Bibliografie tematiche / Press and politics – South Africa – Grahamstown

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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Press and politics – South Africa – Grahamstown"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 13 febbraio 2022

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Press and politics – South Africa – Grahamstown"

O’Halloran, Paddy. "Contested Space and Citizenship in Grahamstown, South Africa". Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, n. 1 (30 agosto 2016): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616664920.

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This paper discusses two distinct political mobilisations of October 2015 in Grahamstown, Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. Student protests against racial, class-based, and gender-based oppression coincided with xenophobic violence in the city. These events demonstrated both challenges to and continuity with the long history of politics in Grahamstown, a history marked by the contestation and control of space, race, and citizenship. The paper argues for the continued relevance of these themes to thinking about contemporary South African politics. By considering together the two events of October 2015, we can interrogate aspects of colonial political continuities in post-1994 South Africa which variously influence mass protest action for democratic opening, anti-democratic violence, and state responses to both.

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Nimbark, Ashakant, e Catherine Davis. "Politics and press: A content analysis of health news in South Africa". Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 46, n. 1 (agosto 1990): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929004600101.

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Preston-Whyte, Robert A. "The Politics of Ecology: Dredge-mining in South Africa". Environmental Conservation 22, n. 2 (1995): 151–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892900010201.

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The objective of interest-groups is to influence policy. Conflict is inevitable when two or more interest-groups are in competition for scarce resources. It then becomes the responsibility of the state to accommodate or resolve the conflict. However, an additional complexity occurs if the state agencies are themselves undergoing transformation, as has recently occurred in South Africa.These issues are explored, using as a case-study the conflict that occurred between environmental interestgroups and a mining company over an application to dredge-mine the sand dunes that line the eastern shores of Lake St Lucia in Natal. The nature and objectives of these groups is discussed, and the role of the press in the controversy is analysed. The interests of black settlers who wish to return to their ancestral lands following the collapse of apartheid are shown to complicate further the dilemma that confronts state policymakers. The changing nature of the ‘decision environment’ in South Africa is addressed, and group theory is used to explain the relationship between state agencies and the mining, environmental, and black settler group, interests. Stages in the policy environment to match the modes of change over the period of political transformation in South Africa are identified by levels of conflict and ambiguity in a contingency model.

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Healy-Clancy, Meghan. "The Politics of New African Marriage in Segregationist South Africa". African Studies Review 57, n. 2 (18 agosto 2014): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.45.

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Abstract:For the mission-educated men and women known as “New Africans” in segregationist South Africa, the pleasures and challenges of courtship and marriage were not only experienced privately. New Africans also broadcast marital narratives as political discourses of race-making and nation-building. Through close readings of neglected press sources and memoirs, this article examines this political interpolation of private life in public culture. Women’s writing about the politics of marriage provides a lens onto theorizations of their personal and political ideals in the 1930s and 1940s, a period in which the role of women in nationalist public culture has generally been dismissed as marginal by scholars.

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Switzer, Les. "The Ambiguities of Protest in South Africa: Rural Politics and the Press during the 1920s". International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, n. 1 (1990): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219982.

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Nalepa, Monika. "Overcoming Historical Injustices: Land Reconciliation in South Africa. By James L. Gibson". Perspectives on Politics 10, n. 2 (25 maggio 2012): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712000631.

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Overcoming Historical Injustices: Land Reconciliation in South Africa. By James L. Gibson. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 328p. $92.00.All three of James Gibson's books on transitional justice in South Africa focus on showing that the politics of reconciliation with the Apartheid regime are less related to economic “self-interest” than to “sociotropic fairness.” On close examination, Gibson concludes that an individual's preferences about land reconciliation are not a direct function of egocentric instrumentalism. Rather, in his view, they are shaped by conceptions of whether one's group has been fairly treated.

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Carver, Mandy. "AIDS, Politics and Music in South Africa. Fraser G. McNeill. 2011. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 278 pp." African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music 9, n. 2 (2012): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21504/amj.v9i2.1813.

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LODGE, TOM. "BLACK POLITICS IN PRE-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA State Power and Black Politics in South Africa, 1912–51. By Paul B. Rich. London: Macmillan Press, 1996. Pp. x+248. £40 (ISBN 0-333-64524-3)." Journal of African History 39, n. 2 (luglio 1998): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798257252.

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Nantambu, Kwame, e Linus A. Hoskins. "Book Review: Review Article: Facing Reality in Post Apartheid South Africa: Breaking Story: The South African Press, State & Market in Post Apartheid South Africa, against the Tide: Whites in the Struggle against Apartheid, Peace, Politics and Violence in the New South Africa". A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 26, n. 3 (marzo 1995): 191–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132559502600301.

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Roche, D. "Young Warriors: Youth Politics, Identity and Violence in South Africa. By Monique Marks (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand Press, 2001. 171 pp. R130)". British Journal of Criminology 42, n. 4 (1 settembre 2002): 815–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/42.4.815.

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Tesi sul tema "Press and politics – South Africa – Grahamstown"

Amzat, Ajibola Taofeek. "Voting and meaning in Hooggenoeg, Grahamstown : an audience's reception of Grocott's Mail's 2011 municipal election coverage". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011729.

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This thesis examines the meanings that residents of the township of Hooggenoeg (in Grahamstown, in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa) made of the election coverage in the Grocott’s Mail newspaper during 2011 municipal elections in South Africa. In addition, this study also sought to understand the particular set of ‘normative roles’ played by the paper, both with reference to the well-established body of theory about the normative roles of journalism in a democracy, and in terms of the paper’s own conceptualisation of its role in the functioning of local democracy. Grocott’s Mail, the oldest independent newspaper in South Africa, provided extensive pre-election coverage, which included producing and distributing an unprecedented free edition of the paper. The paper also facilitated a town hall debate in order to encourage residents to vote, and empower them to make a more informed choice about their vote. Three qualitative research methods, namely qualitative content analysis, focus group interviews, and individual interviews were used to examine the relationship between the content provided by the paper and the audience’s process of ‘making sense’ and deriving meaning from the content provided. The study concludes that Grocott’s attempt to encourage democratic culture in Grahamstown, in keeping with the more ‘facilitative’ normative roles that the local media can play, was only partially successful. Much of the election reporting subordinated the voices of the ordinary people, and privileged reporting that focussed narrowly on the voting process, and which foregrounded the views of political parties. Overall this coverage largely failed to resonate with the Grocott’s readers who live in Hooggenoeg (a largely ‘coloured’ area of Grahamstown), whose key concerns in terms of their daily life – such as poverty, unemployment, crime, lack of services – seemed, to them, unaddressed by this election coverage and, consequently, was not as engaging or convincing as the publishers/editors had hoped it would be. It can be also argued that Grocott’s narrow conceptualisation of democracy as entailing only public participation in electoral processes failed to cater for how audiences can be made aware of how they can participate in governance beyond the election period.

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Ponono, Mvuzo. "Centralising a counter public: an ethnographic study of the interpretation of mainstream news media by young adults in Joza". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65033.

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The 2014 national general elections were characterised by a cloud of scandal hanging over the ANC, and the ANC president Jacob Zuma. The biggest and darkest cloud was the Nkandla scandal. Owing to a reported R246 million spent by the state to refurbish his private home, the president stood accused of wasteful expenditure and financial irregularity. In a country reeling from the continued effects of apartheid, which include high unemployment and poverty, the scandal was a bombshell. According to a vocal and often adversarial mainstream media sphere, the ANC went into those elections with an albatross around its neck. The dominant thought was that the ruling party would suffer a heavy loss of votes. This outcome did not materialise. The ANC lost a marginal share of its previous vote. Mainstream media and civil society were confounded. What had happened? Why had poor black South Africans continued to vote for a party that was obviously in breach of the constitutional order? Against the mismatch between what was predicted or purported and the outcome, this study investigates how young people in the township of Joza, Grahamstown, interpreted one of the biggest political scandals in South Africa’s fledgling democracy. Using a combination of subaltern studies, counter public sphere and audience study, the research looks into the interpretation of a mainstream media scandal that was supposed to diminish the chances of the ANC retaining power, but, instead, barely dented its majority. Through a combination of interviews and participant observation, the study found that young people in the township of Joza demonstrated that they chose to ignore the messages about the corruption of the ANC. The data suggests that they did so, not because of overt racial solidarity, but due to the fact that in a context of high inequality, and continued limitations on economic emancipation, the party shone brightly as a vehicle for economic development. Overall, the study argues that the seemingly dubious undertaking to continue with the ANC is a calculated decision that makes sense when viewed within a given socio-economic context.

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Raymond, Leigh Alice. "Dangerous people and places : a community newspaper's constructions of crime". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013091.

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This thesis argues that there is a clear imbalance in the representation of crime in the newspaper, Grocott’s Mail, in Grahamstown, in the Eastern Cape of South Africa. The thesis concludes that the system of marginalisation and segregation which was established during the apartheid era is the foundation for the continued segregation and marginalisation of certain groups of people in Grahamstown as depicted in crime journalism. Previous research shows that not only people, but spaces are marginalised through media representations of crime. As people are represented as dangerous, so too the spaces they occupy become dangerous spaces. Importantly, the research shows that discourses of marginalisation are present in newspaper reports reproducing the discourses prominent in society, and in turn, the newspaper itself perpetuates these marginalising discourses. This extends into the coverage that different crimes receive in newspapers. For instance, the reports show that a middle-class audience will be more concerned with property crime in middle-class neighbourhoods, than other crimes in lower-class neighbourhoods. I argue that not only the type of crime, but the severity, the effect, and the necessity for justice represented by the newspaper, are all largely determined by the region of the crime. Further, I show that the criminal is not only demonised and represented as individually deviant in the reports in the newspaper, but that these representations are made by this newspaper because they are deeply imbedded as a discourse in society. This is partly because this newspaper has taken on a monitorial role, requiring neutral reporting from journalists, and a dedication to surveying the processes of state institutions, like the police and courts. As a result, the ways in which crime is reported on in the newspaper is fairly well fixed, making it difficult for journalists to conceive of different ways of reporting crime. The representations of the criminal justice system that the monitorial media, this newspaper included present, are a careful balance between the interest of the public, and the need to preserve relationships with sources. The monitorial media in general, and this newspaper in particular, represent the criminal justice system. The relationship between the police and the newspaper, and the courts and the media, therefore strongly influences the way in which crime news is reported. In particular, crime news is represented from the perspective of the criminal justice system. This research was carried out using Critical Discourse Analysis, qualitative interviews, and focus group interviews.

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Tselapedi, Thapelo. "Emancipatory spaces in the post-colony : South Africa and the case for AbM and UPM". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004451.

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This thesis is about the relationship between local government, grassroots organisations and the organisation of power resulting from the interaction of the two. Exploring this relationship this thesis investigates whether the actions of grassroots movements can bring local government in line with their developmental role as accorded to them by the Constitution. The assumption embedded in this question is that the current balance of power at the local level exists outside of the service of the historically disadvantaged. Following on from that, the thesis explores, through different modes of analysis, theoretical and historical, the policy and constitutional framework for local government, and then it unravels the context set by the political economy of South Africa. The aim is to make a significant attempt at understanding the possible implications of the interventions grassroots movements make in the public space. The thesis does this also by looking at the strengths and weaknesses of the strategies of the UDF to makes an assessment of the possible endurance of post-apartheid grassroots movements. Since civil society ‘suffers’ from nationalist politics, with its own corporatist institutions, the thesis searches deep within or arguably 'outside of civil society', subjecting AbM and UPM to academic critique, to see how movements embedded among the poor and carrying the political instrument of anger and marginalisation, can dislodge the power of capital. More importantly, the thesis situates the post-apartheid moment within postcolonial politics; navigating through the legacy of Colonialism of a Special Type (CSP), the thesis explores the limits and opportunities at the disposal of grassroots movements. From a different perspective, the thesis is an examination of the organisation and movement of power and the spaces within which power and ideas are contested. Drawing on the political and economic engagements, dubbed the Dar Es Salaam debates, in the 1970’s and 1980’s spurred on by Issa Shivji, the late Prof Dani Wadada Nabudere and Mahmood Mandani, the conclusions of this thesis develops these engagements, essentially making a case for the continued centrality of the post-apartheid state. However, the thesis also asserts the indubitable role that both grassroots movements and civil society need to play, not necessarily in the democratisation of the state, though that goes without saying, but in taking the post-colonial state on its own terms. Consequently, the thesis puts forward the idea that issue-based mobilisation does exactly this, and in the manner that acknowledges the state’s centrality and makes paramount the self-organisation (popular assemblies) of ordinary people in public affairs. The thesis categorically concludes that the centrality of the post-apartheid state and its progressive outlook (constitutional values) is contingent on organs of popular assemblies which need to take the state on its (progressive) terms.

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Nonxuba, Mnweba McNair. "Influence of local economic development strategic leaders on the formulation of the integrated development plan, Makana Municipality, Eastern Cape". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013176.

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The influence of local economic development strategic leaders on how Integrated Development Plans (IDP) are developed is critical to gain insights into strategic planning directed towards economically developing municipalities. Concisely, the aim of this qualitative study was to gain a multiple understanding of how LED strategic leaders, namely managers of the LED directorate and sub-directorates at Makana local municipality influenced the IDP formulation. The fact that these LED strategic leaders, ‘make consequential or strategic decisions’ suggests that their decisions have an influence on the IDP formulation. Thus, the key research question in this study was: How do LED strategic leaders at Makana local municipality influence the formulation of the IDP at this municipality? This qualitative research used purposive sampling of incidents upheld by LED Strategic leaders. A total of ten in-depth and semi-structured interviews were conducted with four LED strategic leaders regarding incidents of their perceived influence on the formulation of the Integrated Development Plan at Makana. The interviews were in-depth in order to gain a rich understanding of their perspectives of reality. As the number of LED strategic leaders was already very small, all the four leaders at Makana participated in this study. Interview data was transcribed and analyzed using open coding and constant comparison. Member check was conducted to enhance confirmability of the findings of this study. Findings indicate that LED strategic leaders perceived their influence on the formulation of the IDP Makana municipality in four varied ways. Predominantly, LED strategic leaders commonly perceived that they had influence in setting evidence-driven direction, and searching for fitness of activities and issues with LED strategy. Thereafter, the other ways in which these LED strategic leaders perceived how they influenced the IDP formulation involve the facilitation of clarity and local relevance of LED mandates, and finally the integration of multiple economic voices of stakeholders. This demonstrates that LED strategic leaders at Makana emphasize proactively managing strategy process rather than content in terms of identifying key opportunities and major economic drivers in the local milieu. Instead, they perceived their influence as characterized by enhancing compliance with bringing the process of municipal strategy formulation closer to stakeholders. Implications of these findings are highlighted.

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Lancaster, Rupert Giles Swinburne. "A small town in the early apartheid era: A history of Grahamstown 1946-1960 focusing on "White English" perspectives". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013161.

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This Thesis examines the socio-political perceptions of Grahamstown, a small South African City, during the period 1946 to 1960. The ‘White English’ population of Grahamstown is the specific focus, as it formed the dominant social group during the period and consequently provided the majority of information for this work. During this period the majority of Grahamstowns ‘White English’ population thought of their City as holding many attractive features and experiences despite the slum-conditions and poverty that were rife in the Locations. During the British Royal Familie’s tour of the Union of South Africa in 1947, Grahamstown was one of the Cities visited. The loyalty that Grahamstown’s ‘White English’ citizens felt towards the Royal Family and the United Kingdom is explored in connection with the regard that ‘White English’ Grahamstown held for the 1820 Settlers. To highlight the Grahamstown City Council’s activities during this period five events are analysed: The Grahamstown Financial Crisis, The Grahamstown Housing Crisis, The Beer Hall Debate, The establishment of a Tuberculosis Hospital and the granting of Full University Status to Rhodes University College. It is shown, with regard to the politics of the period, that ‘White English’ Grahamstown, unequivocally supported the United Party and were vocally anti-Nationalist. The implementation of Apartheid policies within Grahamstown is explored, with specific focus placed upon the Group Areas Act. Finally the anti-republican sentiment espoused by ‘White English’ Grahamstown is reviewed.

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Jasson, Da Costa Wendy Avril. "The impact of the protection of state information bill on media freedom in South Africa". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1014619.

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This thesis considers the impact which the Protection of State Information Bill will have on media freedom in South Africa. During apartheid, draconian laws prevented the media from reporting freely, and newspapers as well as the broadcast media were heavily censored. When the country became a democracy in 1994, the political grip on the media faded, and a new era of press freedom began. However, the Protection of State Information Bill is seen as a direct threat to that freedom. The Bill, also known as the Secrecy Bill, will classify state-related information and censor the media who make public or are found to be in possession of, classified information. For journalists this means that the way in which they report and what they report will be severely restricted. The Bill will also impact on the willingness of whistleblowers to come to the fore. This study looks at the importance of a free press, at how the Secrecy Bill evolved, and how opposition parties and civil society set about opposing it. It will examine democracy and its relationship with a free press, and do a policy analysis of the Bill. It will also look at how civil society organisations came together to oppose the Bill, and some of the changes which came about as a result of this opposition.

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Baard, Marissa. "Die standpunt van Die Burger teenoor die Suid-Afrikaanse Waarheids- en Versoeningskommissie, 1990-2003". Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/333.

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Ndimande, Dumisani Blessing. "The disputed “equitable treatment” in political party broadcasts: an analysis of the SABC coverage of the 2014 South African general elections". Thesis, Nelson Mandela University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14234.

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The aim of this study was to establish whether the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) performed according to its mandate in ensuring a fair broadcast coverage of all political parties that participated in the 2014 national general election. The study was undertaken as a result of the complaints by political parties who accused the SABC of bias during the election. The study focused on two SABC radio stations, namely SAFM and UKHOZI FM. In executing the research, particular attention was paid to the coverage of political party manifestos, town hall election debates and radio interviews. The study was written utilising the theoretical paradigm of Social Responsibility Theory, as this is largely deemed the most ethical guide in testing South African journalism. The research was conducted in accordance with the Independent Complaints Authority of South Africa (ICASA) regulations that govern broadcast media during elections. The second part of the analysis deconstructed the SABC’s media coverage of the 2014 election through Media Monitoring Africa – a non-profit organisation that monitors and reports on media coverage of elections, whilst simultaneously taking ICASA stipulated guidelines into account. The MMA and ICASA equipped the study with reports which were compiled after an intense monitoring of SABC’s coverage of the 2014 election. Through the analysis of political parties’ accessibility to the election broadcast programmes on SABC platforms, the study concluded that although there were errors, the SABC treated all parties fairly during the 2014 general elections. The study also found that poor corporate governance at the SABC did not impact directly on the public broadcaster’s ability to deliver fair election broadcasting. By conforming to the social responsibility role that calls for high professional conduct, fairness and objectivity as expected in the public broadcaster, this study found that the SABC was committed to a fair coverage of the 2014 election.

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Steenveld, Lynette Noreen. "Race against democracy: a case study of the Mail & Guardian during the early years of the Mbeki presidency, 1999-2002". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015572.

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This thesis examines the 1998 complaint of racism against the Mail & Guardian, a leading exponent of South Africa's alternative press in the 1980s, and important contemporary producer of investigative journalism. The study is framed within a cultural studies approach, analysing the Mail & Guardian as constituted by a 'circuit of production': its social context, production, texts, and audiences. The thesis makes three main arguments. First, that the claim of racism cannot be understood outside of a consideration of both the changing political milieu, and subtle changes within the Mail & Guardian itself. Significant social changes relate to the reconfiguration of racial and class identities wrought by the 'Mbeki state'. Within the Mail & Guardian, the thesis argues for the importance of the power and subjectivity of the editor as a key 'factor' shaping the identity of the paper, evidenced in its production practices and textual outputs. In this regard, the thesis departs from a functionalist analysis of particular 'roles' within the newsroom, drawing instead on a post-structuralist approach to organisational studies. Based on this production and social context, the thesis examines key texts which deal with aspects of South Africa's social transformation, and which exemplify aspects of the Mail & Guardian's reporting which led to the complaint of racism by the Black Lawyers Association (BLA) and the Association of Black Accountants (ABASA). Their complaint was that the Mail & Guardian's reporting impugned the dignity of black people, and in so doing was a violation of their rights to dignity and equality which are constitutionally guaranteed. However, as freedom of the press is also guaranteed by the South African constitution, their complaint to the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) resulted in public debate about these contending rights. My second argument relates to the jurisprudential approach to racism, and the related issue of affirmative action, which informed the complaint against the paper. Contrary to the 'normative', liberal approach to these issues, this thesis highlights Critical Race Theory as the jurisprudential basis for both the claimants' accusation of racism against the Mail & Guardian, and aspects of its implicit use in South African human rights adjudication. The thesis argues that in failing to recognise these different philosophical and political bases of legal reasoning, the media, including the Mail & Guardian, in reporting on these matters failed in their purported role of serving the public interest. The thesis concludes by applying Fraser's critique of Habermas's notion of a single, bourgeois public sphere to journalism, thereby suggesting ways in which the critiques of some of the Mail & Guardian's own journalists could be employed to enlarge its approach to journalism - giving voice to constituencies seldom heard in mainstream media.

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Più fonti

Libri sul tema "Press and politics – South Africa – Grahamstown"

Sparks, Allister Haddon. Beyond the miracle: Inside the new South Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003.

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Sparks, Allister Haddon. Beyond the miracle: Inside the new South Africa. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 2003.

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Beyond the miracle: Inside the new South Africa. London: Profile Books, 2003.

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Phelan, John M. Apartheid media: Disinformation and dissent in South Africa. Westport, Conn: L. Hill, 1987.

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Media and dependency in South Africa: A case study of the press and the Ciskei "homeland". Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies, Africa Studies Program, 1985.

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Narratives of nation media, memory and representation in the making of the new south Africa. New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 2002.

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The long road to freedom: Inkundla ya Bantu (Bantu forum) as a mirror and mediator of the African struggle in South Africa, 1938-61. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2005.

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Ukpanah, Ime John. The long road to freedom: Inkundla ya Bantu (Bantu forum) and the African Nationalist Movement in South Africa, 1938-1951. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2005.

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Rhoodie, Eschel M. PW Botha: The last betrayal. Melville: S.A. Politics, 1989.

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Liberale Illusionen: Unabhängigkeit und republikanischer Staatsbildungsprozess im nördlichen Südamerika unter Simón Bolívar im Spiegel der deutschen Publizistik des Vormärz. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1998.

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Chari, Tendai. "Unmaking the Dark Continent: South Africa, Africa and the Image Make-Over Narrative in the South African Press". In African Football, Identity Politics and Global Media Narratives, 161–79. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137392237_10.

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Nothias, Toussaint. "Afro-pessimism in the French and British Press Coverage of the 2010 World Cup in South Africa". In African Football, Identity Politics and Global Media Narratives, 285–304. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137392237_15.

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Kenny, Colum. "“Manufactured News” and Michael Davitt’s Journalism in South Africa and Russia for William Randolph Hearst". In Politics, Culture, and the Irish American Press, 203–24. Syracuse University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvz938cf.16.

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Parker, Geoffrey. "Michael Roberts 1908–1996". In Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 115 Biographical Memoirs of Fellows, I. British Academy, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197262788.003.0017.

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Michael Roberts, a distinguished historian of early modern Sweden, published a highly acclaimed two-volume history of Gustavus Adolphus (1953–8). He was elected Fellow of the British Academy in 1960. Roberts turned to the study of British foreign policy in the Baltic and published British Diplomacy and Swedish Politics, 1758–1773 in 1980. He was Professor of History at Rhodes University College in Grahamstown, South Africa before taking the Chair of Modern History at the Queen's University, Belfast. Obituary by Geoffrey Parker FBA.

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