Tesi: "Regional cooperation/integration"

1

Kolovos, Amaleia E. "Regional Integration in East Asia". PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/93.

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Regional integration is not a new phenomenon but has become an increasingly important topic of political research with the continued expansion of the European Union as well as an increased number of regional organizations around the globe. This paper will seek to use both Europe and East Asia as illustrations in order to better comprehend the driving forces behind integration as well as why some regions are further integrated than others. The purpose of this research is to achieve a better understanding of what causes regional integration in hopes of developing a more inclusive theory. More specifically, it aims to see how integrated the region of East Asia is, in particular when compared to Europe. Through comparing the two regions and analyzing factors in both Europe and East Asia as determined by current integration theory, this research aims to achieve a better understanding of the driving forces behind regional integration as an international phenomenon. My research is an attempt to tie together the multiple existing theories of regional integration with the goal of creating a more cohesive and measurable theory. With an increased understanding of regional integration, we will be better able to both explain and predict integration in both Europe and East Asia, as well as other, less integrated regions around the world.

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2

Wittenberg, Dan. "Regional cooperation in the Middle East : actual and potential media integration /". [Tel-Aviv] : [s.n.], 2000. http://primage.tau.ac.il/libraries/theses/socman/1488088.htm.

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Thesis (M.A.) - Tel Aviv University, 2000.
At head of title: Tel-Aviv University, Faculty of Social Sciences, the Department of Political Science. Added cover and abstract in Hebrew. Available also in electronic version. Includes bibliographical references.

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3

Mathibe, Precious. "Regional cooperation and integration : intergovernmentalism approach to regional integration: a case of the African Continental Free Trade Area and effects on trade". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/80471.

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The liberal intergovernmentalist approach has been applied to numerous studies within the European Union (EU) context in the past, and lately to studies within the African regional integration context. Differing experiences with regards to regional integration have emerged in the EU and African contexts. The purpose of this study was to investigate the application of the liberal intergovernmentalist approach within the African context, in particular the African Contintental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The study followed a single case research design, meaning it was conducted within the setting of the AfCFTA. The study population comprised 16 participants and documents from the African Union (AU) regarding the AfCFTA. Various data-collection methods were used, including focus group interviews, face-to-face semi-structured interviews and qualitative content analysis – the rationale being that the case study approach required numerous data-collection methods to be employed. The methods utlised for data analysis were thematic analysis for focus groups and face-to-face semi-structured interviews, and qualitative content analysis for data obtained from the AU documents regarding the AfCFTA. Findings from the study might have a considerable effect regarding the interaction of African member states when undertaking regional intergration engagments.
Mini Dissertation (MPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
MPhil
Unrestricted

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4

Chowthee, Nishi Lalmanie. "Regional economic integration in Africa : the importance of regional economic communities". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/932.

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Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since independence in the early 1950's, Africa's overall economic performance compared very unfavourably with those of other regions of the developing world mainly because it attained political independence as a fragmented continent. From this time, the vision of African leaders has been that of regional integration and the creation of the African common market. The vision of a common market which unites Africa's mostly small and fragmented economies would lead to economies of scale, thereby making African countries more competitive. That vision however, has been clouded by the devastation of war, both civil and territorial and corruption which drains the state. Therefore, the importance of regional economic integration is pertinent and more so, the role of Regional Economic Communities as integrative institutions. The African Union, the main institution for political, economic and social integration established the African Economic Community whose main role is to facilitate the regional economic integration process in Africa. Africa's RECs have been designated by the Abuja Treaty as the building blocks for integration and the eventual creation of an African Economic Community. The Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for the coordination and harmonization of the policies of the Regional Economic Communities. One of the main challenges confronting Africa in its quest for full integration is the rationalisation of regional economic communities. The RECs with their treaties, protocols and agendas are logical institutions to jumpstart Africa's integration. The African Union recognises eight Regional Economic Communities, but the African continent has fourteen inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), all of which are working on regional integration issues. The RECs have had some successes but have not met their objectives of greater production. The RECs need to be revived and the first thing would be to rationalise their structure and their interactions with national governments. Rationalisation has benefits and costs and rationalisation efforts should focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Ultimately, rationalisation would allow Africa to attain the full benefits of integration, particularly growth for trade within and outside Africa. Regional Economic Communities are viewed as pillars of continental integration by the African Union. The strategy of economic emancipation must denote economic development for all African people including grass roots level and there is no doubt that significant challenges exist and must be addressed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanlikheid in die vroeë 1950's het die oorgrote ekonomiese groei van Afrika goed vergelyk met die ander onwikkelende streke in die wêreld grotendeels as gevolg van die gefragmenteerde onafhanklikheidswording in Afika as geheel. Vir die eerste keer was die visie van Afrika leiers dit eens dat Afrika streke as een moet integreer asook die daarstelling van een gemeenskaplike mark. Hierdie visie is egter vertroebel deur die verwoesting van oorloë, beide siviel en territoriaal, asook korrupsie, wat 'n staat dreineer. Daarom is die belangrikheid van streeks ekonomiese integrasie steeds belangrik, en nog meer so, die rol van Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe (REC's) as integrerende instelling. Die Afrika Unie, die hoof instelling vir politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale integrasie het die Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap, wie se hoof taak dit is om die streeks ekonomiese integrasie te fasiliteer, gestig. Afrika se Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe is aangewys deur die Abuja Verdrag, om as die bouers van integrasie op te tree, met die uiteindelike daarstelling van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap. Die Abuja Verdrag en die Konstutiewe Wet van die Afrika Unie maak voorsiening vir die koordinasie in ooreenstemming met die beleidsrigting van die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe. Een van die hoof uitdagings wat Afrika in die gesig staar, met die soektog na volle integrasie, is die rasionalisasie van streeks ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe met hulle verdrae, protokol en agendas is die logiese instelling om die integrasie van Afrika 'n hupstoot te gee. Die Afrika Unie erken agt Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe maar die Afrika kontinent het veertien inter-regerings organisasies (IGO's) wat almal werk aan streeks integrasie kwessies. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe het 'n sekere mate van sukses behaal, maar het nog nie hulle geteikende groter produksie bereik nie. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe moet opnuut herleef word en die eerste stap sou wees om te rasionaliseer oor hulle struktuur en die interaksie met nasionale regerings. Rasionalisering het voordele en kostes en pogings behoort te fokus op doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit. Die uiteinde van rasionalisering sal Afrika die volle voordele van integrasie, veral t.o.v handelsgroei binne en buite Afrika, ervaar. Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe word beskou, deur die Afrika Unie, as die pilare van kontinentale intergrasie. Die strategie van ekonomiese emansipasie moet 'n aanduiding wees vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling vir al die mense van Afrika, ook op grondvlak, en daar is geen twyfel dat beduidende uitdagings bestaan en dat dit moet aangespreek word.

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5

Hutton, Lauren Angie. "Regional Security, Early Warning and Intelligence Cooperation in Africa". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7512_1299223486.

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This dissertation explores the potential contributions of the mechanisms for early warning and intelligence sharing to regional security in Africa. The Continental Early Warning System (CEWS) and the Committee on Intelligence and Security Services of Africa (CISSA) are centrally concerned with the dissemination of information to enable decision-making on continental security. The main focus of the dissertation is on the manner in which the information generated by the CEWS and CISSA can contribute to regional security. In order to analyse the potential contribution of the CEWS and CISSA to regional security, a sound theoretical framework is proposed so as to explore how and why states choose to cooperate, as well as addressing multifaceted cooperation and integration at inter-state, government department and nonstate levels. Constructivist interpretations of international cooperation are utilised to explore the role of ideas, meanings and understandings in shaping behaviour. The focus is placed on the manner in which interaction as provided for by the CEWS and CISSA can shape understandings of reality and potentially impact on the definition of actors&rsquo
interests. This is based on the assumption drawn from security community and epistemic community theory that, enabling the creation of shared meanings and shared knowledge there is the potential for both the CEWS and CISSA to have a positive influence on the choices that stakeholders take in favour of peaceful change.

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6

Chen, Jie, e University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "Factors shaping regional integration in Europe, Asia, and Africa : the validity of competing theories". Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2011, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2637.

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This research summarizes, compares and analyzes the origins and developments of integration in Europe, Asia and Africa since World War Two. There have been some interesting findings. Europe has been the most successful region, having realized free movements of people, goods, services and money in several countries within the European Union (EU). Africa has been more advanced in institutional integration than Asia, although its level of economic development, constrained by instability, corruption, and poor socio-economic conditions, has hindered integration; meanwhile, its regional economic communities (RECs) have been more successful than the continental organization. Despite the improved economic conditions, Asia has been experiencing difficulties in community building due to lack of consensus and a partnership among major powers. There has not been any continental organization in Asia; nor has the subregional grouping, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), progressed far in economic and political integration.
x, 327 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm

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7

HaarlÃ¸v, Jens. "Regional cooperation and integration within industry and trade in Southern Africa : general approaches and the World Bank". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260268.

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8

Sandoval, Thomas M. "The Free Trade Area of the Americas : can regional economic integration lead to greater cooperation on security?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Dec%5FSandoval.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas, Peter Lavoy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-67). Also available online.

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9

Manasov, Zamirbek. "The Aspects Of Central Asian Economic Integration After 1991: The Reasons Of Inefficiency". Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609887/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT THE ASPECTS OF CENTRAL ASIAN ECONOMIC INTEGRATION AFTER 1991: THE REASONS OF INEFFICIENCY Manasov, Zamirbek M. Sc., Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mustafa Sen September 2008, 105 pages This study seeks to analyze the dimensions of economic integration in the Central Asia after the independence. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened new perspectives for Central Asian states and gave chance to follow national policies independently. However, used to be parts of the big economic complex of the former Soviet Union and being lack of government experience in public and private economy made them to cooperate with old and new markets. The study argues that although there were established numbers of economic integration or cooperation institutions none of them could meet the region&rsquo
s economic expectations and needs. They were just results of unstable economic, political and social transition policies. Therefore well-functioning economy oriented cooperation institutions have not been established during the transition period due to different reasons. Analyzing of these reasons is the main goal of thesis. This study also argues that transition period put Central Asian states into the complexity of choices
economic interdependence or socio-political independence. Pushing forward previous choice offers lowering barriers to regional trade and transit, and to mobility of capital and knowledge and, to access to world market. Whereas, political and social development in national level does not suits previous one.

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10

Maldonado, Bodart Marcela, e Leyva Santos López. "The Vision of Development within a Global and Regional Context. Regionalism in the Pacific Alliance and the Latin American Integration Association, 2005-2014". UNIV ROSARIO, CENTRO ESTUDIOS POLITICOS & INT, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625396.

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Historically there have been various discussions on how to achieve development from different scopes and spaces. The vision of development from a global space has undergone a significant evolution to the present day, in particular after World War II, in the context of international development cooperation. Within a regional space, economic cooperation mechanisms have shown to be dynamic and positive for development. This paper aims, firstly, to set forth a review of the evolution of the development vision from a global and regional perspective. Secondly, to analyze contributions in commerce from a regional development perspective through a comparative analysis of the Pacific Alliance and the Latin American Integration Association between 2005 and 2014, as economic cooperation mechanisms in Latin America and the Caribbean that seek development within the same region. / Históricamente han existido distintos debates para alcanzar el desarrollo, desde diferentes ámbitos y espacios. La visión del desarrollo desde el espacio global, ha tenido una importante evolución hasta nuestros días, principalmente después de la II Guerra Mundial, a través de la Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (CID). Desde el espacio regional, los mecanismos de cooperación económica han reflejado ser dinámicos y positivos para el desarrollo. Por ello, el presente trabajo pretende en primera instancia, realizar una revisión de la evolución sobre la visión de desarrollo desde un contexto global y regional. En una segunda fase, busca analizar las aportaciones comerciales, desde una visión del desarrollo regional, por medio de un análisis comparativo de la Alianza del Pacífico (AP) con respecto a la región y a la Asociación Latinoamericana de Integración (ALADI) para el periodo 2005-2014, como mecanismos de cooperación económica en América Latina y el Caribe (ALyC) que buscan un desarrollo dentro de la misma región.

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11

Akinkugbe, Olabisi Delebayo. "Revisiting the Economic Community of West African States: A Socio-Legal Analysis". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37040.

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Recent years have seen a growing scholarly interest in the conditions of emergence of regional trade agreements in Africa. These analyses have advanced our knowledge on a range of technical issues, from specific institutional transformation of regional economic communities such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to broad legal issues relating to the provisions of the regional trade agreements. Most literature on ECOWAS is, however, informed by legal formalism that interprets the text of the treaties strictly and without context, leading to a dominant interpretation of failure. By contrast, this thesis adopts a socio-legal approach and argues that the dominant narrative’s conceptualization of ECOWAS is narrow and under-representative of the broader contexts of the social relations in which ECOWAS Treaties and their implementation are embedded. The failure narratives do not adequately account for the complex social, historical, and political factors that shape the implementation of the ECOWAS Treaties. By combining socio-legal approach with insights from International Relations on new regionalism, the thesis reconceptualizes regionalism in ECOWAS as a social phenomenon. It approaches the ECOWAS Treaties as embedded in the socio-political relations, power struggles, and social structures of the Community. To differentiate the thesis from existing research on ECOWAS, it incorporates national, regional, and international factors in illuminating the complex and multifaceted confluence of circumstances that shape the implementation of the ECOWAS Treaties. Simultaneously, the thesis enriches our understanding of the theories of new regionalism by deepening the analysis in relation to ECOWAS. Seen from this perspective, the thesis concludes that ECOWAS cannot be regarded as a straightforward failure and that its achievements are not to be found primarily in economic integration but in other socio-political factors that it enabled. Finally, the analysis opens new opportunities for future normative analyses that interrogate the effectiveness of ECOWAS by taking into account the socio-political contexts in which it is embedded.

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12

Pascha, Werner. "Financial Cooperation and Integration in Pacific Asia: The Role of Multilateral and Regional Organizations Duisburger Arbeitspapiere zur Ostasienwirtschaft ; 51 (1999)". Gerhard-Mercator-Universitaet Duisburg, 2002. http://www.ub.uni-duisburg.de/ETD-db/theses/available/duett-07182002-120530/.

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This paper is about the question whether cooperation on financial matters in Pacific Asia is primarily a multilateral issue, i. e. should be dealt with at the level of global arrangements and organizations, or whether there is some scope for regional action. In the first section, based on the experience of the Asian financial crisis, it is discussed whether so far regional international organizations played a significant role with respect to pre-crisis schemes aimed at the financial sector, crisis management and the follow-up process of mitigating negative effects. In section 2, the potential future role of regional arrangements with respect to the surveillance of financial system reform, (additional) financial assistance schemes, technical assistance for banking reform and supervision, and the required analytical capability are discussed. As for the conclusions, on economic grounds there is little what could and should clearly be done on a regional level. The most basic reason is that in the financial market s multilateral interdependence is so strong that it is quite difficult to make the case for a regional approach. However, there may be broader political reasons for the advanced and emerging economies of Pacific Asia to establish more channels of cooperation. This would be an ad-hoc approach, resting on eventually emerging topics. Such an open agenda would be very similar to what has been proposed for APEC during its inaugural years

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13

Dietz, Robert D. "Spatial competition, conflict and cooperation". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1058471128.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 268 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Adviser: Donald Haurin, Dept. of Economics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 256-268).

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14

Zelenická, Zuzana. "Sub-regionálna spolupráca a európska integrácia. Postavenie Visegrádskej spolupráce a Baltskej spolupráce v architektúre Európskej únie". Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76303.

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The aim of this work is to analyse the mutual relationship of sub-regional cooperation structures and the dominant integration structure: the European Union. We follow the evolution of mutual relationship between Visegrad Cooperation and the EU from the establishment of such sub-regional cooperation structure until today. Similarly, we analyse the relationship of the Baltic Cooperation and the EU. Later, we compare the evolution of both cooperation types on the background of their integration into the EU and thus identify their specifics. In the final part, we widen the research scope on the whole European Union and even more on the European continent and we try to identify and categorize existing cooperation and integration structures in this wider European region. As a conclusion we introduce brief characteristics of sub-regional cooperation and integration process in Europe in the relation to the EU and suggest future development.

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15

Leme, Álvaro Augusto Stumpf Paes. "A declaração de Iguaçu (1985) : a nova cooperação Argentino-Brasileira". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/8444.

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O objetivo deste estudo é investigar as razões e circunstâncias que conduziram os governos da Argentina e do Brasil a dar início a um vigoroso processo de cooperação e integração, a partir de meados da década de 1980, cuja manisfestação foi a assinatura, em novembro de 1985, da Declaração de Iguaçu, pelos Presidentes Raúl Alfonsín e José Sarney. As relações entre a Argentina e o Brasil, até 1979, caracterizaram-se pela predominância de sentimentos de suspicácia e rivalidade. A confiança e a cooperação foram a tônica do relacionamento em breves momentos. As profundas alterações que ocorrem no cenário econômico internacional no final da década de 1970, impusuram sérios limites ao crescimento e ao desenvolvimento de países como a Argentina e o Brasil. O projeto nacional-desenvolvimentista, adotado por esses países desde a década de 1930 e norteador de suas decisões econômicas e político-diplomáticas, passou a ser objeto de questionamentos, especialmente em razão das fragilidades que começaram a vir à tona, expressas nas medíocres performances ecônomicas da Argentina e do Brasil naquele momento. A cena política sub-regional, igualmente, era cenário de profundas transformações. Em ambos países houve o retorno de regimes democráticos. A partir da constatação dos dois governos de que a superação da secular hipótese de conflito e a intensificação dos laços de amizade e cooperação eram fundamentais para a consolidação das democracias e para o enfrentamento e a superação do grave cenário econômico que se configurava em meados de 1980, os Presidentes decidiram levar a cabo um amplo projeto de cooperação e integração regional. Deflagrava-se, então, com a assinatura da Declaração de Iguaçu, um processo virtuoso que pretendia recuperar as economias (a partir de uma releitura nacional-desenvolvimentismo), reinseri-las na cena internacional e consolidar as ainda frágeis democracias.
This study aims at investigating the reasons and circumstances which conducted the Governments of Argentina and Brazil to initiate, in the middle of the decade of 1980, a vigorous process of cooperation and integration, of which the main symbol was the signature of the Iguaçu Declaration, in november 1985, by Presidents Raúl Alfonsín and José Sarney. Until the end of 1979, rivalry and suspicious prevailed in the relations between Argentina and Brazil. Confidence and cooperation were observed in very few moments. The deep changes which occurred in the international economic scenario by the end of the 1970s, imposed serious limits to the economic growth and development of countries such as Argentina and Brazil. The nationaldevelopmentism project, which has been followed by these countries since 1930 and has guided their economic, political and diplomatic decisions, started to be questioned, especially due to the weak economic performance presented by these countries since the beggining of the 1980s. The sub-regional political scenario was equally dramatically changing. In both countries, the military dictatorships were replaced by democratic regimes. The two governments, aware of the necessity to overcome the secular conflict hypothesis and to foster friendship and cooperation ties in order to consolidate both democracies as well as to challenge and to overcome the economic difficulties, decided to initiate a wide project of regional cooperation and integration. Thus, the signature of the Iguaçu Declaration gave birth to a virtuous process which intended to recuperate both national economies (by adopting several theses of the national-developmentism project), to put Argentina and Brazil again in the world scenario and to consolidate the young democracies.

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Coelho, Teresa Margarida Sobral Bento. "Integração económica regional: que perspectivas para Timor - Leste (a ASEAN e o grupo ACP)". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/1546.

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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
O interesse pela Integração Económica Regional renasceu, nas últimas décadas, um pouco por todo o Mundo, a par da crescente liberalização económica a que vimos assistindo. Para os países menos desenvolvidos, essencialmente para as pequenas economias- normalmente caracterizadas por um mercado interno muito limitado, carência de recursos técnico-financeiros, sectores industriais incipientes, monoexportação-, a adesão a blocos económicos regionais (com a cooperação intra-Estados) afigura-se como uma via fundamental para o desenvolvimento, e para a progressiva integração na economia mundial. Presa aos efeitos estáticos de criação e desvio de comércio, a teoria geral das uniões aduaneiras é, contudo, incapaz de justificar as vantagens destes agrupamentos, entre países que, normalmente, dependem mais do comércio externo do que da sua própria produção interna, mas desenvolvem as trocas comerciais essencialmente com países extra-regionais. O que propomos fazer neste trabalho, é uma análise das vantagens e custos que um processo de integração regional pode ter para um pequeno país em desenvolvimento "acabado de nascer" -Timor-Leste -, nesta era marcada pela globalização dos mercados. Assim, começamos por, com base na sua actual situação económico-social (que se deve às suas características intrínsecas, mas também à sua história marcada por consecutivos processos de colonização), na sua estrutura produtiva e vantagens comparativas, analisar as potenciais consequências da adesão à ASEAN, como via para o desenvolvimento e, em particular, para quebrar o ciclo vicioso da pobreza que actualmente caracteriza Timor. Notamos, então, que os benefícios (mais dinâmicos do estáticos) são bem mais elevados do que os necessários custos (relacionados sobretudo com a perda de receitas para o Estado), se os líderes timorenses souberem aproveitar o "período de transição", incentivando o sector privado, apostando na educação, trabalhando em reformas tributárias, enfim, criando as bases para que o seu país possa, findo esse período e reduzida (como é de esperar) a ajuda internacional de que actualmente goza, caminhar sozinho. Mas, a situação peculiar de Timor permite pensar que, a par dos seus vizinhos do Pacífico, o país pode aderir também ao Grupo dos Países ACP, e assinar o Acordo de Cotonou (que, apesar de menos vantajoso do que a extinta Convenção de Lomé, para Timor acaba por se revelar benéfico, face á sua condição de PMA), beneficiando da Cooperação Europeia, o que lhe permite também diversificar a estrutura produtiva, e sobretudo os seus parceiros comerciais. A questão se coloca é a da compatibilidade na integração simultânea à ASEAN e aos Países ACP. Concluímos que, caso Timor opte por não estabelecer uma ZCL com a UE (antes preferindo integrar o SPG melhorado), ela é possível e, até, desejável.
In the last decades the interest on the Regional Economic Integration has reappeared a little all over the world and at the same time we have witnessed the growing economical liberalization to the less developed countries, mainly to the small economies - usually characterized for a limited internal market, lack of technical - financial resources, incipient industrial sectors, mono-exportation - the adherence to regional economical blocks ( with the cooperation intra states) appears as the primordial way to the development and to the progressive integration in the world economy. Confined to static effects of creation and deflection of trade, the general theory of customs unions can't, however, justify the advantages of these grouping among countries which usually depend more on external trade than on their own production but develop the trade changes with extra regional countries. In this essay we'll try to do the analysis of the advantages and costs that a process of regional integration may have to a small " just born " developing country - East Timor - in a time characterized by the globalisation of markets. Thus we begin by, according to its present economic - social situation ( which is due not to its own characteristics, but also to its history marked by the several movements of colonization ), to its productive structure and comparative advantages, analyse the potential consequences of the adherence to the ASEAN, as a way to the development, and, particularly, to break the vicious series of poverty that nowadays characterizes East Timor. We can see, then, that the benefices (more dynamical than static) are quite higher than the necessary costs ( related mainly to the lost of incomes to the state ), if the leaders of Timor know how to profit from the " transition period ", by encouraging the private sectors, betting on the education, working in tributary reforms, building the basis so that their country may, at the end of this period and after the reduction of the international help ( as it is expected ) walk alone. But the peculiar situation of Timor makes us think that, with its neighbours in the Pacific countries, it can also join the ACP group of countries and sign the Cotonou Agreement ( which, although less advantageous than the extinct Lomé Convention, to Timor it is profitable regarding its condition of LDC ), taking profit from the European cooperation, which allows the diversification of its productive structure and, above all, its trade partners. The question is that of the compatibility of the simultaneously integration in the ASEAN and in the ACP countries. We conclude that, in case that Timor chooses not to establish a FTA with the EU, preferring to join an improved GPS, this possible and even desirable.

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Carneiro, Bianca Lima. "Cooperação e integração monetária e financeira no Mercosul ampliado". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/40250.

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Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a existência de condições econômicas e institucionais no que diz respeito a integração de mercado, convergência de políticas macroeconômicas e simetria a choques que possibilitem um processo mais robusto de cooperação e integração monetária e financeira no Mercosul Ampliado. O aprofundamento desse processo nessa região é importante pela elevada necessidade de financiamento de longo prazo que esses países possuem e pela significativa vulnerabilidade e fragilidade as quais eles são expostos. Por meio de análises histórico-institucionais e empíricas, observa-se que: (a) os países desse bloco regional têm avançado a passos lentos rumo a um processo mais robusto de cooperação e integração monetária e financeira regional; e, (b) embora o Mercosul Ampliado apresente diversos aspectos que favoreçam o aprofundamento desse processo, outros fatores fundamentais, tais como integração comercial e financeira intrarregional e simetria a choques no bloco, indicam desafios para o avanço dessa estratégia. Assim, o aprofundamento da cooperação e integração monetária e financeira regional no Mercosul Ampliado apresenta obstáculos que não são desprezíveis, mas que podem ser superados por meio da vontade política dos países envolvidos para realizar os esforços necessários para implementar essa estratégia.
This research aims to analyze the existence of economic and institutional conditions with respect to market integration, convergence of macroeconomic politics and symmetry to shocks that allow a more robust process of monetary and financial cooperation and integration in the Amplified Mercosur. The deepening of this process in this region is important for the high need for long-term financing that these countries have and for the significant vulnerability and fragility which they are exposed. Through historical-institutional and empirical analysis, it is observed that: (a) countries of this region have advanced at a slow pace towards a more robust process of regional monetary and financial cooperation and integration; and, (b) although the Amplified Mercosur presents several aspects that favor the deepening of this process, other key factors, such as intrarregional trade and financial integration and symmetry to shocks in the block, indicate challenges to the advance of this strategy. Thus the deepening of regional monetary and financial cooperation and integration in the Amplified Mercosur presents obstacles that are not negligible, but that can be overcome through political will of the countries involved to make the necessary efforts to implement this strategy.

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Schwab, Vera. "Towards more resilient border twin cities? The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic induced (im)mobility shock on two European border twin cities". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Kulturgeografiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-193844.

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When the COVID-19 pandemic hit Europe in the beginning of 2020, a majority of countries reacted by closing their state borders. By drawing on concepts of border studies and border regional resilience, this thesis aims to examine the impact of the (im)mobility shock caused by the pandemic on two border twin cities in Europe. Through a qualitative approach, conducting semi-structured expert interviews and content analyses, the thesis attempts to identify (1) Which factors facilitated/obstructed the coping/adapting strategies to the problems caused by the pandemic induced state border closures; and (2) Which long-term effects the COVID-19 crisis will have on the future development of the border twin cities and whether their development path will transform into a more resilient one. The main finding of this thesis is that the crisis management on the local level was considerably limited by the restrictions enacted at the national level. To be better prepared for similar shocks, the border twin cities have already made plans based on their experience. However, it remains to be seen whether these strategies can contribute to the resilience of the cities. Nevertheless, coordination between the local, regional and national level is essential to plan and establish resilient border twin cities.

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Jamine, Elísio Benedito. "A integração regional na África Austral : obstáculos e oportunidades (1980-2008) /". São Paulo : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93745.

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Orientador: Oliveiros da Silva Ferreira
Banca: Reginaldo Nasser
Banca: Vania Leal Cintra
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: Este trabalho aborda a atual tendência à constituição de novos blocos de integração regional a partir do ponto de vista da experiência da Southern African Development Community "Comunidade para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral" (SADC). Busca-se compreender o seu desenvolvimento histórico, sua dinâmica político-econômica sobre os desafios e oportunidades para o contínuo desenvolvimento e consolidação deste bloco regional em seu contexto regional e continental. Argumenta-se que o passado da cooperação entre os Estados da região e a emergência em 1980 da Southern African Development Coordination Conference "Conferência de Coordenação para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral" (SADCC) foi em larga medida em resposta as tendências de dominação político-econômica sul-africana alicerçadas a sua política interna e regional baseada no apartheid e nas alianças inseridas no contexto da Guerra Fria. Enquanto que em 1992 a SADC emerge como uma vertente economicista-comercial que política, em função dos desafios regionais e da nova ordem internacional estabelecida no pós Guerra Fria e cujas respostas se baseiam na integração regional. O trabalho pretende contribuir na compreensão do passado e presente da cooperação e integração na África Austral. A abordagem compreende o período que vai de 1980 à 2008
Abstract: This study addresses the current trend of new regional international blocks creation from the point of view of the experience of the Southern African Development Community "Comunidade para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral" (SADC). We intend to understand its historical development, politic-economics dynamics on the challenges and opportunities for continuous developing and consolidation of this regional block, within regional and continental context. We argue that the past of cooperation between region States and the emergence of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference "Conferência de Coordenação para o Desenvolvimento da África Austral" (SADCC) was largely in response to trends of South Africa' political and economic domination based on its domestic and regional policy of apartheid and on the alliances inserted in the Cold War. While the SADC emerges as an economiccommercial approach than politics, in light of regional challenges and that of the new international order, whose answers are based on regional integration. The study aims to contribute to the understanding of the past and present cooperation and integration in Southern Africa. The approach includes the period from 1980 to 2008
Mestre

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20

Silva, Maurício Pinto da. "AÇÕES DE COOPERAÇÃO EM SAÚDE NA FRONTEIRA BRASIL/URUGUAI Um estudo sobre o Comitê Binacional de Integração em Saúde Santana do Livramento-Rivera Pelotas, dezembro". Universidade Catolica de Pelotas, 2009. http://tede.ucpel.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/84.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final MAURiCIO PINTO SILVA UCPEL.pdf: 2837472 bytes, checksum: 25ead27df3f7df99845856852fc91417 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-04
This study aims to analyze both integration and cooperation actions concerning the Federative Republic of Brazil and the Oriental Republic of Uruguay, in order to understand the meaning for the contemporary borders subject as well as understanding the dynamics for bi-national cooperation regarding health at the border between these two countries. It is worth highlighting that Brazil has a border line of 15.719km, limited to ten (10) countries in South America, covering eleven (11) states and five hundred and eighty-eight cities (588). The border line with the other Mercosul countries covers 69 cities and an estimated population of 1,438,206 inhabitants. That s the reason, it is justified the initiatives of studies and research on the border matter attempting to modify the widespread culture from the past, in which the border was a "space problem", having a new approach focusing on the region as a space full of opportunities for both economic and social development enriching thus the citizenship. It is also addressed to certain dynamics of social relations performed in this area taking as analytical perspective, the process of cooperation between health services located in the neighboring cities of Santana do Livramento, in Brazil, and Rivera, in Uruguay. Therefore, whose main goal is to study the experience of cooperation between health services from the actions developed and issued by the Committee on Binational Health Integration - Santana do Livramento / Rivera. Regarding the idea that both local and global relations shape the cooperative actions between the two cities citizens, and that they acquire a particular dynamics for their relations with constant new meanings, regarding, then, this territorial border, as it aims to rate its size, since the border area experience shows both approaching and ongoing conflicts, and that it is being opened up to new possibilities for expanding the influence to strengthen both centrality and social development for these two regions
Este estudo tem como proposta analisar as ações de cooperação e integração estabelecida entre a República Federativa do Brasil e a República Oriental do Uruguai, com vistas a compreender a dinâmica da cooperação binacional para a saúde na fronteira entre os dois países, ampliando o entendimento sobre o significado da fronteira no contexto contemporâneo. É importante destacar que o Brasil tem uma linha de fronteira de 15.719km, limitando-se com dez (10) países da América do Sul, abrangendo onze (11) estados e quinhentos e oitenta e oito municípios (588). A linha de fronteira, em especial com os países do Mercosul, abarca 69 municípios e uma população estimada em 1.438.206 habitantes. Nesse contexto, justificam-se os estudos e pesquisas sobre a temática fronteiriça, na tentativa de modificar a cultura difundida no passado, na qual a fronteira era um ―espaço-problema‖, para uma nova concepção que privilegia a região como um espaço pleno de oportunidades para o desenvolvimento econômico e social e a valorização da cidadania. Aborda, ainda, certas dinâmicas das relações sociais exercitadas nesta zona, tomando, como perspectiva de análise, o processo de cooperação entre os serviços sanitários localizados nas cidades limítrofes de Santana do Livramento, no Brasil e Rivera, Uruguai. Assim tem como objetivo central estudar a experiência de cooperação entre os serviços de saúde a partir de ações elaboradas e emanadas do Comitê Binacional de Integração em Saúde - Santana do Livramento/Rivera. Parte-se da idéia que as relações entre o local e o global conformam as ações cooperadas entre as duas sociedades, as quais adquirem uma dinâmica particular por suas relações estarem em constantes ressignificações em territorialidade fronteiriça. Visa, ainda, apreender sua dimensão, já que, na experiência da fronteira, área de aproximações e conflitos permanentes, estão sendo abertas novas possibilidades para ampliar a influência e reforçar a centralidade e o desenvolvimento social destas regiões

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21

Russowsky, Iris Saraiva. "O mandado de detenção na União Europeia : um modelo para o MERCOSUL". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/39528.

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Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a viabilidade de aplicação do instrumento de Mandado de Detenção Europeu (que foi criado em decorrência da quebra de fronteiras gerada com integração regional europeia, União Europeia) no bloco de integração regional latino-americano, MERCOSUL, tendo em vista ser um instrumento substitutivo do Instituto extradicional aplicado no âmbito criminal. Em um primeiro momento é tratado o fenômeno da globalização, da integração regional e sua repercussão no universo criminal, observando-se o surgimento de uma nova modalidade criminal, qual seja a criminalidade transnacional. Em decorrência dessa criminalidade transnacional, que abrange mais de um território nacional é estudado o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal entre os países, com a finalidade de combater a impunidade. Assim, faz-se um paralelo sobre cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal nos blocos de integração regional: União Europeia e MERCOSUL. Adiante, analisa-se o mandado de detenção europeu, seu surgimento na União Europeia e o papel do principio do reconhecimento mutuo na aplicação desse instituto. Por fim, examina-se a possibilidade, enfim, de aplicação desse instituto no bloco do MERCOSUL.
This study aims to examine the application of the instrument of the European Arrest Warrant (which was created as a result of the breach of boundaries generated with European regional integration, European Union) in the block of regional integration in Latin America, MERCOSUR considering it as a substitute for the extraditional institute instrument, which is applied in international criminal justice as a cooperation instrument. At first the phenomenon of globalization, regional integration and their impact on the criminal universe is analyzed. From this the emergence of a new criminal mode, transnational criminality has been observed. Because of this transnational criminality, which covers more than one country, the development of international legal cooperation in criminal matters is studied between the countries, with the aim of combating impunity. With this, a parallel on international legal cooperation in criminal matters in the blocks for regional integration is made: the European Union and MERCOSUR. Before this, it analyzes the European Arrest Warrant, the appearance and development in the European Union and the function of the principle of mutual recognition in the implementation of this institute. Finally, it examines the possibility of implementation of this institute in the MERCOSUR bloc.

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Luce, Mathias Seibel. "O subimperialismo brasileiro revisitado: a política de integração regional do governo Lula (2003-2007)". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/14394.

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Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise.
The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).

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Pikšrytė, Aistė. "Ekologinių grėsmių įtaka regioninei integracijai". Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20140623_181521-67240.

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Magistro darbo problema yra susijusi su situacija, kuomet nedidelė valstybių tarpusavio priklausomybė ir nenoras riboti savo suverenitetą lemia globalių aplinkosauginių režimų neefektyvumą. Tuo tarpu regioninis bendradarbiavimas, sąlygojamas valstybių tarpusavio priklausomybės, leidžia efektyviau spręsti kylančias problemas. Regionai, siejami iniciatyvų įveikti specifines ekologines grėsmes, gali būti ypatingai suinteresuoti bendradarbiauti ir kurti ekologinio saugumo kompleksus. Todėl bendradarbiavimas ekologinėje srityje gali skatinti tolesnę regiono integraciją. Tyrimo objektu darbe laikomas dėl ekologinių grėsmių vykstantis regioninis bendradarbiavimas bei institucionalizuotos jo formos. Darbe keliamas klausimas, kokiomis sąlygomis ekologinės grėsmės skatina regioninį bendradarbiavimą? Taip pat keliamas šalutinis klausimas, kokie faktoriai riboja ekologinio bendradarbiavimo procesus? Tiesioginio ryšio tarp ekologinių grėsmių ir regioninio bendradarbiavimo nėra užfiksuota, o tai leidžia teigti, jog ekologinės grėsmės gali skatinti regioninį bendradarbiavimą tik egzistuojant tam tikroms sąlygoms, kurių identifikavimas ir analizė yra pagrindinis darbo tikslas. Darbe keliama prielaida, kad ekologinės grėsmės skatina regioninį bendradarbiavimą, egzistuojant trims būtinoms sąlygoms: - ekologinės grėsmės regiono valstybių yra suvokiamos kaip gyvybinės; - bendradarbiavimas ekologinėje srityje sukuria potencialą regiono ekonominei plėtrai; - regionas patiria išorės jėgų įtaką... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
Relatively weak interdependence of the states and unwillingness to limit one’s sovereignty determines inefficiency of global environmental regimes. This fact forms the main problem of the MA thesis. The MA thesis is based on the presumption that regional cooperation which is determined by the interdependence of the states allows to resolve current issues easier. Certain regions which have intentions to cope with common environmental threats may be especially interested in cooperation and establishment of environmental security complexes. Therefore, cooperation may encourage the further integration. The key question of the MA thesis is when and in what circumstances the environmental threats encourage regional integration? The additional question is what factors restrict the processes of regional cooperation on the basis of the environmental threats? The analytical parts encompass the analysis of cases of Nile and Mekong regions. The object of the research is the regional cooperation and its institutionalized forms, as a consequence of the environmental threats. The aim of the analytical parts of the thesis is to examine whether the environmental threats encourage the regional cooperation on three main conditions: - the environmental threats are regarded as existential issues by the states of the certain region; - cooperation in the environmental field creates an opportunity for the economic development of states; - the regions are influenced by the external actors, which... [to full text]

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Abdulhamidova, Nurangez. "The European Union-Central Asia : in the light of the New Strategy". Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-51548.

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Central Asia is a region strategically located at the crossroads of the two continents: Asia and Europe. The region is represented by five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) with different level of economic development and with the population amounting to over 60 million people. The region is rich in energy resources represented by oil, gas, coal and water resources.

The thesis analyses, assesses and scrutinises one of the topical issues of the contemporary international relations - cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states before and after adoption in June 2007 of the ‘European Union and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’, an important political document in the history of relations between the two parties.

The new stage of cooperation is analysed more comprehensively accentuating priorities set in the Strategy. Analysis of the current state of affairs is conducted concerning some important issues of the Strategy related to regional cooperation between Central Asian states, such as integrated water management and development of hydro-energy system, issues of diversification of hydrocarbons supply routes from the region to Europe and provision of energy security, etc.

Issues of cooperation between the European Union and Tajikistan are analysed as a case study. State of affairs between the Central Asian states and the European Union Member States actively cooperating with these countries is characterised.

The thesis also scrutinises other regional/international actors engaged in cooperation with Central Asia (such as China, Russia, the US, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, etc.) and their potential for interaction with the European Union for more effective joint solution of the problems existing in the region is assessed.

In the conclusion, development of cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian states is scrutinised, the problems and their possible solutions in this regard are analysed, and the recommendations for increasing effectiveness of cooperation between the two parties are presented.

The European Union’s policy in Central Asia is interpreted from perspective of the theories of international relations namely neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism in the research.

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Albujar, Carbajal Sergio. "Le "système de coopération" entre les collectivités locales sud-américaines : un modèle en construction au service de l'intégration régionale". Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2081.

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En Amérique du Sud, on construit un système politico-normatif qui reconnait les collectivités locales comme acteurs du processus d’intégration régionale. Ce système émerge principalement d’une convergence spontanée et coordonnée. Des processus de décentralisation permettent l’action extérieure des collectivités dans le monde. Des initiatives d’intégration inter-étatique soutiennent la coopération entre les collectivités locales sud-américaines. La convergence de normes de décentralisation et d’intégration régionale fixe un cadre minimal pour la collaboration entre les collectivités de pays différents. On observe ainsi une augmentation de coopérations décentralisées. Les échanges entre les collectivités locales sont devenus naturels sur le plan politique, et légitimes sur le plan juridique. A partir d’une dynamique circulaire, les collectivités locales adaptent leurs administrations au « système de coopération territoriale » conçu par les Etats, et en même temps le perfectionnent par leurs pratiques. Au moins deux conséquences découlent du fonctionnement du système. Les collectivités locales ont la compétence de libre association sud-américaine. Elles appuient l’émergence ou la consolidation d’espaces transnationaux. Alors, un nouveau découpage territorial se dessine. Des espaces transfrontaliers et bi-océaniques cohabitent avec des territoires plus classiques, comme les municipalités, les régions ou les Etats. Cela constitue un apport des collectivités locales à l’intégration régionale
Throughout South America, a political and legal system that recognizes local governments as actors of regional integration is under construction. This system mainly emerges from a spontaneous and coordinated convergence. Decentralization processes allow local governments to act externally, internationally. Inter-States integration initiatives support the cooperation between local authorities. Norms and rules for decentralization and for South American integration converge to set a minimum framework for the collaboration between local governments of different countries.An increase in decentralised cooperation is thus observed. Exchanges between local authorities have become natural on the political level, and legitimate on the legal level. Thanks to a circular dynamic, local governments adapt their administrations to the « territorial cooperation system » designed by States, and at the same time perfect it through their practices. At least two consequences flow from the system. Local authorities have the jurisdiction to free associationthroughout South America. They support the emergence or consolidation of transnational spaces. Then, a new territorial division emerges. Bi-oceanic and cross-border spaces coexist with more traditional territories, such as municipalities, regions or States. Therefore local authorities contribute to the regional integration in South America

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Binaj, Dhimiter. "An analysis of United States-Albanian security relations in light of the War on Terrorism". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBinaj.pdf.

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Janusová, Monika. "Pobaltské republiky: vývoj a specifika transformace a cesta do EU". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10426.

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The thesis focuses on the transition and the EU integration process of the Baltic States since their independence in the beginning of the 1990s until they joined the EU in 2004. Two less detailed parts introduce Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania from general and historical point of view and analyze their regional cooperation.

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Brillant, Etchemaite Virginie. "La perspective transfrontalière de l'emploi dans l'eurorégion Aquitaine-Euskadi". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0082/document.

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L’objet de ce travail de recherche sur la perspective transfrontalière de l’emploi dans l’Eurorégion Aquitaine-Euskadi, est d’engager une réflexion à partir de la comparaison des ordres juridiques espagnol et français, sur les voies et les moyens juridiques susceptibles de permettre une certaine forme d’intégration des politiques de l’emploi à l’échelle eurorégionale, en dépassant deux séries d’obstacles : ceux inhérents à la coexistence de deux systèmes juridiques nationaux au sein d’un espace unique de type eurorégional, mais également ceux liés à la libre circulation des travailleurs, à la fois individus et citoyens. La démonstration de cette thèse s’opère en deux phases : une première phase descriptive et analytique suivie d’une seconde phase de modélisation. En premier lieu il s’agit d’exposer que les politiques nationales de l’emploi qui s’appliquent dans les zones frontalières qui forment l’Eurorégion Aquitaine-Euskadi, se caractérisent toutes deux, par une hégémonie étatique et une ambiguïté territoriale (Première partie).En second lieu, il est proposé d’envisager une évolution des politiques de l’emploi vers une « défronterisation » grâce à la mise en oeuvre du processus d’intégration (Deuxième partie)
This research about the cross-border perspective of employment in the Euroregion Aquitaine- Euskadi, based on a comparison between the spanish and french legal systems, aims to analyze the ways and legal tools towards a certain form of integration of employment policies at euroregional scale. It supposes to get through two kinds of difficulties: those related to the coexistence of two national legal systems within a single euroregional space and those related to the freedom of movements of workers, as individuals and citizens. The first step of the research is a descriptive and analitical one; the second step proposes a form of modelisation. First, the thesis aims at describing the national employment policies wich are implemented in cross-border areas such as the Euroregion Aquitaine-Euskadi. Both of them are characterized by a State hegemony and by a complex organization of competences of local authorities. Second, it suggests an evolution of employment policies towards the neutralisation of the border effect thanks to the implementation of integration processes through experimental legal rules

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Batista, Sinoel. "A paradiplomacia e seus atores nas políticas públicas locais na América Latina - experiências de São Paulo e Montevidéu". Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-18122012-110215/.

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A pesquisa estuda a paradiplomacia que envolve atividades de relação e cooperação internacionais protagonizadas por unidades públicas subnacionais. Identifica ações desenvolvidas por governos locais e regionais de várias partes do mundo e, em particular, as atividades paradiplomáticas realizadas pelas cidades de São Paulo, no Brasil, e Montevidéu, no Uruguai. A paradiplomacia em estado federado envolve as atividades protagonizadas pelos Municípios, Estados e Distrito Federal e, em estados unitários, compreendem as efetuadas pelos municípios. Com base no referencial teórico indicado inicialmente, bem como na quantificação dos governos locais latino-americanos, o trabalho desenvolve reflexões sobre a malha territorial do poder local na América Latina e as atividades paradiplomáticas na região. A pesquisa analisa, igualmente, as modalidades de cooperação (intergovernamental/ intragovernamental e horizontal/vertical) protagonizadas pelas interações ocorridas entre governos locais (municípios), governos regionais (Estados) e a União, identificadas no âmbito da gestão das políticas públicas na federação brasileira. Realiza, em seguida, com base nestas experiências, um esforço para identificar como são estão tais cooperações, quando realizadas no âmbito da paradiplomacia. Por fim, realiza um estudo da paradiplomacia em São Paulo e Montevidéu analisando as atividades desenvolvidas do final da década de 1980 até meados da década de 2000, por meio de entrevistas a 12 atores-chaves destas cidades vinculados às práticas paradiplomáticas realizadas.
The research holds as reference the study of the paradiplomacy involving international relations and cooperation activities staged by subnational government units. It identifies actions developed by local and regional governments from around the world, but specifically the paradiplomatic activities undertaken by the cities of São Paulo, Brazil, and Montevideo, Uruguay. The paradiplomacy in federal states involves activities leaded by municipalities, states and the Federal District, and in unitary states, includes those developed by local governments. Based on the theoretical framework initially referred to, as well as on the quantification of local governments in Latin America, this paper provides reflections on the territorial mesh of local authorities in Latin America and the paradiplomatic activities in the region. The research analyzes, to an equal degree, the types of cooperation (intergovernmental / intragovernmental and horizontal / vertical) led by interactions occurring between local governments (municipalities), regional governments (states) and the Union, identified in the management of public policies in the Brazilian federation. Then, based on these experiences, it undertakes an effort to identify how such cooperation is done, when carried out under the paradiplomacy. Finally, it performs a study on the paradiplomacy of Sao Paulo and Montevideo analyzing the activities developed from the late 1980s to the mid 2000s, through a standard questionnaire administered, to 12 key stakeholders from these cities that identify and hold the executed paradiplomatic practices.

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30

Schwarzkopf, Anke. "Realpolitik or reinforcement of the EU’s normative power : A Case Study on the EU’s relations with the CELAC". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-130052.

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This research aims to understand the nature and underlying motives of the EU’s relations with the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). The frequently claimed normative role of the EU will be examined in the context of the EU- CELAC summit relations, and the cases should be outlined that cause a switch to Realpolitik behavior. Thereby, the EU’s engagement in regional integration and interregional cooperation will be illustrated and EU-CELAC cooperation areas concerning the fight against poverty and social inequality, the consolidation of good governance and the promotion of peace, and lastly, the regional integration, trade, and economic cooperation are analyzed to reach an understanding of their normative or Realpolitik content. The research illustrates the ways of understanding the EU’s normative behavior and power, and the nature of the cooperation between the EU and the CELAC, whereby it should be shown that the EU acts according to normative consideration and only in few exceptions turns towards Realpolitik behavior.

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31

Noureau, Aurélie. "L’Union européenne et les collectivités locales". Thesis, La Rochelle, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LAROD023/document.

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Ignorées à l’origine par le droit de l’Union européenne, les collectivités locales s’inscrivent pourtant dans les enjeux de l’intégration européenne et s’imposent en qualité de « quasi-sujet » du droit de l’Union européenne.A l’échelle de l’Union européenne, les collectivités locales sont associées de plus en plus à l’élaboration et à la mise en oeuvre des politiques de l’UE. Cependant, leur action reste dépendante des cadres étatiques qui édifient des limites institutionnelles à une participation plus accrue. L’Etat demeure l’acteur institutionnel par excellence.En dépit de ces obstacles, les collectivités locales parviennent à élaborer des stratégies pour influer sur le processus décisionnel en utilisant une diversité de canaux formels et informels.Enfin, elles participent directement à la mise en évidence d’un territoire de l’Union européenne. L’ingénierie locale constitue alors un atout pour l’avenir de l’Union, qui consciente des différences et de la diversité de son territoire, adapte ses politiques et ancre de plus en plus sa démarche dans les préceptes de la Multi level governance (ou gouvernance multi-niveaux). L’émergence de ce modèle de gouvernance est censée pérenniser les acquis et la poursuite de la construction européenne, tout en respectant les traditions constitutionnelles nationales.Ainsi, l’objet de cette thèse est d’envisager les rapports complexes entre l’Union européenne et les collectivités locales. Cette étude ouvre alors sur des perspectives territoriales nouvelles intéressant directement l’Union européenne et inspire une réflexion sur le rôle de ces pouvoirs infra-étatiques dans une Union qui s’inscrit aussi dans un monde globalisé
For a long time, the European Union has not known about the local and regional authorities.However, local and regional level is a real asset to the Union. They become some almost subject of the European Union.Indeed, local and regional authorities currently have significant powers in key sectors such as education, environment, economic development, land use planning, public services and social policies. They implement the European legislation. Therefore, they also help ensure the exercise of European democracy and citizenship.Despite some significant advances in terms of recognizing their role in the European process, their actions are controlled by their national’s institutional architecture. And as the Union respects the constitutional autonomy of the Member States, which order their relations with regional and local authorities in different ways, it is really complicated to organize relations between European level and local and regional level.In spite of these impediments, the local authorities succeed in establishing strategies in order to be closely involved in shaping and implementing European strategies.Finally, the local authorities also take part into the construction of a European territory.Indeed, the diversity of the local and regional situations shows that it could be a chance. European policies have to be set up to the disparities and the local level is involved into the European decision making process.By another way, the recognition of the key role played by local and regional authorities in the European Union is developing a multilevel vision in the relations between the European actors. If the member States stay the institutional speaker of the European process, their local authorities succeed in integrating the European level. The multi level governance (MLG) has attracted the European Union. The MLG should coordinate action by the European level, the member states and local and regional authorities.This thesis shows the complicated relations between the European Union and the local authorities. Territorial perspectives and new objectives and tools should drive the European Union towards a better democratic integration

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Bu-Shehri, Mahmoud Abdul Aziz. "Measuring the static effects of economic integration on the economic welfare of the gulf cooperation council countries". Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/30072.

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33

Granger, Stéphane. "La Guyane et le Brésil, ou la quête d'intégration continentale d'un département français d'Amérique". Phd thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00707041.

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L'objectif général de ce travail est d'expliquer la nature des relations particulières entre une région française d'Amérique du Sud, la Guyane, et le Brésil, que l'histoire coloniale a rendus frontaliers, au moment où dans un contexte général d'intégrations continentales s'amorce entre eux un rapprochement institutionnel mettant un terme à quatre siècles de rivalités et d'ignorance réciproque. Or la Guyane subit une forte pression migratoire et environnementale de la part d'un Brésil particulièrement dynamique, ainsi que les contraintes d'une appartenance française et européenne perçue comme étouffante en dépit des avantages qu'elle procure. En pleine quête identitaire, elle aimerait s'intégrer à un environnement géopolitique que le Brésil cherche de son côté à organiser à son profit dans sa stratégie d'affirmation continentale. Au moment où se construit un pont sur l'Oyapock entre les deux voisins, les récents accords de coopération régionale visent à une " continentalisation " de la Guyane, dans une Amérique du Sud dans laquelle elle était jusque là peu intégrée, mais elle doit se débattre entre de multiples enjeux régionaux, nationaux voire supranationaux qui la dépassent.

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Östhol, Anders. "Politisk integration och gränsöverskridande regionbildning i Europa". Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1996. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65809.

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This study starts out with the hypothesis that the integration process in Europe is connected to cross-border régionalisation, a process which supports the institutionalization of subnational cross-border cooperation - region-building. Cross-border régionalisation is characterized by the decentralisation of vertical links and enhanced opportunities for horizontal links across state borders. In addition, political integration is expected to have some impact on the cross-border institutional forms that emerge at the subnational level. Three different approaches are utilized in order to establish the empirical connection between political integration and region-building. These are: an analysis of the factors which determine the general pattern of cross-border cooperation in Europe, an analysis of the policy network related to the regional and structural policies of the European Union (EU), and case studies of cooperation in the heartland of Europe, the Regio Basiliensis along the external border of the EU, and the EUREGIO along one of the internal borders. Two institutional factors are found to have a significant impact on the number of subnational cross-border cooperations, EU-membership and centrality. Federal constitution was shown not to be significant. It is suggested that the interaction between actors at different politico- administrative levels creates network relations, which typically bring both private and public actors together. More precisely, region-building is described as the outcome of the interaction which takes place between actors. A closer examination of the emerging policy network shows that community initiatives, the Interreg-programme in particular, improve the prospects for multilevel interaction. The EU plays a crucial role in providing the incentives for cooperation by increasing resource dependency and by establishing direct ties between the European Commission and a large number of subnational actors through partnerships. It appears as if the Commission wishes to demonstrate its capacity to deal with problems relevant to individual citizens. By, in part, bypassing central governments, it seems to increase its own importance vis- à-vis member states. The modus vivendi of cross-border region-building and régionalisation is the degree to which institutional actors at different levels share the same objectives. As shown by the case studies, there is a common interest in cross-border cooperation up to the point were public statues are introduced. Interests seem to coincide as long as the structures and contents of cross-border cooperation do not ultimately challenge the authority of state institutions. Therefore, it is not surprising that it seems impossible to give cross-border regions any rights under international law. Functional cooperation, rather than regionalist manifestations of cultural or political unity across borders, constitutes the backbone of region-building. Activities transcending borders are less controversial than those that may contribute to the establishment of new borders. It is concluded that region-building is a process which is embedded in the institutionalization of a multi-level interaction pattern. More favourable multilevel relations have been achieved through the transfer of some authority to the supranational level. This is the main reason why traditional integration theory fails to explain why there is a connection between political integration and cross-border cooperation.
digitalisering@umu

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Ridja, Mali Ange. "Réappropriation des partenariats public-privé et de la coopération transfrontalière dans les pays d'Afrique francophone : essai sur la région des Grands Lacs". Thesis, Perpignan, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PERP0021.

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La fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la guerre froide, la cohabitation pacifique, les mouvements d’indépendances, la fin du monde bipolaire, les crises multiformes et successives (culturelle, sociale économique et financière), voici autant d’événements qui ont changé les conceptions et la vision même du monde. L’initiative privée est à nouveau plébiscitée sur la scène mondiale. En effet, la rencontre entre le savoir-faire (financier et technique) du secteur privé et un secteur public ambitieux mais très limité, symbolisée dans le sigle « PPP », devient la formule gagnante.De nouveaux espaces font leurs apparitions, encouragées par le vent de l’intégration régionale et économique. Le mouvement de décentralisation propulsant celui de la coopération transfrontalière, nous assistons de plus en plus à une lente mais très prometteuse reconfiguration des dynamiques transfrontalières un peu partout dans le monde. Certaines régions offrent des perspectives très intéressantes, aussi bien sur le plan de la coopération transfrontalière que des PPP. C’est notamment le cas de la région francophone de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs. Cerner les PPP et la coopération transfrontalière, vérifier leur complémentarité et enfin suivre le mécanisme de réappropriation de ces deux concepts dans la région francophone de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs : voici les principaux objectifs que s’est assigné ce travail de recherche
The end of the Second World War, the cold war, the peaceful cohabitation, the movements of independences, the bipolar end of the world, the multi-form and successive crises (cultural, social economic and financial), here is so many events which changed the designs and the vision of the world. The private initiative is again approved by a large majority on the world scene. Indeed, the meeting enters the know-how (financial and technical) of the private sector and the ambitious but very limited public sector, symbolized in the initials "PPP", becomes the winning formula.New spaces make their appearance encouraged by the wind of the regional and economic integration. The movement of decentralization propelling that of the cross-border cooperation, we assist more and more a slow but very promising reconfiguration of the cross-border dynamics almost everywhere in the world. Certain regions offer very interesting perspectives, as well from the point of view of the cross-border cooperation as the PPP. It is in particular the case of the French-speaking region of Africa of Great Lakes. Encircle the PPP and the cross-border cooperation, to check their complementarities and finally to follow the mechanism of reappropriation of these two concepts in the French-speaking region of Africa of Great Lakes: here are the main objectives that assigned this research work

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Benalouache, Nadia. "L’énergie solaire pour la production d’électricité au Maghreb : transition énergétique et jeux d’échelles". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0137/document.

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La transition énergétique « bas carbone » au Maghreb, analysée sous l’angle du déploiement de l’énergie solaire pour la production d’électricité, est appréhendée dans un double contexte euro-méditerranéen et national. Elle est notamment le fruit de projets imaginés par des structures supranationales et décidés au plus haut niveau des États. À l’échelle euro-méditerranéenne, des initiatives ont été mises en place pour appuyer le développement à grande échelle de l’énergie solaire, qu’elles émanent de dispositifs intergouvernementaux (Plan Solaire Méditerranéen en 2008) et de consortia industriels privés (Desertec Industrial Initiative, Medgrid en 2009). À l’échelle nationale, les trois pays du Maghreb (Algérie, Maroc, Tunisie) ont formulé, surtout depuis 2009, des politiques de développement des énergies renouvelables, et élaboré, pour leur mise en œuvre, des plans et programmes nationaux. L’objet de cette thèse est d’analyser la mise en œuvre de la transition énergétique « bas carbone » au Maghreb et d’en montrer les implications spatiales et relationnelles aux échelles euro-méditerranéenne et nationale. Ainsi, nous montrons en quoi l’électricité contribue à redéfinir la mise en réseau des espaces régionaux et dans quelles mesures la diffusion des technologies solaires participe à redessiner la géographie de l’électricité au Maghreb. L’objet technique (infrastructure de réseau et unité de production d’électricité à partir de l’énergie solaire) est appréhendé à partir d’une approche systémique, à l’interface des sphères spatiale, politique et économique et sociale
The « low carbon » transition in the Maghreb, analyzed with a focus on the deployment of solar energy for electricity generation, is considered in both a Euro-Mediterranean and national context. This transition is the result of projects that were designed by supranational organizations and agreed on at the highest level. On a Euro-Mediterranean level, initiatives were implemented to support a large scale development of solar energy, whether it be at an intergovernmental level (Mediterranean Solar Plan, 2008), by private industrial consortia (Desertec Industrial Initiative, Medgrid 2009). At national level, the three Maghreb countries (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia), have formulated explicit renewables development policies, (especially since 2009), and established national plans and programs (Moroccan Solar Plan, Tunisian Solar Plan, National Renewable and Efficiency Energy Program in Algeria). The purpose of this thesis is to explore the implementation of the « low carbon » transition in the Maghreb and show what spatial and relational implications it had both at European and national level. Thus, we explain how electrical energy contributes to redefine how regional areas connect and to what extent the implementation of solar technologies helps reshape the geography of electrical energy in the Maghreb. The technical aspect (network infrastructure and electricity production unit by solar energy) will be studied following a systemic approach, at the crossroads of spatial, social, political and economical spheres
الملخص تسعى الأطروحة إ لى تحليل الانتقال نحو الطاقات الىتجددة وخاصة الشمسية بأقطار الىغرب العربي من خلالإطارين : إطارأورو - متوسطي و إطار قطري مح . يبدو الانتقال الطاقي وكأنه نتاج لىشاريع أعدتها هياكل فوق قطرية .ك ما أن إقرارها تم لى تموضع مبادرات تهدف إ لى ، أ ع ا لى ستويات السياسية . فع الىستوى ا لا ورو - متوسطي استعمال الطاقة الشمسية ع نطاق واسع وهذه الىبادرات ناشئةعن ترتيبات ب ين .(2008 - خطة الطاقة الشمسية الىتوسطية 2009 الحكومات ) مبادرة ديزرتاك اهتمت الأطروحة بأقطار الىغرب العربي الثلاثة )تونس - الجزائر - الىغرب ( مجسدة لى ثلاثة برامج كلى ى : خطة الطاقة الشمسية الىغربية، الىخطط الشم التون ، ا ل لىنامج الوطني للطاقة الىتجددة وكفاءة الطاقة لى الجزائر . إن الغرض من الأطروحة هو كذلك تحليل الانتقال الطاقي بشمال إفريقيا وإبراز أثارها الىجالية والعلائقية ع الىستوىا لا ورو - متوسطي و ع الىستويات الوطنية، ك ما نسعى إ لى إبراز كيفة مساعدة الطاقة الشمسية ع إعادة تعريف الشبكات غ الىستوى الإقليمي وكيف أن إعادة توزيع تكنولوجيا الطاقة الشمسية تشارك لى إعادة رسم جغرافية الكهرباء بشمال إفريقيا

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37

Burnier, da Silveira Paulo. "L'internationalisation du contrôle des concentrations". Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020101.

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Les dernières décennies ont témoigné d’un important accroissement des concentrations transnationales dans le monde et d’une multiplication des systèmes de contrôle des concentrations. Alors que les enjeux économiques revêtent désormais une dimension internationale, les mécanismes juridiques de régulation demeurent cantonnés à une échelle nationale ou régionale. En effet, la soumission d’une même opération de concentration à différents régimes de contrôle engendre plusieurs problématiques juridiques, dont le risque d’être confronté à des décisions contradictoires ou incohérentes rendues par différentes autorités de la concurrence. Ceci dit, il nous semble que des mécanismes juridiques pour réguler les concentrations transnationales s’imposent. S’agissant d’une réalité au niveau européen, la « régionalisation » du droit de la concurrence apporte une aide précieuse à ces problématiques. Au niveau mondial, différentes approches de solution sont envisageables. Cette thèse soutient, à court terme, la convergence des règles et des pratiques, afin de réduire les inconvénients associés au contrôle des concentrations transnationales, accompagnée, à long terme, par l’adoption de certaines règles contraignantes au sein de l’OMC
In the past decades, the number of transnational mergers worldwide has significantly increased. Merger control systems follow the same trend and have proliferated during this period. While economic issues are globalized, legal mechanisms remain national or regional. The notification of one single merger to different merger control systems raises several legal issues, in particular with respect to the risk of achievingcontradictory or incoherent decisions from different competition agencies. Thus, revised legal mechanisms are required in order to adequately regulate transnational mergers. A“regionalization” of merger control, as set by the European experience, offers useful insights towards proposals to deal with these issues. In a global perspective, several alternative approaches are possible. This thesis supports, on the short-term, a permanent convergence of rules and practices to reduce problems related to transnational merger control, followed, on the long-term, by the adoption of certain binding rules within the WTO

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Le, Gouriellec Sonia. "Régionalisme, régionalisation des conflits et construction de l'État : l'équation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique". Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D015.

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En dépit de sa complexité analytique, la situation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique peut être soumise aux outils de la Science politique afin de mieux comprendre les interactions entre les différents acteurs. Cette recherche s’efforce d’analyser les ressorts d’une équation sécuritaire qui peut paraître insoluble : le régionalisme est-il aujourd’hui un prérequis à l’émergence d’une paix régionale ? Pour répondre à cette question il est nécessaire de comprendre quels rôles jouent les processus sécuritaires régionaux (régionalisation et régionalisme) dans la construction des États de la Corne de l’Afrique. Cette étude s’efforce d’étudier les interactions entre le régionalisme, fondement de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité continentale, la régionalisation des conflits, qui semble à l’oeuvre dans cette région, et les processus de construction/formation de l’État. Les rapports entre les trois termes de l’équation dépendent du contexte et des interactions entre les différentes entités composant la région (États, acteurs non étatiques qui se dressent contre eux ou négocient avec eux et acteurs extérieurs). Deux types de dynamiques sont mises en évidence au terme de cette étude : l’une endogène, l’autre exogène. Dans la première, nous constatons que les conflits participent à la formation de l’État. Ils sont en grande partie des conflits internes et montrent qu’il existe une crise dans l’État. Ces États dominent le processus de régionalisme qui tente de réguler la conflictualité régionale avec un succès relatif puisque les organisations régionales cherchent à renforcer ou reconstruire l’État selon les critères idéalisés de l’État wébérien vu comme source d’instabilité. Le processus exogène se caractérise par le rôle des conflits régionaux dont l’existence sert de justificatif au développement et au renforcement du régionalisme, perçu comme la réponse la plus appropriée à ces problèmes de conflictualités. Cette conflictualité a pour source l’État car celui-ci est perçu comme faible. Le régionalisme permettrait de renforcer les États et diminuerait leurs velléités de faire la guerre
In spite of its analytical complexity, the security context in the Horn of Africa may be submitted to the Political Science’ tools in order to better understand the complex interactions between the various actors. The present research thus seeks to analyze the mechanism underlying what appears as an unsolvable security problem: is regionalism a prerequisite for the emergence of a regional peace? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to understand the role of regional security processes (regionalization and regionalism) in the state formation and state building of the Horn of Africa’s states. This study endeavours to explore the interactions between regionalism, which are inherent in the creation of an African peace and security architecture, the regionalization of conflict, which seems at work in this area, and construction/formation state process. The relationship between the three terms of this equation depends on the context and interactions between the various entities that make up the region (states, non-state actors that stand against them or negotiate with the states and external actors). This study thus reveals two kinds of dynamics at play: an endogenous process and an exogenous one. In the first one conflicts are involved in the formation of the state and are largely internal conflicts. It demonstrates that there is a crisis in the state States dominate the regionalism process which tries to regulate regional conflit with relative success because regional organizations seek to strengthen or rebuild the state according to the idealized criteria of the Weberian State seen as a source of instability. The exogenous process is characterized by the role of regional conflicts whose very existence serves to justify the development and the strenghtening of regionalism thus perceived as the most appropriate answer to those security problems. States are the source of conflicts because they are perceived as weak. Regionalism would strengthen states and reduce the inclination of states to make war

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Vincentová, Romana. "Mezinárodní souvislosti projektu Středomořské unie". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10188.

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This work focuses on the Mediterranean Union project proposed by Nicolas Sarkozy during the French presidential campaign in 2007. It represents a comprehensive portrayal of the Mediterranean region which has been due to its unique characteristics the center of attention of various international parties involved. These have been trying to take advantage of the Mediterranean Sea potential namely since the end of the 20th century and, at the same time, to introduce stability by means of various integration groups and further projects of cooperation. The Barcelona Process was the most complex partnership project within the Mediterranean territory which was launched by the European Union in 1995. The Barcelona Process or the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership nevertheless has not brought any significant achievements, with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict being considered the greatest impediment to its success. The work stresses the significance of the new project of the Mediterranean Union, which should learn a lesson from all the previous and, in many aspects unsuccessful, integration efforts and try to find a different way which would lead to achieving stability and cooperation of the countries within the region. In 2008, the Union for the Mediterranean developed from the Mediterranean Union project, which should reassume within the most possible extent the Barcelona Process. At the same time, the new integration approach should not consist of setting general goals but of formulating specific goals and their gradual implementation, which could lead to the unity of the region in the end. Complex political issues, however, still pose the major threat today.

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Kotúčová, Michaela. "The Evolution of the Foreign Policy of Italy". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193892.

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This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.

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Chu, Ying-Chia, e 朱英嘉. "From Regional Cooperation to Regional Integration with Chinese Characteristics-An Example of the Framework Agreement on Cooperation between Guangdong and Macau". Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/c48a7w.

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博士
中國文化大學
國家發展與中國大陸研究所博士班
107
Based on the political and economic analysis regarding the involvement of Guangdong and Macao in regional integration, the study aims at probing into cooperation projects and achievements of Guangdong and Macao in different stages. Due to the adjacent positions, Guangdong and Macao have established a long-term cooperation. On account of limited land, insufficient resources and other problems in Macao, the Guangdong-Macao cooperation is a development opportunity for Macao. After analyzing possibilities of Guangdong-Macao Integration by means of regionalism, economy, policy, industry and politics, the study attempts to clarify the particularities of regional integration “with Chinese characteristics”. The study shall utilize document analysis and the method of comparative study to sort out Particular implications of “regional integration with Chinese characteristics”. The study is divided into seven parts in total. The first section I try to discuss different theories that try and help explain motivation. Part two will utilize literature and relevant theories to get the viewpoints into shape. Based on the development history of regional integration in the Mainland China, part three will probe into the particularities of “regional integration with Chinese characteristics”. Part four and five will respectively analyze the current situation of Guangdong-Macao integration and cooperation. Part six will make a comparison and analysis between EU development patterns and “regional integration patterns with Chinese characteristics”. In the end, the study will describe and clarify the development possibilities and difficulties in Guangdong-Macao cooperation.

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42

Cheung, Màn Wah. "Economic integration of the Pacific Basin shifting regional patterns of international commerce /". 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/24032937.html.

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43

Shen, Tsan-Hung, e 沈燦宏. "Studying the Possibilities of Regional Economic Integration through a Framework of International Cooperation". Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/57634989531275668941.

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Abstract (sommario):

博士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
102
Competition versus cooperation or wars versus peace have always happened alternately between states since the international system was established along with the progress of history. After the Peace Treaty of Westphalia was signed, although there were some wars and conflicts, even the Cold War, they were disappeared eventually and the international system is still here. The time of international cooperation is more than international conflict which is approved by regional integration, so the new regionalism has prevailed since 1980. There are following three characteristics about international cooperation and new regionalism: (1) the international cooperation happens again after the great power declined; (2) The types of international cooperation are gradually changing; (3) When the trends of regional economic integration are progressing, the new regionalism comes into being with time. These three motives are main background of this research. This research adopts an international cooperation viewpoint to discuss the following regional economic integration issues: 1. Does international cooperation need hegemonic power? If hegemony is not the only necessary condition to achieve international cooperation, then what is? 2. How to establish a theoretical framework with the country’s interests as a foundation to explain the possible expansion and change of the types of international cooperation? 3. While each regional economic organization has its own agenda, it is interesting and beneficial to evaluate the differences and motives of cooperation and integration among various regional economic organizations. 4. Given these differences and the possibilities of cooperation amongst these regional economic organizations, what is the strategic thinking of Taiwan while in joint with Asia-Pacific regional cooperation? This research tries to adopt infinite game approach and structural interest logic and integrate the concept of “vertical interests” and “horizontal interests.” In doing so, the model will be transferred into “the existing interests” and “the future virtual interests.” By using this created model, it can help answer the previous two questions. In addition, this research will also establish five indicators, including culture diversity, information gap, geographic distance, development distance, and political factors, to help answer the last two questions as well as provide better strategic thinking for Taiwanese government while joining some regional economic organizations. The prisoners’ dilemma is one of key points of international cooperation study, so how to break through the dilemma is the research’s approach. We use the TIT-for-TAT logic to transfer an infinite game into a model. The model applies “the existing interest” and “the future virtual interest” instead of an accumulation interest of infinite games by TIT-for-TAT. Then we add five indexes for the ratio of virtual interest to explain the international cooperation and regional cooperation. Through this model for the research, we could get at least four expected purposes: (1) constructing a synthetic theory of international region cooperation; (2) With regard to cooperation degree between different international regions, we would achieve more comprehensive comparisons and more detail understandings; (3) This study could provide strategic thinking and alternatives for Taiwan when it prepare to attend some regional cooperation organization and (4) providing policy suggestion to Taiwan government through domestic politics level and international structure level.

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44

Arora, Rashmi, e S. Ratnasiri. "Financial integration of South Asia: an exploratory study". 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/8520.

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Abstract (sommario):

Yes
This study examines extent of financial cooperation in the South Asia region. This region although heterogeneous in terms of size, political ideologies and level of development yet shares similar historical and cultural closeness, poverty and low level of human development. Further, we also examined the likely factors influencing financial integration in the region. Overall, the results show that among the economic and political factors trade, income levels and political stability are the most important factors in influencing South Asian financial cooperation. The results also strongly support the view that countries more open and integrated through trade are more integrated financially.

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45

Christian, Calistus A. "The impact of SAARC on regional integration in South Asia". Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/10154.

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46

Pei-WenChang e 張佩雯. "The Political Economy of New Regional Economic Cooperation and Integration Development：The Case Study of Greater Mekong Sub-region（GMS）". Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/72qduy.

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Abstract (sommario):

碩士
國立成功大學
政治經濟研究所
103
In the past, Developmental theory more emphasize dependence between North and South, and between the north country have interdependence partnership capitalism, but for South-South cooperation is to take a more pessimistic view. But with the rise of China factor, geo-economic, regional economic integration, as well as on China for the operation of the District, it seems to be understood that South-South cooperation possible, such as Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS), the BRIC countries (BRIC),, the development of the National Association of Southeast Asian (ASEAN), the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) to establish BRICS (BRICS), making the development of South-South cooperation in breaking relations developed in the past, led to the development among countries of the South , resulting in changes in the international economic order, breaking the past, the United States, the European economy as the core of the architecture and thinking, making low developed countries, countries of the South are more meaningful cooperation, while there's an opportunity, the new regional economic cooperation and integration development increase the likelihood of the development of South-South cooperation, which is the study of past theory can not fully explain between China and ASEAN relations South-South cooperation.

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47

Chen, Yen-Hua, e 陳妍華. "The China`s Strategy of Regional Integration in Southwest Area—Focus on Greater Mekong Subregion Cooperation". Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/49521346295076934980.

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Abstract (sommario):

碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
96
The reform and open policy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have facilitated the development of three largest economic zones—the Pearl River delta, the Yangtze River delta, and the Bohai Rim from the north to the south at the eastern coastal area. The PRC, on the other hand, faces the unequal development domestically. Therefore, the PRC government has to defuse such a potential economic crisis and engage in developing the inner-mainland of China. Together with the four-follow strategy, the PRC government adopts the strategy of point-line-area to improve regional economic development. On the internal, foreign development policies in China, is all with the strategy of point-line-area as a datum point of development, and combine with the four-follow strategy, the way of the side and line development, develop to Southeast Asia progressively. Under the approach of interior-exterior combination of the development in China, cooperate with the constitution of the policies in China, promote the development of southwest of China with the way of in and out, expecting to drive the advancement of southwest under the international factors. In the process of cooperating with foreign countries, forming the economic corridor by various kinds of key cities and cooperating to build railway become the way of line, in order to drive the development of the surrounding area. Steady cooperative program of Mekong River effectively and the achievement of China to ASEAN Free Trade Area, namely the appearance of area. Cooperative way and content in China and Southeast Asia are numerous and this research will regard the cooperation of Mekong River as the core of studying. Connecting with the approach of interior-exterior combination, conferring the effect of combining approach development to the southwest area of China in the process of cooperating with Mekong River.

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48

Ndlovu, Michael. "Developing an appropriate model for regional cooperation in developing countries : the case of Southern African Development Community (SADC)". Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2708.

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Abstract (sommario):

An appropriate regional cooperation environment makes a vital contribution to the social and economic development of every country in the region. This research thesis focuses specifically on the growing lack of appropriate regional cooperation models in developing countries, and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) is used as a case study. The research highlights some key issues on the development of the appropriate regional cooperation models. The research information is obtained on the research areas through questionnaire surveys to respondents from South Africa, Tanzania, and Mauritius on the current regional cooperation model and the perceived ideal one. The conclusions drawn are that the regional cooperation models envisaged to be in use in the SADC differ significantly from the theory, which results in inappropriate focus on the requirements of the majority of the states. This is primarily due to the use of inappropriate regional cooperation models. The indications are that traditional market-type integration models, which are used as a “default model” without major adjustments, are inappropriate within the developing countries context, owing to the existence of a fundamental incongruence between the assumptions and requirements of such models and the needs and realities prevailing in Southern Africa. Southern Africa does not satisfy the foremost prerequisites of successful market integration. Despite the considerable advantages the models might have gained in other developed regions, they often fail to meet the requirements of the developing countries. In measuring the satisfaction regarding the current regional cooperation adhering to the requirements of the majority of states, it becomes obvious that the SADC population is generally not satisfied with the results regarding the current regional cooperation. In order to meet the requirements of the majority of states, SADC regional cooperation needs to focus on the appropriate regional cooperation. This requires an understanding and management of three classes of factors, which are environmental factors, capacity factors, and regional organisational factors. The three classes of factors together affect the participation rate of the states.
Business Leadership
DBL (Business Leadership)

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49

Mei-ChernChou e 周美辰. "Thailand 's Economic Integration and Strategic Pattern Analysis in the Greater Mekong Subregion Economic Cooperation Program: A Cross - Regional Development". Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/3mk6e8.

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50

CHEN, SHANG-LIN, e 陳尚麟. "The Customs Collaboration Of “ One Belt One Road ”: The Core Of Legal Cooperation Mechanism For Regional Economic Integration Of China and East Asia". Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/52txtm.

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Abstract (sommario):

碩士
東吳大學
法律學系
106
Economic globalization and regional economic integration are the two major features of current world economy, contributing to the continued expansion of regional economic development on an international scale. As multiple economic systems, including regional economies, conjointly form the global economic system, regional economic integration gradually expands under the trend of economic globalization, and can be viewed as one of its main drivers. In other words, symbiosis exists between regional economic integration and economic globalization. Western Europe, North America, and East Asia are the three most economically vibrant regions of the world at present. In both Western Europe and North America, regional organizations have been successfully established, namely the European Union (EU) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The EU, having developed over half a century, is the most integrated of all, and has established an economic union while bringing about the transfers of national powers. On the other hand, the NAFTA was signed in 1992 and has since developed rapidly, deepening not only trade but also investment cooperation among the United States (US), Canada, and Mexico. While the successful integration within the EU and NAFTA can serve as a lesson for East Asia, such models cannot be duplicated due to the region’s multiplicity of economics and politics, as well as an “external interference” factor at play in relation to East Asia’s intricate geopolitical landscape. Hence, the delicate dynamics between East Asia and external factors such as the US and the EU, along with the historical distrust between China and Japan, have rendered the region’s economic integration all the more difficult and slow in progress. Since China and Japan both play unique and influential roles in the East Asian economic landscape, future integration development in the region will be shaped by how China, Japan, South Korea, and ASEAN nations interact. However, the US would become more reserved in global affairs in the future, as evidenced both by the protectionism espoused by Donald Trump, and Hillary Clinton’s conservatism in the 2016 US presidential election. The election of Donald Trump signifies the rise of protectionism and invites the rethinking of globalization. In addition, President Moon Jae-in of South Korea and President Emmanuel Macron of France, both of whom assumed office in May 2017, also lean towards more reserved political stances. In Europe, the fears of a disintegrating EU run deep following the UK’s exit from the EU, Italy’s constitutional referendum, as well as Austria’s presidential election. On May 21st, 2018, Giuseppe Conte, a professor of private law, was proposed for the role of Prime Minister as the head of a coalition government between Movimento 5 Stelle (the Five Star Movement), an anti-establishment party, and the far-right party Lega Nord (the League). Controversies surrounding his educational background aside, Conte is, in terms of his political stance, an Eurosceptic populist who opposes the EU and doubts Italy’s participation in it. Protectionism is extremely contagious. Today, China is ruled by an apparent nationalist. In Europe, localists and nationalists come from both the far-right and far-left. Globally, it seems as if right- and left-wingers have all come together to champion nationalist protectionism, meaning that these countries will place much more emphasis on their domestic affairs than global issues. It also suggests that the foundation of post-WWII international order – be it the liberal world trading system that we are all accustomed to, or the international security regimes established by the US and its allies – will much likely face tremendous changes. Meanwhile, China is pursuing the opposite of protectionism. As a rising superpower, China is actively promoting and engaged in regional economic integration. Since President Xi Jinping proposed in 2013 the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (also known as the Belt and Road Initiative, BRI), China’s Central Leading Group for Financial and Economic Affairs has made a decision in 2014 to expedite the execution of the BRI to further open up to the world. On May 14th, 2017, the first Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation was held in Beijing and it concluded with 270 concrete results, according to a joint communique released after the event. The context of development and future trend in East Asian regional economic integration not only influence the economic developments of East Asian countries deeply, but also complicate the changes in the future economic outlooks internationally. Under these circumstances, the emergence of China provides a new alternative for Asia to achieve further integration. China’s role in the Asian and even global economy has become increasingly important. With its strong economic power, it will promote and take the lead in the integration of Asian economies. Under the framework of BRI, international collaboration and trade will become frequent. BRI emphasizes five pillars, i.e. policy coordination, facilities connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration, and people-to-people bonds. Under these five pillars, there are 76 consensuses comprising more than 270 detailed results. China has signed memoranda of understanding and cooperation agreements with many countries and international organizations. Besides signing cooperation agreements on trade with 30 countries, China also launched the Belt and Road cooperation initiative on trade connectivity together with 60 countries and international organizations, which includes a number of financing projects worth billions of dollars. To boost cooperation, China will also establish the Research Center for the Belt and Road Financial and Economic Development and the Facilitating Center for Building the Belt and Road. The Belt and Road Initiative is an atypical way of integration. The entire Initiative revolves around the five pillars of connectivity. As China creates the vision of development with other countries in the area and builds transportation nodes to connect countries, it also provides source of funding by founding the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the Silk Road Fund. By facilitating the flows of goods, capital, and human resources all at once, China aims to achieve comprehensive regional integration. With the connectivity infrastructure under construction, China also proactively expands the development of human resources, tourism, agriculture, public health, environmental protection, etc. so as to conduct cross-sector and multi-tiered integration. With the development of China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the Trump administration reversing pivot out of Asia, it is most likely that China will become the greatest power in Asia. Hence, the legal cooperation mechanism among Asian countries has become all the more significant. In this thesis, the scope of legal cooperation does not accentuate how international private laws in different countries should be regulated; instead, the thesis focuses on the interaction of countries with the emphasis of customs activities. The thesis therefore discusses the legal cooperation mechanism between China and other BRI countries with the emphasis of international collaboration between customs. The fifth chapter of this thesis further discusses the customs activities and international collaboration between China’s Pilot Free-Trade Zones and other BRI countries. On September 29th, 2013, the Shanghai Pilot Free-Trade Zone was established, followed by the Pilot Free-Trade Zones in Guangdong, Tianjin, and Fujian. On April 11th, 2017, seven Pilot Free-Trade Zones were established in Liaoning, Zhejiang, Henan, Hubei, Chongqing, Sichuan, and Shaanxi, forming a “1+3+7” map of FTZs in China. The establishment of these FTZs forms a strategic layout that will lead China to open up and build a brand-new BRI network which connects the whole world. On the Silk Road Economic Belt, in addition to the node cities on the ancient Silk Road, China will also build six major economic corridors to complete its strategic layout. At the same time, the 11 Pilot Free-Trade Zones will also continue to play an important role on the economic corridors of the Silk Road Economic Belt.

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Tesi sul tema "Regional cooperation/integration"

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