Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "SCIENZA POLITICA"
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Articoli di riviste sul tema "SCIENZA POLITICA"
1
Matteucci, Nicola. "SCIENZA POLITICA E FILOSOFIA POLITICA: COMMENTO". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 21, n. 1 (aprile 1991): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200009837.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
IntroduzioneL'invito di Leonardo Morlino a partecipare ad un dibattito sul suo articolo La scienza politica italiana: tradizione e realtà credo sia dovuto a una relazione che feci ad un Convegno sulle scienze umane, pubblicata vent'anni fa su «Il Mulino» (1971), che egli ricorda nella sua bibliografia.
2
Fisichella, Domenico. "ALLE ORIGINI DELLA SCIENZA POLITICA ITALIANA: GAETANO MOSCA EPISTEMOLOGO". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 21, n. 3 (dicembre 1991): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004884020001786x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
IntroduzioneLa riflessione epistemologica di Gaetano Mosca prende le mosse dall'osservazione che la scienza politica, come studio dei fenomeni politici con il metodo scientifico, è nel suo tempo ancora in fase di significativa arretratezza, per non dire nell'infanzia. Basta guardare allo sviluppo delle scienze naturali per rendersene conto. Già dalle pagine iniziali della Teorica dei governi e governo parlamentare, pubblicato in prima edizione nel 1884, il rilievo è esplicito e ricorrente: “i risultati ci dicono che, fino al giorno d'oggi, il metodo sperimentale ha fatto assai migliori prove nelle scienze fisiche che nelle sociali” (Mosca 1982, 197). D'altra parte, “che una scienza sociale non sia ancora nata”, talché ne deriva appunto “l'inferiorità di sviluppo scientifico che hanno le scienze sociali in rapporto alle naturali”, è tema ritornante anche negli Elementi di scienza politica, usciti in prima edizione nel 1896. “La scienza politica”, nota infatti il nostro autore, “non crediamo che neanche ora sia entrata interamente nel vero periodo scientifico” (ivi, 202, 199, 555).
3
Pasquino, Gianfranco. "TRENT'ANNI DI SCIENZA POLITICA: TEMI E LIBRI". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 31, n. 1 (aprile 2001): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200029531.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introduzione Qualsiasi bilancio è sempre problematico, soprattutto quando è il bilancio di una disciplina nella quale la ricerca continua e per la quale gli oggetti cambiano anche grazie alla ricerca, alle risultanze, agli interventi che ne derivano. Tuttavia, esistono occasioni nelle quali la necessità di un bilancio si impone. Trent'anni di vita, per una rivista accademica, non sono pochi. Meritano di essere analizzati e collocati nel più ampio territorio della scienza politica. Il primo fascicolo della «Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica» fu pubblicato nell'aprile del 1971. Dal punto di vista della nascita e della professionalizzazione della scienza politica in Italia, la nascita della Risp costituì il logico sviluppo dell'attività di un piccolo gruppo di studiosi che pochi mesi prima sotto la guida di Giovanni Sartori aveva collaborato alla Antologia di Scienza Politica con sezioni curate nell'ordine da Giuliano Urbani (Metodi, approcci e teorie); Stefano Passigli (Potere ed élites politiche); Giacomo Sani (Cultura politica e comportamento politico); Domenico Fisichella (Partiti politici e gruppi di pressione); Vittorio Mortara (La pubblica amministrazione) e Gianfranco Pasquino (Lo sviluppo politico). Quanto alla Rivista, quel primo fascicolo era deliberatamente e opportunamente dedicato alla politica comparata per segnalare l'importanza di quella prospettiva e del metodo che vi era sotteso. Sulla comparazione conteneva articoli di Sartori, La politica comparata: premesse e problemi, di Arend Lijphart, Il metodo della comparazione e di George J. Graham Jr., Consenso e opposizione: una tipologia, conteneva anche un articolo di Fisichella, Conseguenze politiche della legge elettorale regionale in Italia e uno di Pasquino, Le crisi di sviluppo nell'esperienza giapponese. In entrambi i casi, quegli articoli erano la prosecuzione di un interesse scientifico che si era già tradotto nella pubblicazione di due volumi, rispettivamente Fisichella (1970, e poi 1982) e Pasquino (1970). Tuttavia, mentre nel caso dei sistemi elettorali stava per aprirsi una intensa, ma tuttora incompiuta, stagione di dibattito e di riforme, che la Rivista ha monitorato standone a opportuna distanza (ad esempio, AA.VV. 1984 e 1987), nel caso dello sviluppo politico, il tema stava giungendo ad esaurimento. A riprova, sulla Rivista, se ne scrisse in seguito relativamente, forse troppo, poco. Peraltro, l'analisi dello sviluppo politico si era incrociata spesso, opportunamente e fruttuosamente con la politica comparata. Proprio per questo «incrocio», mi sembra che qualsiasi ricognizione su quanto è avvenuto, in termini di temi e di libri, in questi trent'anni debba ripartire congiuntamente dagli studi di politica comparata e di sviluppo politico.
4
Green, Donald P., e Ian Shapiro. "TEORIA DELLA SCELTA RAZIONALE E SCIENZA POLITICA: UN INCONTRO CON POCHI FRUTTI?" Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 25, n. 1 (aprile 1995): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200023339.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
IntroduzioneDalla pubblicazione diSocial Choice and Individual Valuesdi Kenneth Arrow nel 1951, si è avuta un'esplosione dell'approcciorational choicenegli studi di scienza politica. Negli anni Cinquanta e nei primi anni Sessanta, la teoria della scelta razionale rappresentava poco più di un ramo secondario all'interno di una disciplina – la scienza politica – dominata da varie forme di analisi behaviorista e istituzionalista. Oggi, di contro, essa si è diffusa ben oltre le sue prime pubblicazioni e i suoi esoterici adepti. È ben rappresentata nelle principali riviste e convegni della disciplina, e i suoi sostenitori sono richiesti da tutti i più importanti dipartimenti americani di scienza politica. La teoria della scelta razionale ha esteso il suo ambito di applicazione oltre la teoria politica e la politica americana, dapprima negli studi di relazioni internazionali e più di recente nella politica comparata. A dire il vero, quasi nessuna area della scienza politica è rimasta immune dalla sua influenza. Un conteggio degli articolirational choicepubblicati dall'American Political Science Reviewdal 1952, presentato nella figura 1, attesta una crescita quanto-mai sostenuta. Invisibile nel 1952, a distanza di quarant'anni la scuola della scelta razionale annovera quindici articoli su quarantuno nella rivista di punta della disciplina.
5
Lanzalaco, Luca. "SCIENZA POLITICA E RELAZIONI INDUSTRIALI". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 20, n. 1 (aprile 1990): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200008972.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introduzione«Nello studio delle relazioni industriali nessuna disciplina, tra le scienze sociali, ha avuto un ruolo meno rilevante della scienza politica»: questa affermazione fatta da Peter Gourevitch, Peter Lange e Andrew Martin in un saggio purtroppo poco conosciuto (Gourevitch, Lange, Martin 1981, 401) induce, da un lato, a domandarsi se effettivamente la latitanza di questa disciplina sia stata grave e, dall'altro, a tentare di colmare parzialmente questa lacuna.
6
Cappelli, Ottorino. "AMMINISTRAZIONE E POLITICA IN URSS NELLE ANALISI COMPARATE DELLA SCIENZA POLITICA OCCIDENTALE". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 18, n. 1 (aprile 1988): 137–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200017299.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
IntroduzioneAlla fine degli anni Sessanta la sovietologia era ancora un'«ibrida arte» orientata in senso interdisciplinare, priva di metodologie analitiche rigorosamente definite e in gran parte rinchiusa nei confini degli studi di area. Nei due decenni successivi alla seconda guerra mondiale era stato soprattutto il dialogo con la scienza politica in generale e con la politica comparata a rimanere penalizzato. Diversi erano gli approcci, le categorie, gli strumenti metodologici adoperati per analizzare i sistemi politici dell'est e dell'ovest. Tra le ricerche sull'URSS e gli studi politologici sull'occidente mancava un linguaggio disciplinare comune, non v'era simbiosi concettuale. Contribuivano a questa separatezza disciplinare sia la percezione di una assoluta estranietà tra «mondo socialista» e democrazie costituzionali, legata al contesto politico della guerra fredda, sia l'egemonia culturale del modello totalitario, fondato sul presupposto dell'unicità del sistema politico sovietico.
7
Bartole, Sergio. "SCIENZA POLITICA E DIRITTO: COMMENTO". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 21, n. 1 (aprile 1991): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200009849.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
IntroduzioneL'invito a intervenire sull'importante contributo di Leonardo Morlino (1989) mi consente di ritornare su un argomento — quello dei rapporti fra la scienza politica e la scienza del diritto costituzionale — cui ho già dedicato in altre occasioni una qualche riflessione (1985, 1986). Debbo confessare di guardare con un po’ di invidia all'iniziativa che Morlino ha preso di tracciare una sorta di bilancio dello stato della sua disciplina. Sono, in effetti, convinto che molto spesso gli studi di diritto costituzionale stiano procedendo senza una precisa consapevolezza della direzione da prendere, delle manchevolezza che li connotano e delle risposte di ordine scientifico che da essi si attendono: mancano adeguate meditazioni di ordine teorico e metodologico, e troppo spesso contributi monografici e saggistici nascono in obbedienza a quella che Morlino chiama una «logica esterna», e quindi senza una seria attenzione alla «logica interna» alla disciplina ed alle connesse preoccupazioni di ordine sistematico. Né vale rispondere che le preoccupazioni metodologiche e teoriche rappresentano fughe in avanti rispetto all'analisi e considerazione dei problemi concreti, di fronte ai quali soltanto ha senso proporre questioni di teoria e metodo, che, se formulate in astratto, restano nel limbo delle pie dichiarazioni di intenti, senza trovare adeguato riscontro nella attività pratica di ricerca. La mancanza di un bagaglio metodologico e teorico solo in apparenza allevia le fatiche del viaggiatore e, in realtà, lo obbliga a rifare il punto astronomico ad ogni giro di strada, anche al di là delle normali e corrette esigenze di una responsabile autocritica e di un doveroso autocontrollo.
8
Are, Giuseppe. "SCIENZA POLITICA E STORIOGRAFIA: COMMENTO". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 21, n. 1 (aprile 1991): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200009850.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
IntroduzioneCommentare, nella mia qualità di storico e da tale punto di vista, il saggio di Modino sullo svolgimento della scienza politica in Italia dal dopoguerra ad oggi, è un compito facile per una parte, piuttosto arduo per l'altra. Facile per ciò che riguarda la verifica di quanto sia veritiero ed esauriente il quadro che Morlino traccia di tale svolgimento, delle sue tappe, dei suoi difetti, dei suoi successi, e, piò in generale, del clima culturale in cui si è prodotto e che ha concorso a formare. Arduo, invece, per quanto riguarda gli scambi possibili fra scienza politica e storiografia. Tale secondo compito obbliga infatti ad indagare in reciprocità gli statuti essenziali dei due modi di conoscenza, la compatibilità dei loro strumenti, e via dicendo: un'opera che non mi risulta sia stata ancora mai tentata in Italia, in modo capace di trascendere i fastidi, le presunzioni e le gelosie di mestiere e di corporazione.
9
Calise, Mauro. "L'ISTITUZIONALIZZAZIONE DEL GOVERNO". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 17, n. 2 (agosto 1987): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004884020001666x.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
IntroduzioneIl concetto di istituzionalizzazione continua ad avere un'accoglienza difficile negli studi politologici. Da Bentley a Easton, la scienza politica si è sviluppata contrapponendo la politica come processo alla politica come stato, e non v'è dubbio che le istituzioni rafforzino il versante strutturale di questa dicotomia. Parlare di istituzioni in scienza politica pone l'accento sul fatto che i comportamenti tendono a cristallizzarsi, le azioni si oggettivizzano. Fino a risollevare il vecchio dubbio che le istituzioni obbediscano a una propria logica autonoma, tant'è che gli analisti delle politiche pubbliche sono tornati a chiedersi «perché la forma dovrebbe seguire la funzione». In America, si è cominciato a parlare di «new institutionalism» per richiamare l'attenzione sulla perdurante importanza dei fattori organizzativi nella vita politica. In contrasto con gli assunti behavioristi, «la maggior parte degli attori principali nei moderni sistemi economici e politici sono organizzazioni formali, e le istituzioni della legge e della burocrazia occupano un ruolo dominante nella vita contemporanea». Il tentativo di Huntington, alla fine degli anni sessanta, di fondare sul concetto di istituzionalizzazione una teoria empirica dello sviluppo politico sembra dunque approdato alla riscoperta delle istituzioni come gabbia del mutamento.
10
Panebianco, Angelo. "COMPARAZIONE E SPIEGAZIONE IN SCIENZA POLITICA". Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 20, n. 3 (dicembre 1990): 505–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200009606.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
IntroduzioneOltre alle domande su «come» e «perché» comparare, una domanda che vale la pena di porsi in tema di comparazione è: «perché si compara così poco nella scienza politica contemporanea?». A differenza delle domande sul come e sul perché, che sono di carattere metodologico, essa riguarda una questione di fatto. Tuttavia, come nel caso delle altre due, è impossibile rispondere a questa domanda senza mettere in conto le divisioni di fondo che attraversano la comunità internazionale degli scienziati politici (come tutte le altre comunità di scienziati sociali) e che riguardano natura e scopi delle scienze sociali. Come cercherò di dimostrare, partire da questa domanda su un problema di fatto può aiutare anche a meglio definire le questioni del come e, soprattutto, del perché.
Tesi sul tema "SCIENZA POLITICA"
1
Dal, Zotto Fabrizia. "Eric Voegelin: la costruzione della politica come scienza". Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/185.
Testo completo
2
Tabarelli, Marco <1981>. "Le politiche giudiziarie inglesi degli anni 2000: mutamento di paradigma e rafforzamento dell'incisività politica dei giudici". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2161/1/tabarelli_marco_tesi.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts.
It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and
the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently
increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused
conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one.
Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance,
(ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural
influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.
3
Tabarelli, Marco <1981>. "Le politiche giudiziarie inglesi degli anni 2000: mutamento di paradigma e rafforzamento dell'incisività politica dei giudici". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2161/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts.
It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and
the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently
increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused
conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one.
Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance,
(ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural
influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.
4
POZZONI, GIANLUCA. "THINGS POLITICAL: A STUDY OF THE OBJECT OF POLITICS". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/573491.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This work is an inquiry into the nature of politics. I will argue that the idea of a "political sphere" emerged primarily in reference to the subject matter of political science, and therefore its nature is that of a scientific object (chapter 1). Building on recent and less recent debates among social science methodologists and philosophers of science, I will defend a realist approach to the explanation of political phenomena (chapter 2). I will then proceed to work out the implications of this realist approach concerning the nature of its object(s) of study (chapter 3). My conclusion is that political phenomena consist solely of the effects of the causal properties of individual entities, and that, strictly speaking, there is no such thing as a "political sphere" at the ontological level. Such a scientific object must instead be seen as the product of the classification of political phenomena into kinds with increasing degree of generality, at the top of which lies the class of all political phenomena – i.e. the political domain. In line with the realist approach I defend, I contend that such classifications are based on stipulations about the similarities between individual phenomena rather than on general features that such phenomena actually share (chapter 4). Finally, I will conclude that despite their relative arbitrariness, such classifications constitute representational models whose validity can be tested on the basis of their explanatory power (chapter 5).
5
LEBANO, ADELE. "Politics with Romance? : Liberalism and Populism in Political Philosophy". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/57883.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In this dissertation I discuss the tension between social choice and political philosophy. The aim is to explore the possibility of a ‘tolerable Platonism’, a form of political Platonism that can be consistent with a liberal defence of democracy. My starting point is the social choice theory view, namely the liberal justification of democracy elaborated by Riker in Liberalism against Populism. Riker’s analysis is shaped by Arrow’s theorem and around the dichotomy between liberalism and populism. Riker maintains that these are the two main traditions of interpreting democracy and the two contrasting accounts of democratic voting. But Arrow’s theorem is not just the basis for the social choice research program; it is also a fundamental background out of which the more general concerns of contemporary political philosophy about the just institutions grow.
The following question drives my discussion: can political philosophy and its account of democracy be contained in Riker’s dichotomy between liberalism and populism? To put the matter more provocatively, and to emphasize the main interest that drives this work: should political philosophy give up to populism? The question aims to engage social choice theory on shared terrain (the passage from individual preferences to collective decision; the connection between method and ideal; the confrontation between market and democracy). The mathematic language in which social choice theory formulates its assessments should not prevent political philosophy from recognising the importance of this account of politics and democracy, and from confronting the controversies that the social choice analysis reveals. Rawls’s program itself might be regarded as an outcome of this confront.
This dissertation will not refute Riker’s work or the social choice theory framework that underlies it. The aim is to use Riker’s distinction between liberalism and populism to reflect on the normative commitments of political philosophy; to re-describe the aggregative problem formalised in Arrow’s theorem by using the “idealistic” point of view of political philosophy.
If political philosophy does not accept Riker’s distinction and invitation - Riker’s solution seems to call for a ‘positive’ political philosophy, that is, one solely based on criteria of feasibility and weighted toward the method side of the tension between ideals and methods - the challenge is to point out the problems that redound from a rigid discontinuity between the two views. And a first, good argument for this exploration is that some of the most interesting cases of normative political theory propose solutions that mix liberalism and populism (e. g. Mill and Rawls). I do not wish not to minimize the importance of the liberal, anti-tyrannical option but rather to show that a more objectivistic version of liberalism is possible within the anti-tyrannical framework. Following the path drawn by epistemic democracy, I aim to take some steps toward a version of liberalism that is more compatible with populism.
6
Leonesi, Elisa <1981>. "Scienza, Tecnica, Politica: Il Problema del Metodo nel Pensiero di Jacopo Aconcio". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1993/1/leonesi_elisa_tesi.pdf.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of this PhD thesis is to study accurately and in depth the figure and the literary production of the intellectual Jacopo Aconcio.
This minor author of the 16th century has long been considered a sort of “enigmatic character”, a profile which results from the work of those who, for many centuries, have left his writing to its fate: a story of constant re-readings and equally incessant oversights.
This is why it is necessary to re-read Aconcio’s production in its entirety and to devote to it a monographic study. Previous scholars’ interpretations will obviously be considered, but at the same time an effort will be made to go beyond them through the analysis of both published and manuscript sources, in the attempt to attain a deeper understanding of the figure of this man, who was a Christian, a military and hydraulic engineer and a political philosopher,.
The title of the thesis was chosen to emphasise how, throughout the three years of the doctorate, my research concentrated in equal measure and with the same degree of importance on all the reflections and activities of Jacopo Aconcio. My object, in fact, was to establish how and to what extent the methodological thinking of the intellectual found application in, and at the same time guided, his theoretical and practical production. I did not mention in the title the author’s religious thinking, which has always been considered by everyone the most original and interesting element of his production, because religion, from the Reformation onwards, was primarily a political question and thus it was treated by almost all the authors involved in the Protestant movement - Aconcio in the first place.
Even the remarks concerning the private, intimate sphere of faith have therefore been analysed in this light: only by acknowledging the centrality of the “problem of politics” in Aconcio’s theories, in fact, is it possible to interpret them correctly. This approach proves the truth of the theoretical premise to my research, that is to say the unity and orderliness of the author’s thought: in every field of knowledge, Aconcio applies the rules of the methodus resolutiva, as a means to achieve knowledge and elaborate models of pacific cohabitation in society.
Aconcio’s continuous references to method can make his writing pedant and rather complex, but at the same time they allow for a consistent and valid analysis of different disciplines. I have not considered the fact that most of his reflections appear to our eyes as strongly conditioned by the time in which he lived as a limit. To see in him, as some have done, the forerunner of Descartes’ methodological discourse or, conversely, to judge his religious theories as not very modern, is to force the thought of an author who was first and foremost a Christian man of his own time. Aconcio repeats this himself several times in his writings: he wants to provide individuals with the necessary tools to reach a full-fledged scientific knowledge in the various fields, and also to enable them to seek truth incessantly in the religious domain, which is the duty of every human being.
The will to find rules, instruments, effective solutions characterizes the whole of the author’s corpus: Aconcio feels he must look for truth in all the arts, aware as he is that anything can become science as long as it is analysed with method. Nevertheless, he remains a man of his own time, a Christian convinced of the existence of God, creator and governor of the world, to whom people must account for their own actions. To neglect this fact in order to construct a “character”, a generic forerunner, but not participant, of whatever philosophical current, is a dangerous and sidetracking operation.
In this study, I have highlighted how Aconcio’s arguments only reveal their full meaning when read in the context in which they were born, without depriving them of their originality but also without charging them with meanings they do not possess. Through a historical-doctrinal approach, I have tried to analyse the complex web of theories and events which constitute the substratum of Aconcio’s reflection, in order to trace the correct relations between texts and contexts.
The thesis is therefore organised in six chapters, dedicated respectively to Aconcio’s biography, to the methodological question, to the author’s engineering activity, to his historical knowledge and to his religious thinking, followed by a last section concerning his fortune throughout the centuries.
The above-mentioned complexity is determined by the special historical moment in which the author lived. On the one hand, thanks to the new union between science and technique, the 16th century produces discoveries and inventions which make available a previously unthinkable number of notions and lead to a “revolution” in the way of studying and teaching the different subjects, which, by producing a new form of intellectual, involved in politics but also aware of scientific-technological issues, will contribute to the subsequent birth of modern science. On the other, the 16th century is ravaged by religious conflicts, which shatter the unity of the Christian world and generate theological-political disputes which will inform the history of European states for many decades.
My aim is to show how Aconcio’s multifarious activity is the conscious fruit of this historical and religious situation, as well as the attempt of an answer to the request of a new kind of engagement on the intellectual’s behalf. Plunged in the discussions around methodus, employed in the most important European courts, involved in the abrupt acceleration of technical-scientific activities, and especially concerned by the radical religious reformation brought on by the Protestant movement, Jacopo Aconcio reflects this complex conjunction in his writings, without lacking in order and consistency, differently from what many scholars assume.
The object of this work, therefore, is to highlight the unity of the author’s thought, in which science, technique, faith and politics are woven into a combination which, although it may appear illogical and confused, is actually tidy and methodical, and therefore in agreement with Aconcio’s own intentions and with the specific characters of European culture in the Renaissance. This theory is confirmed by the reading of the Ars muniendorum oppidorum, Aconcio’s only work which had been up till now unavailable.
I am persuaded that only a methodical reading of Aconcio’s works, without forgetting nor glorifying any single one, respects the author’s will. From De methodo (1558) onwards, all his writings are summae, guides for the reader who wishes to approach the study of the various disciplines. Undoubtedly, Satan’s Stratagems (1565) is something more, not only because of its length, but because it deals with the author’s main interest: the celebration of doubt and debate as bases on which to build religious tolerance, which is the best method for pacific cohabitation in society. This, however, does not justify the total centrality which the Stratagems have enjoyed for centuries, at the expense of a proper understanding of the author’s will to offer examples of methodological rigour in all sciences.
Maybe it is precisely because of the reforming power of Aconcio’s thought that, albeit often forgotten throughout the centuries, he has never ceased to reappear and continues to draw attention, both as a man and as an author. His ideas never stop stimulating the reader’s curiosity and this may ultimately be the best demonstration of their worth, independently from the historical moment in which they come back to the surface.
7
Leonesi, Elisa <1981>. "Scienza, Tecnica, Politica: Il Problema del Metodo nel Pensiero di Jacopo Aconcio". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1993/.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
The aim of this PhD thesis is to study accurately and in depth the figure and the literary production of the intellectual Jacopo Aconcio.
This minor author of the 16th century has long been considered a sort of “enigmatic character”, a profile which results from the work of those who, for many centuries, have left his writing to its fate: a story of constant re-readings and equally incessant oversights.
This is why it is necessary to re-read Aconcio’s production in its entirety and to devote to it a monographic study. Previous scholars’ interpretations will obviously be considered, but at the same time an effort will be made to go beyond them through the analysis of both published and manuscript sources, in the attempt to attain a deeper understanding of the figure of this man, who was a Christian, a military and hydraulic engineer and a political philosopher,.
The title of the thesis was chosen to emphasise how, throughout the three years of the doctorate, my research concentrated in equal measure and with the same degree of importance on all the reflections and activities of Jacopo Aconcio. My object, in fact, was to establish how and to what extent the methodological thinking of the intellectual found application in, and at the same time guided, his theoretical and practical production. I did not mention in the title the author’s religious thinking, which has always been considered by everyone the most original and interesting element of his production, because religion, from the Reformation onwards, was primarily a political question and thus it was treated by almost all the authors involved in the Protestant movement - Aconcio in the first place.
Even the remarks concerning the private, intimate sphere of faith have therefore been analysed in this light: only by acknowledging the centrality of the “problem of politics” in Aconcio’s theories, in fact, is it possible to interpret them correctly. This approach proves the truth of the theoretical premise to my research, that is to say the unity and orderliness of the author’s thought: in every field of knowledge, Aconcio applies the rules of the methodus resolutiva, as a means to achieve knowledge and elaborate models of pacific cohabitation in society.
Aconcio’s continuous references to method can make his writing pedant and rather complex, but at the same time they allow for a consistent and valid analysis of different disciplines. I have not considered the fact that most of his reflections appear to our eyes as strongly conditioned by the time in which he lived as a limit. To see in him, as some have done, the forerunner of Descartes’ methodological discourse or, conversely, to judge his religious theories as not very modern, is to force the thought of an author who was first and foremost a Christian man of his own time. Aconcio repeats this himself several times in his writings: he wants to provide individuals with the necessary tools to reach a full-fledged scientific knowledge in the various fields, and also to enable them to seek truth incessantly in the religious domain, which is the duty of every human being.
The will to find rules, instruments, effective solutions characterizes the whole of the author’s corpus: Aconcio feels he must look for truth in all the arts, aware as he is that anything can become science as long as it is analysed with method. Nevertheless, he remains a man of his own time, a Christian convinced of the existence of God, creator and governor of the world, to whom people must account for their own actions. To neglect this fact in order to construct a “character”, a generic forerunner, but not participant, of whatever philosophical current, is a dangerous and sidetracking operation.
In this study, I have highlighted how Aconcio’s arguments only reveal their full meaning when read in the context in which they were born, without depriving them of their originality but also without charging them with meanings they do not possess. Through a historical-doctrinal approach, I have tried to analyse the complex web of theories and events which constitute the substratum of Aconcio’s reflection, in order to trace the correct relations between texts and contexts.
The thesis is therefore organised in six chapters, dedicated respectively to Aconcio’s biography, to the methodological question, to the author’s engineering activity, to his historical knowledge and to his religious thinking, followed by a last section concerning his fortune throughout the centuries.
The above-mentioned complexity is determined by the special historical moment in which the author lived. On the one hand, thanks to the new union between science and technique, the 16th century produces discoveries and inventions which make available a previously unthinkable number of notions and lead to a “revolution” in the way of studying and teaching the different subjects, which, by producing a new form of intellectual, involved in politics but also aware of scientific-technological issues, will contribute to the subsequent birth of modern science. On the other, the 16th century is ravaged by religious conflicts, which shatter the unity of the Christian world and generate theological-political disputes which will inform the history of European states for many decades.
My aim is to show how Aconcio’s multifarious activity is the conscious fruit of this historical and religious situation, as well as the attempt of an answer to the request of a new kind of engagement on the intellectual’s behalf. Plunged in the discussions around methodus, employed in the most important European courts, involved in the abrupt acceleration of technical-scientific activities, and especially concerned by the radical religious reformation brought on by the Protestant movement, Jacopo Aconcio reflects this complex conjunction in his writings, without lacking in order and consistency, differently from what many scholars assume.
The object of this work, therefore, is to highlight the unity of the author’s thought, in which science, technique, faith and politics are woven into a combination which, although it may appear illogical and confused, is actually tidy and methodical, and therefore in agreement with Aconcio’s own intentions and with the specific characters of European culture in the Renaissance. This theory is confirmed by the reading of the Ars muniendorum oppidorum, Aconcio’s only work which had been up till now unavailable.
I am persuaded that only a methodical reading of Aconcio’s works, without forgetting nor glorifying any single one, respects the author’s will. From De methodo (1558) onwards, all his writings are summae, guides for the reader who wishes to approach the study of the various disciplines. Undoubtedly, Satan’s Stratagems (1565) is something more, not only because of its length, but because it deals with the author’s main interest: the celebration of doubt and debate as bases on which to build religious tolerance, which is the best method for pacific cohabitation in society. This, however, does not justify the total centrality which the Stratagems have enjoyed for centuries, at the expense of a proper understanding of the author’s will to offer examples of methodological rigour in all sciences.
Maybe it is precisely because of the reforming power of Aconcio’s thought that, albeit often forgotten throughout the centuries, he has never ceased to reappear and continues to draw attention, both as a man and as an author. His ideas never stop stimulating the reader’s curiosity and this may ultimately be the best demonstration of their worth, independently from the historical moment in which they come back to the surface.
8
Leo, Marcella <1993>. "Il Ritorno Volontario Assistito (RVA): dalla politica alla prassi". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14262.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
La presente ricerca ha come scopo l’approfondimento della misura del Ritorno Volontario Assistito partendo delle politiche migratorie internazionali, europee e nazionali analizzandone gli obiettivi e le strategie che mettono in campo al fine di indagare in quale modo influenzano l’applicazione pratica del programma del ritorno volontario assistito rivolto ai cittadini stranieri presenti sul territorio italiano e che decidono spontaneamente di tornare nel proprio paese d’origine. A livello globale la linea contemporanea attuata è quella della recente adozione del Global Compact or Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, ovvero il primo accordo intergovernativo volto all’adozione di una policy condivisa in materia d’immigrazione al fine di gestire i problemi e le sfide contemporanee in tutti i campi delle migrazioni internazionali. Per quanto riguarda il livello comunitario e nazionale alla base delle politiche in materia vi è un approccio securitario, in cui ogni strategia è volta al contenimento dell’immigrazione irregolare. Tale linea strategica è riscontrabile anche nell’applicazione pratica della misura del ritorno volontario assistito, poiché, pur nel rispetto dei diritti fondamentali, l’obiettivo principale è la deterrenza nei confronti di possibili nuovi arrivi e quindi di contrasto a nuovi flussi migratori.
9
Yossef, Amr. "The Fallacy of Democratic Victory: Decision-Making and Arab-Israeli Wars: 1967-2006". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2009. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368033.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This study explains the causes of war outcomes from the perspective of the decision-making process. It challenges the “democratic victory theory,†which contends that democracies are more likely to win wars because they make better decisions about initiating wars and have wider public support. Existing criticisms of this theory contest its assertion that voluntary public support and caution about initiating wars are unique to democracies and its reliance on statistical correlations. This study shows that these criticisms have not been adequate, and identifies significant flaws in the democratic victory theory in scope, application, and method and offers an alternative explanation of the quality of the decision-making process and war outcomes.
I use the groupthink and organizational theories to establish criteria for assessing the quality of the decision-making process independently from regime type. I propose an alternative explanation of the quality of the decision-making process drawing on the balance-of-power theory and group dynamics. The main argument is that when external environment poses a serious threat to a state’s security and a state’s leadership is cohesive, its leaders are more likely to engage in a high-quality decision-making process, which offers a greater chance of victory. This argument not only offers a more persuasive account of why democracies win wars, but also explains why non-democracies can win wars or achieve standoffs.
These propositions are tested in a case study analysis of four Arab-Israeli wars – June 1967, Attrition 1969-70, October 1973, and July 2006 – using process-tracing and counterfactual methods. The analysis reveals that democratic and non-democratic regimes do not operate in the way hypothesized by the democratic victory theory. Instead, the quality of the decision-making process is influenced by the extent to which a state is facing a serious security threat and its leadership is cohesive. The case studies also show that war outcomes vary – victory, draw, or defeat – according to the leadership’s performance of the decision-making criteria, which plays an important role as relative to other factors affecting war outcomes, such as material power, weapons technology, military strategy, civil-military relations, and national culture.
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Betti, Andrea. "Legitimate and Contested: How States Respond to International Norms". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368721.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
States often invoke international norms to justify their foreign policy-making. In the last twenty years, a large body of literature has shown that norms matter in international politics since they provide frameworks for legitimate international action. Nevertheless, it is often overlooked that the absence of a centralized authority capable of enforcing and providing unambiguous interpretations of norms leaves states, particularly great powers, free to decide whether to recognize or reject the legitimacy of norms. In specific instances of foreign policy-making, states take actions that cohere with norms, while at other times they contest them. Operating in a decentralized system, international norms crucially depend on state support for their legitimacy, prominence, and effectiveness. Variations in the way states respond to norms call for an investigation into the domestic conditions that lead states to recognize or reject their legitimacy. These conditions will be investigated by comparing the attitudes of the United States and the United Kingdom towards the norms of humanitarian intervention and international criminal responsibility and by studying how these norms influence their policy-making. During the 1999 NATO intervention against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, both countries invoked the norm of humanitarian intervention. In contrast, during the 1998 Rome Conference for the adoption of the Statute of the International Criminal Court, their behavior diverged with the UK endorsing the Court and the US rejecting it. The analysis aims to discover the domestic actors that are responsible for how international norms are interpreted at the state level and the mechanisms and transmitters through which norms come to be viewed by states as legitimate or illegitimate frameworks of behavior.
Libri sul tema "SCIENZA POLITICA"
2
Fisichella, Domenico. Epistemologia e scienza politica. Roma: Nuova Italia scienfica, 1994.
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3
Fiandra, Emilia, e Leopoldo Nuti. L'atomica: Scienza, cultura, politica. Milano, Italy: FrancoAngeli, 2014.
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4
Lombardi, Paolo. La scienza della formazione politica. Firenze: European Press Academic Publishing, 2004.
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6
Turco, Giovanni. Della politica come scienza etica. Napoli: Edizioni scientifiche italiane, 2012.
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Pasquino, Gianfranco. Prima lezione di scienza politica. Roma: Laterza, 2008.
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9
Sola, Giorgio. I paradigmi della scienza politica. Bologna: Il mulino, 2005.
Cerca il testo completoCapitoli di libri sul tema "SCIENZA POLITICA"
1
Tuniz, Claudio, Richard Gillespie e Cheryl Jones. "Scienza fredda e politica calda". In I lettori di ossa, 161–68. Milano: Springer Milan, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-88-470-1198-4_15.
Testo completo
2
Bach, Maurizio. "Mosca, Gaetano: Elementi di scienza politica". In Kindlers Literatur Lexikon (KLL), 1–2. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05728-0_15758-1.
Testo completo
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Lebow, Richard Ned. "Tragedy, Politics and Political Science". In Tragedy and International Relations, 63–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230390331_5.
Testo completo
4
Hairi Yazdi, Mehdi. "Ḥukūmat in Political Science and Common Politics". In A Philosophical Treatise on Muslim Politics, 65–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96658-4_8.
Testo completo
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Kruks, Sonia. "Political Science". In Contributions to Phenomenology, 548–52. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-5344-9_123.
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Goodin, Robert E. "Political Science". In A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, 183–213. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781405177245.ch7.
Testo completo
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Wang, Puqu. "Political Science". In Principle of Interest Politics, 19–62. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3963-1_2.
Testo completo
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Lucey, Thomas A. "Political Science". In A Compassionate Vision for Elementary Social Studies, 114–44. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003155737-7.
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Blondel, J. "Political Science". In Key Topics of Study, 134–40. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003261599-23.
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Morini, Marco. "Political Science". In Encyclopedia of Big Data, 746–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32010-6_166.
Testo completoAtti di convegni sul tema "SCIENZA POLITICA"
1
Bilal, Muhammad, Nadia Malik, Nauman Bashir, Mohsen Marjani, Ibrahim Abaker Targio Hashem e Abdullah Gani. "Profiling Social Media Campaigns and Political Influence: The Case of Pakistani Politics". In 2019 13th International Conference on Mathematics, Actuarial Science, Computer Science and Statistics (MACS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/macs48846.2019.9024774.
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2
Mika, Hardi. "The role of history in future studies". In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp184-194.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
"The role of history in future studies History is one of the fields of human research and has a strong relationship with politics, political studies and future studies. Future studies are considered a new field in effective and developed scientific research and have an essential role in politics since they influence each other. Future research fields are enhanced by taking advantage of other human and scientific research fields or using interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods. One of the fields that future researchers cannot disregard is historical research. This research focused on the two different directions: the fields of future research and history, i.e., past events, on the one hand, their future and scenarios on the other. The research seeks to answer some main questions: What is the common ground and relationship between history as a field of human research with future research? What is the function and purpose of both fields? What are their common keywords? Where will history assist the science of future research? The importance of the research is that working on the relationship between history and future science will keep history away from the past. It also makes future studies more realistic in identifying and cooperating with politics, political reform, management, and other aspects of society and choosing a better future among futures ahead of any society and individual. Moreover, historical research and academic centers in Kurdistan have been less likely to apply history as a science to understand the future. The research aims to find common ground and the effective relationships between the two fields of futures and history and link them by analyzing their content, tasks and methods. The research methodology is descriptive-analysis and has benefited from historical and comparative methods to explain the definitions, emergence, and common grounds for both research's variables."
3
U. Sanchez, Prof Phoebe Zoe Maria. "Cebu’s Subnational Politics: A Survey of Philippine Political Structure and Culture". In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations (PSSIR 2016). Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir16.57.
Testo completo
4
Sprincean, Serghei. "Open Science in support of ensuring human security and personal safety". In Open Science in the Republic of Moldova National Scientific Conference, 2nd edition. Information Society Development Institute, Republic of Moldova, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.57066/sdrm22.12.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
In the article is analyzed the problematics of Open Science (OS) which can offer a significant support for ensuring human security and personal safety. The process of assuring human security by counteracting to the specific dangers, menaces and risks in the context of aggravation and deepening of the process of globalization can be facilitated by the methodology and approaches specific to OS concept. The unity of three basic elements: human security, moral and politics which is distinguished as the defining postulate of practical survival and safety of human being, of society, as well as of nature and biosphere, can be better and more efficiently systematized and universalized in the frame of the OS strategy. The necessity of overcoming the contemporary global menaces imprint a special character to applying OS approach in research of political processes, including of the promotion of human rights, of ensuring personal safety and individual freedoms in the light of democratic struggle for political power.
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Millham, Rosemary A. "CLIMATE CHANGE SCIENCE, POLITICS AND POLICY: ONE MODEL FOR INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACHES PROVIDING SCIENCE AND POLITICAL CONNECTIONS TO INFORM STUDENTS". In GSA Annual Meeting in Denver, Colorado, USA - 2016. Geological Society of America, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2016am-284906.
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Solo, Ashu M. G. "An Overview of the New Interdisciplinary Fields of Political Engineering and Computational Politics for the Next Frontier in Politics". In 2017 International Conference on Computational Science and Computational Intelligence (CSCI). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/csci.2017.319.
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Weber, Ingmar, Ana-Maria Popescu e Marco Pennacchiotti. "Data-driven political science". In the sixth ACM international conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2433396.2433498.
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Cottey, Andrew. "Linking academia and the ‘real world’ in International Relations". In Learning Connections 2019: Spaces, People, Practice. University College Cork||National Forum for the Enhancement of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/lc2019.31.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This talk will reflect on the challenges of linking academic programmes and teaching, on the one hand, with the policy-makers and practitioners, on the other, with particular reference to the discipline of international relations (which focuses on relations between states, international organisations and global political and socio-economic dynamics). The talk will draw on experience from University College Cork’s Department of Government and Politics, which has an extensive, market-leading work placement programme, and from UCC’s MSc International Public Policy and Diplomacy, which is a new model of international relations masters seeking to bridge academia and the world of policy. Our experience shows that it is possible to link academia and the world of policy and practitioners, but that it is not easy, even in an apparently very policy-oriented discipline, and that it involves significant challenges. The talk will highlight a number of challenges involved in linking the academic study of international relations with the ‘real world’ of international politics: bridging academia and policy/practitioners is not easy in the disciplines of political science and international relations – the two have different needs and, often, different languages; the development and maintenance of work placements and other elements of engagement with policymakers and practitioners involves very significant workload and needs to be properly supported in terms of staffing and infrastructure; and in politics and international relations, the skill sets which policy-makers and practitioners need often differ from those that universities normally provide. Finding the ‘right’ balance between academic disciplinary requirements/standards and the needs of employers is a difficult task.
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Qi, Lei, Chuanhai Zhang, Adisak Sukul, Wallapak Tavanapong e David A. M. Peterson. "Automated Coding of Political Video Ads for Political Science Research". In 2016 IEEE International Symposium on Multimedia (ISM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ism.2016.0012.
Testo completo
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Le, Minh-Tam, John Sweeney, Bruce M. Russett e Steven W. Zucker. "Structural inference in political science datasets". In 2012 IEEE International Conference on Intelligence and Security Informatics (ISI 2012). IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isi.2012.6284270.
Testo completoRapporti di organizzazioni sul tema "SCIENZA POLITICA"
1
Migliori, Albert. Renewable Energy: science, politics, and economics. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), marzo 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1122038.
Testo completo
2
Kuhlmann, Stefan, Anne Beaulieu e Andreas Weber. A New Political Sociology of Science. Netherlands Graduate Research School of Science, Technology and Modern Culture, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3990/4.2666-2892.2021.01.
Testo completo
3
Nentwich, Michael, a cura di. Political Science on the Web: Prospects and Challenges. Vienna: self, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/ita-pa-mn-08-1.
Testo completo
4
Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, febbraio 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Bénabou, Roland, Davide Ticchi e Andrea Vindigni. Forbidden Fruits: The Political Economy of Science, Religion, and Growth. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, aprile 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21105.
Testo completo
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Leahy, Michael B., e Jr. National Security Strategy: A Flawed Guide to the Future, Political Science. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, gennaio 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada422070.
Testo completo
7
LeFebvre, Rebecca. Implementing Undergraduate Research in an Online Gateway Political Science Course (Dataset). Kennesaw State University, luglio 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32727/27.2022.1.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
Introductory political science courses are usually considered Gateway courses to student success in college, yet those courses often use minimal high impact practices. This study investigates a Course-based Undergraduate Research Experience (CURE) as a means to increase students’ self-assessed learning gains and motivation to acquire critical thinking skills. This study used a quasi-experiment across two online sections of POLS 1101, American Government, taught at a large public Southeastern university. The experimental section made use of a CURE, and the control section did not. Pre- and post- surveys indicated significant differences in self-assessed learning gains. The section with the CURE showed more confidence and a better understanding of political science. No difference was found in motivation for acquiring critical thinking skills.
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de Figueiredo, John, e Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, ottobre 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.
Testo completo
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Gostin, Lawrence, e Sarah Wetter. Using COVID-19 to Strengthen the WHO: Promoting Health and Science Above Politics. Milbank Memorial Fund, maggio 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1599/mqop.2020.0506.
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Racu, Alexandru. The Romanian Orthodox Church and Its Attitude towards the Public Health Measures Imposed during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Too Much for Some, Too Little for Others. Analogia 17 (2023), marzo 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-3-racu.
Testo completoAbstract (sommario):
This paper discusses the religious dimension of the public debate concerning the public health measures adopted by the Romanian authorities during the pandemic and focuses on the role played by the Romanian Orthodox Church within this context. It delineates the different camps that were formed within the Church in this regard and traces their evolution throughout the pandemic. It contextualizes the position of the Church in order to better understand it, placing it within the broader context of the Romanian society during the pandemic and integrating it within the longer history of post-communist relations between the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian state and the Romanian civil society. It analyses the political impact of the public health measures and the role of the Church in shaping this impact. Finally, starting from the Romanian experience of the pandemic and from the ideological, theological and political disputes that it has generated within the Romanian public sphere, it develops some general conclusions regarding the relation between faith, science and politics whose relevance, if proven valid, surpasses the Romanian context and thus contributes to a more ecumenical discussion regarding the theological, pastoral and political lessons that can be learned from an otherwise tragic experience.