart groups in other cities. Through an analytic retelling of ACT UP's history, the thesis argues that the fulfilment of SR depends on the ability of SMOs to appeal to member self-interest. Critically, SMOs can offer material incentives and nurture feelings of debt and obligation: causal steps to recruitment and sustainability of a heterogeneous membership. In building a crucial if contentious core of dissimilar people and partnerships, SMOs can unleash an oft-unrealised power for collective action and SR, by and for disenfranchised peoples who had thought change to be impossible.
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Ackerman, Carla. "The power of patriarchy : its manifestation in rape." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/54906.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1995.<br>Includes bibliography<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates womens' perceptions of social power, as
illustrated by their experiences of rape. In the first chapter
the principles of subjective feminist research are analyzed
against the background of feminist critique on so-called
objective science. This introduction also discusses the feminist
research methodology used in the study.
This is followed by an examination of mainstream political
science's conception of "power". How mainstream political
scientists conceptualise "power", how they define "the exercise
of power". Analyses of the feminist critique against the
mainstream conception of "power" are discussed.
The account of Foucault's ideas on "power" is, to some degree,
a link between mainstream political science's views and feminists
views.
An examination of patriarchy, the three main dichotomies present in our society that determine female/male relations and gendered sexuality follows. It is against the aforementioned background that the literature study moves into a practical research stage. The next chapter
analyses womens' conceptions and experiences of "power"
relations by looking at the feminist theory of rape. This is
followed by an analysis of the research data and a discussion of
the popular rape myths in our society.
A historical overview and analysis of the current rape law is
then given, while the last chapter examines a feminist
alternative conception of "power"relations by re-visiting
"power" and by providing a feminist vision of women-power.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek vrouens se persepsies van sosiale mag soos geïllustreer deur hulle ervarings van verkragting. In die
eerste hoofstuk word die beginsels van subjektiewe feministiese
navorsing geanaliseer teen die agtergrond van die feministiese
kritiek teen sogenaamde objektiewe wetenskap. Dit verskaf 'n
bespreking van die feministiese navorsingsmetodologie wat in die
studie gebruik is.
In die daaropvolgende hoofstuk word hoofstroom politieke
wetenskap se konsepsie van "mag" ondersoek deur te kyk na hoe
hoofstroom politieke wetenskap "mag" konseptualiseer, hoe dit
"die uitoefening van mag" definieer en deur die analise van
feministiese kritiek teen hoofstroom politieke wetenskap se
konsepsie van "mag". Die opsomming van Faucault se idees oor "mag" is in sommige
opsigte 'n skakel tussen hoofstroom politieke wetenskap se
sieninge en die van feministe. 'n Ondersoek na patriargie, die
drie belangrikste tweeledighede ("dichotomies") in ons samelewing wat die verhoudings tussen vrouens en mans bepaal en geslagtelike seksualiteit ("gendered sexuality") volg.
Dit is teen die agtergrond van die voorafgaande dat die
literatuurstudie gevolg word deur 'n praktiese navorsingsfase.
Daar volg'In analise van vrouens se konsepsies en ondervindings
van "magsverhoudinge" deur eerstens na die feministiese teorie
van verkragting te kyk. Hierna volg 'n analise van die
navorsingsdata en In bespreking van populêre verkragtingsmites
in ons samelewing.
In aansluiting by bogenoemde volg 'n historiese oorsig en analise
van die huidige verkragtingswet en vrouens se ervarings daarvan.
Laastens volg 'n feministiese alternatiewe konsepsie van
"magsverhoudinge" deur 'n her-analise van "mag" voor te stel en
deur 'n feministiese visie van vroue-mag ("women-power") te
verskaf.
7
Bue, Martine Eriksen. "Women's vulnerability, sexual power and prevention of stigma : what do prevention campaigns tell us." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86385.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The HIV-epidemic that is evident in South Africa today is infecting more women than men. This is
mostly due to the vulnerability that women are facing in sexual relationships, where they are not able
to negotiate the terms and conditions of their sexual engagement. Patriarchy, the culture of masculinity
and a general male dominance influence women’s dependency on their man and agency inside and
outside of the home, and contribute to the oppression of women both generally in society and sexually.
Women have by this not the control over their own bodies and are for this reason in a high-risk
position of contracting HIV. The vulnerability is further linked to the stigmatisation that women
experience if they do try to negotiate preventative measures to reduce the risk of transmission. The
fear of being stigmatised as ‘loose’ or HIV-positive by both men and women if suggesting condom
use, inhibits women to propose the necessary actions for protection. Stigmatising behaviours also
impact on a person’s fear of becoming HIV-positive and reduces the likelihood of getting tested,
disclose one’s status to sexual partners and receive treatment.
This thesis examines cultural and socio-economic issues that contribute to gender inequality in South
Africa, and can generate stigma towards women on the basis of HIV and AIDS. This is done by using
radical feminism as the theoretical framework for contextualising how women are situated in the
South African society, in terms of general and sexual agency. Through the method of content analysis
and the findings from the theoretical framework, the thesis further analyses how the three HIVprevention
campaigns loveLife, Brothers for Life and TAC manage to address the issues related to
stigma based on HIV/AIDS, which are directed towards women. Race, class and gender are all factors that influence the likelihood of becoming HIV-infected and of
becoming stigmatised. Women’s low social status situates women in a position where they are more
probable to be the object of stigmatisation since they already are considered lower in rank. If the
women also are of colour, poor and low educated the chances of becoming stigmatised on the basis of
HIV and AIDS are even more likely, the same is the chances of becoming HIV-infected. This
indicates that poor, uneducated black women are the group that is most vulnerable towards
stigmatisation as well as towards HIV-transmission.
Socio-economic and cultural factors have a strong influence on the gender inequality in sexual
relationships found in South Africa, which cause HIV to spread and can generate stigmatising
behaviours. Stigmatisation on the basis of HIV/AIDS is therefore important to address in order to
reduce the number of new HIV-infections. The three campaigns analysed for this thesis did neither directly address stigma on a general level nor directed towards women. The campaigns are therefore
considered to be missing an important feature of HIV-prevention in South Africa.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die huidige Suid-Afrikaanse Vigsepidemie infekteer meer vroue as mans. Dit is die geval weens die
kwesbaarheid wat vroue ervaar in seksuele verhoudings, waar vroue nie die mag het om die
omstandighede van hul seksuele interaksies te onderhandel nie. Patriargie, die kultuur van manlikheid
en ‘n algemene manlike dominansie beïnvloed vroue se mag en dra by tot die onderdrukking van
vroue, beide in die samelewing in die algemeen en in seksuele verhoudings. Om hierdie rede het vroue
nie beheer oor hul eie liggame nie en daarom ervaar hulle ‘n hoë risiko om MIV op te doen.
Hierdie kwesbaarheid word ook verbind aan die stigmatisering wat vroue ervaar wanneer hulle
probeer om voorkomende aksie te neem ten einde die risiko van Vigsoordrag te verminder. Die vrees
om deur mans en ander vroue gestigmatiseer te word as iemand met ‘losse sedes’, of as iemand wat
MIV-positief is wanneer hulle kondoomgebruik voorstel, weerhou vroue daarvan om die nodige
voorkomende aksie vir selfbeskerming te neem. Stigmatiserende gedrag het ook ‘n impak op ‘n mens
se vrees om MIV-positief te word en verminder die waarskynliheid dat jy jouself vir die virus sal laat
toets, dat iemand hul status aan seksuele maats sal verklaar, of behandeling sal ontvang. Diegene wat
reeds MIV onder lede het is bang om hul status te verklaar weens die gepaardgaande stigma.
Hierdie tesis ondersoek kulturele en sosio-ekonomiese kwessies wat bydra tot geslagsongelykheid in
Suid-Afrika, en wat stigma kan veroorsaak teenoor vroue met betrekking tot MIV and Vigs. Die studie
analiseer dan of Vigsveldtogte hierdie stigma kan aanspreek. Dit word gedoen deur radikale
feminisme toe te pas as ‘n teoretiese raamwerk om vroue se plek in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing te
kontekstualiseer, beide in terme van algemene en seksuele mag. Die metode van inhoudsanalise word
toegepas om drie Vigsvoorkomingsveldtogte (loveLife, Brothers for Life en TAC) te analiseer en vas
te stel of en hoe hulle kwessies wat betrekking het op stigma teenoor vroue aanspreek. Sosio-ekonomiese en kulturele faktore het ‘n sterk invloed op die geslagsongelykeid in seksuele
verhoudings in Suid-Afrika; dit lei daartoe dat MIV versprei word en kan stigmatiserende gedrag
vererger. Om hierdie rede is dit belangrik dat MIV/Vigsvoorkomingsveldtogte stigmatisering
aanspreek ten einde gedrag te wysig en om die getal nuwe Vigsbesmettings te laat daal. Die drie
veldtogte wat in hierdie tesis geanaliseer is het beide nagelaat om stigma direk aan te spreek op ‘n
algemene vlak, en was ook nie direk gerig op vroue nie. Die veldtogte kan daarom beskou word as
ontoereikend deurdat hulle belangrike komponente van MIV-voorkomig in Suid-Afrika misgekyk het.
8
Urs, Ion Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "The empowerment of aggressive state ideology in two periods of Russian history." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40568.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.
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Oliveira, Daniel Simões. "As regiões guerrilheiras colombianas e sua relação com a economia e politica no mundo contemporaneo." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279245.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de Moraes<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T20:56:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Oliveira_DanielSimoes_M.pdf: 1311572 bytes, checksum: b711e7694374f0201cc16ec0c2762fc5 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2007<br>Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo aprofundar o conhecimento acerca dos sentidos da atual ordem mundial vigente a partir do estudo da dinâmica conflituosa observada no território colombiano. Nesse sentido, toma como objeto central de sua reflexão a constituição de duas importantes regiões no interior do país, cujos contornos se definem pela presença de atividades econômicas de grande porte mediadas pelos movimentos guerrilheiros que, através do controle da circulação espacial nos espaços em questão, passam a impor uma organização peculiar e funcional aos interesses desses movimentos armados. As duas Regiões em questão, a Cocaleira e a Petrolífera, serão tomadas destarte em suas particularidades internas, para que posteriormente seja pensado o significado destes espaços na lógica do capitalismo contemporâneo, expandido ao nível global<br>Abstract: The objective of the present work is to deepen the knowledge concerning the directions of the current effective world-wide order from the study of the conflicting dynamics observed in the Columbian territory. In this direction, it takes as central object of its reflection the constitution of two important regions in the interior of the country, whose contours are defined by the presence of great economic activities mediated by the guerrila movements that, through the control of the space circulation in these regions, impose a peculiar and functional organization to the interests of these armed movements. The two Regions in question, the Petroliferous and the Coke one, will be taken in its internal particularities so that later the meaning of these spaces in the contemporary capitalism logic, expanded to the global level, can be thought<br>Mestrado<br>Política Externa<br>Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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Fung, Yat-chu, and 馮一柱. "Information technology and empowerment in information society: use of computers amongst senior persons." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31245298.
Testo completoLibri sul tema "Power (social sciences) Political aspects"
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Political globalization: State, power and social forces. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.
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C, Peterson Wallace, ed. Market power and the economy: Industrial, corporate, governmental, and political aspects. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988.
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Power theory of economics. New York: St. Martin's Press in association with the Suntory Foundation Osaka, Japan, 1995.
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Elena, Caramazza, ed. Gender, space and power: A new paradigm for the social sciences. London: Free Association Books, 2005.
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Poder social: Algunas posibilidades en Colombia. Bogotá, D.C: Centro de Estudios Políticos e Internacionales-CEPI, Facultades de Ciencia Política y Gobierno y de Relaciones Internacionales, 2007.
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Political theory and the animal/human relationship. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2016.
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author, Stehr Nico, ed. The power of scientific knowledge: From research to public policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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Achieving power: Practice and policy in social welfare. North Sidney, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1991.
Cerca il testo completoCapitoli di libri sul tema "Power (social sciences) Political aspects"
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Canêdo, Leticia. "The Ford Foundation and the Institutionalization of Political Science in Brazil." In The Social and Human Sciences in Global Power Relations, 243–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73299-2_9.
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Boncourt, Thibaud. "What “Internationalization” Means in the Social Sciences. A Comparison of the International Political Science and Sociology Associations." In The Social and Human Sciences in Global Power Relations, 95–123. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73299-2_4.
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Settersten, Richard A., Barbara Stauber, and Andreas Walther. "The Significance of Relationality in “Doing Transitions”." In Life Course Research and Social Policies, 235–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13512-5_15.
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AbstractIt is common to interpret transitions as individual experiences that are largely the result of personal choices and behaviors or that are being worked out through individual processes. A foundational tenet of a Doing Transitions framework is that transitions are shaped and produced through social practices and are therefore not individual but relational – constantly co-produced or shared with, conditioned by, or otherwise involving multiple others. As such, a Doing Transitions framework makes visible the ways in which social interactions and processes create or reify individual and group differences, including how transition processes and outcomes are entangled in dynamics of power and empowerment, inequalities, politics and the welfare state. Instead of being seen as fixed entities, transitions are viewed as processual, dynamic, situated, and interwoven. This chapter makes an innovative contribution to the literature by systematizing this shift in observing and analyzing transitions. It recalls some core aspects of the theoretical turn offered by relational approaches and, against this backdrop, offers five distinct patterns of relationality and draws upon chapters of this book to illustrate how the science and practice of transitions can be advanced by leveraging these patterns of relationality.
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Reed, Alastair, and Adam Henschke. "Who Should Regulate Extremist Content Online?" In Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications, 175–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-90221-6_11.
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AbstractAs liberal democracies grapple with the evolution of online political extremism, in addition to governments, social media and internet infrastructure companies have found themselves making more and more decisions about who gets to use their platforms, and what people say online. This raises the question that this paper explores, who should regulate extremist content online? In doing so the first part of the paper examines the evolution of the increasing role that social media and internet infrastructure companies have come to play in the regulating extremist content online, and the ethical challenges this presents. The second part of the paper explores three ethical challenges: i) the moral legitimacy of private actors, ii) the concentration of power in the hands of a few actors and iii) the lack of separation of powers in the content regulation process by private actors.
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Sierra, Rosa. "Transformation and Contestation. Learning from Actors and Socio-political Engagements in Transformative Science." In Nachhaltige Entwicklung in einer Gesellschaft des Umbruchs, 159–73. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31466-8_9.
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AbstractThe chapter presents the design and content of a sustainability research project in the humanities and the social sciences, as well as some methodological and theoretical guidelines from two different transformational frameworks that were assessed in the project. It then outlines the tension that emerges when we consider transformation from the point of view of processes and try to integrate the role of agency, especially of actors that contest structures or processes rather than initiating or supporting them. It finally explores how this tension challenges the assessed frameworks and which aspects of them can be stressed in order to face the challenge.
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Sierra, Rosa. "Transformation and Contestation. Learning from Actors and Socio-political Engagements in Transformative Science." In Nachhaltige Entwicklung in einer Gesellschaft des Umbruchs, 159–73. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31466-8_9.
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AbstractThe chapter presents the design and content of a sustainability research project in the humanities and the social sciences, as well as some methodological and theoretical guidelines from two different transformational frameworks that were assessed in the project. It then outlines the tension that emerges when we consider transformation from the point of view of processes and try to integrate the role of agency, especially of actors that contest structures or processes rather than initiating or supporting them. It finally explores how this tension challenges the assessed frameworks and which aspects of them can be stressed in order to face the challenge.
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Jarty, Julie, and Karina Batthyány. "Recent Evolutions of Gender, State Feminism and Care Models in Latin America and Europe." In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 361–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_12.
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AbstractThis chapter presents and characterises the way in which, in the twenty-first century, after years of feminist struggles inside and outside of institutions, gender relations are organised in the different countries of the INCASI project (on the European side, Spain, Italy, Finland, France and the United Kingdom, on the side of the South American Southern Cone, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay). It pays special attention to the implementation of feminist issues on political agendas, and in particular the assignment of women to unpaid care work—an aspect of the power continuum that we look to relate to other aspects. Gradually and for almost a century all countries in both continents have granted women the status of subjects, citizens and employees. However, the conditions, challenges and timelines of this process differ considerably from one continent to another, so they need to be addressed separately. The neoliberal era did not have the same impact in Europe as it did in South America (nor was it exactly the same between particular European countries or among South American ones).
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Reitz, Talitta. "Back to the Drawing Board: Creative Mapping Methods for Inclusion and Connection." In Co-Creativity and Engaged Scholarship, 323–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84248-2_11.
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AbstractThe most well-known representation of the globe, the Mercator Projection, often provokes surprise for its considerable distortions: despite appearances, Greenland is almost five times smaller than Canada, and Russia is, in fact, approximately half the size it appears. Since the oldest civilizations, maps have relied on shifting knowledges to become more accurate and efficient, a process accelerated with science and technological development. But the unrealistic proportions of the Mercator map point to a critical reflection: maps show no absolute truths, nor are they neutral. Maps tell stories; they represent ideas as much as spaces, and exactitude is no synonym for neutrality. On the contrary, mapping is a cultural and political act. In the 1990s, geographers started to defy the power relationships of mapmaking with critical cartography. This critique, strongly supported by activists, opened new debates and representational possibilities in which scientific principles started to matter less than social and environmental justice, political participation, and storytelling. Within this framework, this chapter reflects on two alternative mapping methods used in the humanities and social sciences: social cartography and deep mapping. Each section introduces origins, theoretical frameworks, reception, and applications. Because these methods aim to rectify the abuse of power often enabled by scientific mapping, they use non-prescriptive mapmaking to legitimize neglected perspectives. Social Cartography is intrinsically participatory and uses mapping as a collaborative and critical practice. It challenges the role of traditional cartography in socio-political spheres, creating opportunities for new narratives and communities to be heard and understood. Deep maps represent abstract characteristics of a place. They can transcend the boundaries of bi-dimensional and pictorial representation, and consequently, reach different publics. The method is flexible, combining literature and immersive experiences to convey personal or subjective qualities of a place. Other expressions of deep mapping include audio and performative documentations. Social cartography and deep mapping operate against traditional mapmaking by reinforcing the notion that non-institutionalized maps are just as valid in guiding public actions and projects. As participatory practices within communities, these methods promote dialogue, empowerment, and transformation. Therefore, they are indispensable in ensuring democratic research and decision-making.
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Reith, Gerda, and Heather Wardle. "The Framing of Gambling and the Commercial Determinants of Harm: Challenges for Regulation in the UK." In The Global Gambling Industry, 71–86. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35635-4_6.
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AbstractThis article argues that the framing of gambling is crucial for how it is dealt with at every level; from legislative, regulatory and commercial practice to the terms of media and civic debate. Whoever frames the debate has power over the ways that we can and cannot think about gambling, as well as what we can do about it.We take the example of Britain as a case study in which, despite recent repeated calls for gambling to be regarded as a public health issue, it continues to be framed primarily in terms of economic activity and consumerism. We argue that this framing is the product of a particular political-economic model and that it is embedded in legislation and regulatory practice. We go on to describe the commercial landscape of gambling that has been produced by this framework as one which produces harm. As such, we make the point that framing is a key component of the commercial determinants of harm in gambling. The final section of our paper considers the various forms of political and commercial influence that infiltrate and shape the framing of gambling in Britain. This work was funded by Wellcome Trust through a Humanities and Social Sciences Fellowship to Heather Wardle (grant number: 200306).
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Santos, António Duarte. "Stockholm syndrome, social anaesthesia and the quality of democracy in Portugal." In Direitos Humanos e Justiça em Perspectiva, 95–120. JUS.XXI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51389/gbqo1765.
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The topics of democracy and democratization of political regimes have been at the top of the social sciences agenda, especially that of political science and economics. As an increasing number of nations have chosen their political leaders through free and fair elections, the attention of researchers has also been directed to the need to discover what differentiates democracies. This academic attention is related to the growing weight that this topic has gained in the public agenda. The alleged decline in electoral participation, in citizens' trust in political institutions, the quality of political elites and mechanisms of accountability of power are recurrent themes. And there is the idea that the economic, social and cultural foundations that have led to the emergence of Democracy in industrialized countries have undergone such important changes that they may be affecting the most basic aspects of the relationship between citizens and power political. We analyse the Portuguese case, in which the quality of the functioning of democracy has become an increasingly relevant topic, in which the State ends up being the kidnapper of a people held hostage by promiscuity between private conveniences and public favours. This machination makes the electoral system unsuitable for reality and, above all, unsuitable for the future. The Portuguese people have become anesthetized, accustomed to a democratic system that does not favour economic growth and the well-being of citizens. It is the quality of democracy that is at stake. It has become imprisoned by a certain normative conception of Democracy, which, in turn, may not be representative of the views shared by most citizens or political agents. On the other hand, by privileging institutional aspects of the political system, this approach neglects the fundamental aspect of a democratic regime: the citizens and their perceptions and assessments.
Atti di convegni sul tema "Power (social sciences) Political aspects"
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Irfan, Mohammad T., and Tucker Gordon. "The Power of Context in Networks: Ideal Point Models with Social Interactions." In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/858.
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Game theory has been widely used for modeling strategic behaviors in networked multiagent systems. However, the context within which these strategic behaviors take place has received limited attention. We present a model of strategic behavior in networks that incorporates the behavioral context, focusing on the contextual aspects of congressional voting. One salient predictive model in political science is the ideal point model, which assigns each senator and each bill a number on the real line of political spectrum. We extend the classical ideal point model with network-structured interactions among senators. In contrast to the ideal point model's prediction of individual voting behavior, we predict joint voting behaviors in a game-theoretic fashion. The consideration of context allows our model to outperform previous models that solely focus on the networked interactions with no contextual parameters. We focus on two fundamental questions: learning the model using real-world data and computing stable outcomes of the model with a view to predicting joint voting behaviors and identifying most influential senators. We demonstrate the effectiveness of our model through experiments using data from the 114th U.S. Congress.
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Gubova, Olga. "SOME ASPECTS OF POLITICAL REGIONALIZATION OF VISEGRAD COUNTRIES." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.044.
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Frants, Valerya. "POLITICAL ASPECTS OF MIGRANTS INTEGRATION TO THE HOST COMMUNITY." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s01.019.
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Mikus, Dalibor. "POLITICAL AND ECONOMICAL ASPECTS OF SCHOLAR SYSTEM IN SLOVAK REPUBLIC." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.094.
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Kurniawati, Heryna Oktaviana. "Gender Issues towards Communication Aspects on Women Leadership Styles in Construction Company." In 6th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICOSAPS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201219.013.
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Filipczykova, Hana. "PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN MORAVIAN-SILESIAN SOCIAL WORK ORGANIZATIONS." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.070.
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Machyniak, Jan. "POLITICAL ASPECTS AS A DETERMINANT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION FUNCTIONING- THE CASE OF SLOVAKIA AFTER 1989." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.030.
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Moento, Paul Adryani, Hubertus Oja, and Welem Levi Betaubun. "Political Power of the Democratic National Party in the Electoral Election." In 3rd International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201014.084.
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Karabushchenko, Pavel. "AXIOLOGY OF MODERN POLITICAL ELITE: EXPERT EVALUATION OF ELITE QUALITY OF POWER." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s01.003.
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Hadi, Kisno. "WOMEN AND POWER IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF DAYAK MA’ANYAN TRIBE." In Call for Paper ICOGISS 2019 - International Conference on Governance Innovation and Social Sciences. Universitas Muhammadiyah Jember, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32528/pi.v0i0.2533.
Testo completoRapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "Power (social sciences) Political aspects"
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Haider, Huma. Political Settlements: The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Manufacturing Civilisational Crises: Instrumentalisation of Anti-Western Conspiracy Theories for Populist Authoritarian Resilience in Turkey and Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0014.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper looks at the importance of ‘crisis events’ used by leaders employing populist civilisational populism in Muslim democracies. While populism is widely acknowledged and studied as part of early twentieth century political developments, various aspects remain unexplored. One feature is how populists make use of a crisis. While populists do benefit from social and political rifts, this paper goes a step further and argues that civilisationalist populists create imaginary and exaggerated ‘crises’ to sustain and prolong their relevance/position in power as well as justify their undemocratic actions. Using the case studies of Turkey (Recep Tayyip Erdogan) and Pakistan (Imran Khan) allows for a comparison to be drawn between two different leaders seeking to maintain power by using their position to either create civilizationalist crises or to frame ordinary crises as civilisational. The findings highlight that despite different political scenarios and outcomes, both these populist leaders gained political support by creating crises. We find that in most cases, populists exaggerate pre-existing insecurities and events to their benefit. The overblown claims and conspiratorial scenarios aid populists in creating a niche for their narratives by reaffirming their populist categorisation of societies. At the same time, the findings bring forth the troubling issues of the social-political cost of these Islamist civilisationalist populists.
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Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, Maria Sibylla Merian Centre. Conviviality in Unequal Societies: Perspectives from Latin America Thematic Scope and Preliminary Research Programme. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/mecila.2017.01.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America (Mecila) will study past and present forms of social, political, religious and cultural conviviality, above all in Latin America and the Caribbean while also considering comparisons and interdependencies between this region and other parts of the world. Conviviality, for the purpose of Mecila, is an analytical concept to circumscribe ways of living together in concrete contexts. Therefore, conviviality admits gradations – from more horizontal forms to highly asymmetrical convivial models. By linking studies about interclass, interethnic, intercultural, interreligious and gender relations in Latin America and the Caribbean with international studies about conviviality, Mecila strives to establish an innovative exchange with benefits for both European and Latin American research. The focus on convivial contexts in Latin America and the Caribbean broadens the horizon of conviviality research, which is often limited to the contemporary European context. By establishing a link to research on conviviality, studies related to Latin America gain visibility, influence and impact given the political and analytical urgency that accompanies discussions about coexistence with differences in European and North American societies, which are currently confronted with increasing socioeconomic and power inequalities and intercultural and interreligious conflicts.
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Davies, Will. Improving the engagement of UK armed forces overseas. Royal Institute of International Affairs, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135010.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The UK government’s Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy, published in March 2021 alongside a supporting defence command paper, set a new course for UK national security and highlighted opportunities for an innovative approach to international engagement activity. The Integrated Review focused principally on the state threats posed by China’s increasing power and by competitors – including Russia – armed with nuclear, conventional and hybrid capabilities. It also stressed the continuing risks to global security and resilience due to conflict and instability in weakened and failed states. These threats have the potential to increase poverty and inequality, violent extremism, climate degradation and the forced displacement of people, while presenting authoritarian competitors with opportunities to enhance their geopolitical influence. There are moral, security and economic motives to foster durable peace in conflict-prone and weakened regions through a peacebuilding approach that promotes good governance, addresses the root causes of conflict and prevents violence, while denying opportunities to state competitors. The recent withdrawal from Afghanistan serves to emphasize the complexities and potential pitfalls associated with intervention operations in complex, unstable regions. Success in the future will require the full, sustained and coordinated integration of national, allied and regional levers of power underpinned by a sophisticated understanding of the operating environment. The UK armed forces, with their considerable resources and global network, will contribute to this effort through ‘persistent engagement’. This is a new approach to overseas operations below the threshold of conflict, designed as a pre-emptive complement to warfighting. To achieve this, the UK Ministry of Defence (MOD) must develop a capability that can operate effectively in weak, unstable and complex regions prone to violent conflict and crises, not least in the regions on the eastern and southern flanks of the Euro-Atlantic area. The first step must be the development of a cohort of military personnel with enhanced, tailored levels of knowledge, skills and experience. Engagement roles must be filled by operators with specialist knowledge, skills and experience forged beyond the mainstream discipline of combat and warfighting. Only then will individuals develop a genuinely sophisticated understanding of complex, politically driven and sensitive operating environments and be able to infuse the design and delivery of international activities with practical wisdom and insight. Engagement personnel need to be equipped with: An inherent understanding of the human and political dimensions of conflict, the underlying drivers such as inequality and scarcity, and the exacerbating factors such as climate change and migration; - A grounding in social sciences and conflict modelling in order to understand complex human terrain; - Regional expertise enabled by language skills, cultural intelligence and human networks; - Familiarity with a diverse range of partners, allies and local actors and their approaches; - Expertise in building partner capacity and applying defence capabilities to deliver stability and peace; - A grasp of emerging artificial intelligence technology as a tool to understand human terrain; - Reach and insight developed through ‘knowledge networks’ of external experts in academia, think-tanks and NGOs. Successful change will be dependent on strong and overt advocacy by the MOD’s senior leadership and a revised set of personnel policies and procedures for this cohort’s selection, education, training, career management, incentivization, sustainability and support.