Tesi: "SCIENZA POLITICA"

1

Dal, Zotto Fabrizia. "Eric Voegelin: la costruzione della politica come scienza". Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/185.

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2

Tabarelli, Marco <1981&gt. "Le politiche giudiziarie inglesi degli anni 2000: mutamento di paradigma e rafforzamento dell'incisività politica dei giudici". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2161/1/tabarelli_marco_tesi.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts. It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one. Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance, (ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.

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3

Tabarelli, Marco <1981&gt. "Le politiche giudiziarie inglesi degli anni 2000: mutamento di paradigma e rafforzamento dell'incisività politica dei giudici". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2161/.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts. It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one. Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance, (ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.

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4

POZZONI, GIANLUCA. "THINGS POLITICAL: A STUDY OF THE OBJECT OF POLITICS". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/573491.

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Abstract (sommario):

This work is an inquiry into the nature of politics. I will argue that the idea of a "political sphere" emerged primarily in reference to the subject matter of political science, and therefore its nature is that of a scientific object (chapter 1). Building on recent and less recent debates among social science methodologists and philosophers of science, I will defend a realist approach to the explanation of political phenomena (chapter 2). I will then proceed to work out the implications of this realist approach concerning the nature of its object(s) of study (chapter 3). My conclusion is that political phenomena consist solely of the effects of the causal properties of individual entities, and that, strictly speaking, there is no such thing as a "political sphere" at the ontological level. Such a scientific object must instead be seen as the product of the classification of political phenomena into kinds with increasing degree of generality, at the top of which lies the class of all political phenomena – i.e. the political domain. In line with the realist approach I defend, I contend that such classifications are based on stipulations about the similarities between individual phenomena rather than on general features that such phenomena actually share (chapter 4). Finally, I will conclude that despite their relative arbitrariness, such classifications constitute representational models whose validity can be tested on the basis of their explanatory power (chapter 5).

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5

LEBANO, ADELE. "Politics with Romance? : Liberalism and Populism in Political Philosophy". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/57883.

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Abstract (sommario):

In this dissertation I discuss the tension between social choice and political philosophy. The aim is to explore the possibility of a ‘tolerable Platonism’, a form of political Platonism that can be consistent with a liberal defence of democracy. My starting point is the social choice theory view, namely the liberal justification of democracy elaborated by Riker in Liberalism against Populism. Riker’s analysis is shaped by Arrow’s theorem and around the dichotomy between liberalism and populism. Riker maintains that these are the two main traditions of interpreting democracy and the two contrasting accounts of democratic voting. But Arrow’s theorem is not just the basis for the social choice research program; it is also a fundamental background out of which the more general concerns of contemporary political philosophy about the just institutions grow. The following question drives my discussion: can political philosophy and its account of democracy be contained in Riker’s dichotomy between liberalism and populism? To put the matter more provocatively, and to emphasize the main interest that drives this work: should political philosophy give up to populism? The question aims to engage social choice theory on shared terrain (the passage from individual preferences to collective decision; the connection between method and ideal; the confrontation between market and democracy). The mathematic language in which social choice theory formulates its assessments should not prevent political philosophy from recognising the importance of this account of politics and democracy, and from confronting the controversies that the social choice analysis reveals. Rawls’s program itself might be regarded as an outcome of this confront. This dissertation will not refute Riker’s work or the social choice theory framework that underlies it. The aim is to use Riker’s distinction between liberalism and populism to reflect on the normative commitments of political philosophy; to re-describe the aggregative problem formalised in Arrow’s theorem by using the “idealistic” point of view of political philosophy. If political philosophy does not accept Riker’s distinction and invitation - Riker’s solution seems to call for a ‘positive’ political philosophy, that is, one solely based on criteria of feasibility and weighted toward the method side of the tension between ideals and methods - the challenge is to point out the problems that redound from a rigid discontinuity between the two views. And a first, good argument for this exploration is that some of the most interesting cases of normative political theory propose solutions that mix liberalism and populism (e. g. Mill and Rawls). I do not wish not to minimize the importance of the liberal, anti-tyrannical option but rather to show that a more objectivistic version of liberalism is possible within the anti-tyrannical framework. Following the path drawn by epistemic democracy, I aim to take some steps toward a version of liberalism that is more compatible with populism.

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6

Leonesi, Elisa <1981&gt. "Scienza, Tecnica, Politica: Il Problema del Metodo nel Pensiero di Jacopo Aconcio". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1993/1/leonesi_elisa_tesi.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

The aim of this PhD thesis is to study accurately and in depth the figure and the literary production of the intellectual Jacopo Aconcio. This minor author of the 16th century has long been considered a sort of “enigmatic character”, a profile which results from the work of those who, for many centuries, have left his writing to its fate: a story of constant re-readings and equally incessant oversights. This is why it is necessary to re-read Aconcio’s production in its entirety and to devote to it a monographic study. Previous scholars’ interpretations will obviously be considered, but at the same time an effort will be made to go beyond them through the analysis of both published and manuscript sources, in the attempt to attain a deeper understanding of the figure of this man, who was a Christian, a military and hydraulic engineer and a political philosopher,. The title of the thesis was chosen to emphasise how, throughout the three years of the doctorate, my research concentrated in equal measure and with the same degree of importance on all the reflections and activities of Jacopo Aconcio. My object, in fact, was to establish how and to what extent the methodological thinking of the intellectual found application in, and at the same time guided, his theoretical and practical production. I did not mention in the title the author’s religious thinking, which has always been considered by everyone the most original and interesting element of his production, because religion, from the Reformation onwards, was primarily a political question and thus it was treated by almost all the authors involved in the Protestant movement - Aconcio in the first place. Even the remarks concerning the private, intimate sphere of faith have therefore been analysed in this light: only by acknowledging the centrality of the “problem of politics” in Aconcio’s theories, in fact, is it possible to interpret them correctly. This approach proves the truth of the theoretical premise to my research, that is to say the unity and orderliness of the author’s thought: in every field of knowledge, Aconcio applies the rules of the methodus resolutiva, as a means to achieve knowledge and elaborate models of pacific cohabitation in society. Aconcio’s continuous references to method can make his writing pedant and rather complex, but at the same time they allow for a consistent and valid analysis of different disciplines. I have not considered the fact that most of his reflections appear to our eyes as strongly conditioned by the time in which he lived as a limit. To see in him, as some have done, the forerunner of Descartes’ methodological discourse or, conversely, to judge his religious theories as not very modern, is to force the thought of an author who was first and foremost a Christian man of his own time. Aconcio repeats this himself several times in his writings: he wants to provide individuals with the necessary tools to reach a full-fledged scientific knowledge in the various fields, and also to enable them to seek truth incessantly in the religious domain, which is the duty of every human being. The will to find rules, instruments, effective solutions characterizes the whole of the author’s corpus: Aconcio feels he must look for truth in all the arts, aware as he is that anything can become science as long as it is analysed with method. Nevertheless, he remains a man of his own time, a Christian convinced of the existence of God, creator and governor of the world, to whom people must account for their own actions. To neglect this fact in order to construct a “character”, a generic forerunner, but not participant, of whatever philosophical current, is a dangerous and sidetracking operation. In this study, I have highlighted how Aconcio’s arguments only reveal their full meaning when read in the context in which they were born, without depriving them of their originality but also without charging them with meanings they do not possess. Through a historical-doctrinal approach, I have tried to analyse the complex web of theories and events which constitute the substratum of Aconcio’s reflection, in order to trace the correct relations between texts and contexts. The thesis is therefore organised in six chapters, dedicated respectively to Aconcio’s biography, to the methodological question, to the author’s engineering activity, to his historical knowledge and to his religious thinking, followed by a last section concerning his fortune throughout the centuries. The above-mentioned complexity is determined by the special historical moment in which the author lived. On the one hand, thanks to the new union between science and technique, the 16th century produces discoveries and inventions which make available a previously unthinkable number of notions and lead to a “revolution” in the way of studying and teaching the different subjects, which, by producing a new form of intellectual, involved in politics but also aware of scientific-technological issues, will contribute to the subsequent birth of modern science. On the other, the 16th century is ravaged by religious conflicts, which shatter the unity of the Christian world and generate theological-political disputes which will inform the history of European states for many decades. My aim is to show how Aconcio’s multifarious activity is the conscious fruit of this historical and religious situation, as well as the attempt of an answer to the request of a new kind of engagement on the intellectual’s behalf. Plunged in the discussions around methodus, employed in the most important European courts, involved in the abrupt acceleration of technical-scientific activities, and especially concerned by the radical religious reformation brought on by the Protestant movement, Jacopo Aconcio reflects this complex conjunction in his writings, without lacking in order and consistency, differently from what many scholars assume. The object of this work, therefore, is to highlight the unity of the author’s thought, in which science, technique, faith and politics are woven into a combination which, although it may appear illogical and confused, is actually tidy and methodical, and therefore in agreement with Aconcio’s own intentions and with the specific characters of European culture in the Renaissance. This theory is confirmed by the reading of the Ars muniendorum oppidorum, Aconcio’s only work which had been up till now unavailable. I am persuaded that only a methodical reading of Aconcio’s works, without forgetting nor glorifying any single one, respects the author’s will. From De methodo (1558) onwards, all his writings are summae, guides for the reader who wishes to approach the study of the various disciplines. Undoubtedly, Satan’s Stratagems (1565) is something more, not only because of its length, but because it deals with the author’s main interest: the celebration of doubt and debate as bases on which to build religious tolerance, which is the best method for pacific cohabitation in society. This, however, does not justify the total centrality which the Stratagems have enjoyed for centuries, at the expense of a proper understanding of the author’s will to offer examples of methodological rigour in all sciences. Maybe it is precisely because of the reforming power of Aconcio’s thought that, albeit often forgotten throughout the centuries, he has never ceased to reappear and continues to draw attention, both as a man and as an author. His ideas never stop stimulating the reader’s curiosity and this may ultimately be the best demonstration of their worth, independently from the historical moment in which they come back to the surface.

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7

Leonesi, Elisa <1981&gt. "Scienza, Tecnica, Politica: Il Problema del Metodo nel Pensiero di Jacopo Aconcio". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1993/.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

The aim of this PhD thesis is to study accurately and in depth the figure and the literary production of the intellectual Jacopo Aconcio. This minor author of the 16th century has long been considered a sort of “enigmatic character”, a profile which results from the work of those who, for many centuries, have left his writing to its fate: a story of constant re-readings and equally incessant oversights. This is why it is necessary to re-read Aconcio’s production in its entirety and to devote to it a monographic study. Previous scholars’ interpretations will obviously be considered, but at the same time an effort will be made to go beyond them through the analysis of both published and manuscript sources, in the attempt to attain a deeper understanding of the figure of this man, who was a Christian, a military and hydraulic engineer and a political philosopher,. The title of the thesis was chosen to emphasise how, throughout the three years of the doctorate, my research concentrated in equal measure and with the same degree of importance on all the reflections and activities of Jacopo Aconcio. My object, in fact, was to establish how and to what extent the methodological thinking of the intellectual found application in, and at the same time guided, his theoretical and practical production. I did not mention in the title the author’s religious thinking, which has always been considered by everyone the most original and interesting element of his production, because religion, from the Reformation onwards, was primarily a political question and thus it was treated by almost all the authors involved in the Protestant movement - Aconcio in the first place. Even the remarks concerning the private, intimate sphere of faith have therefore been analysed in this light: only by acknowledging the centrality of the “problem of politics” in Aconcio’s theories, in fact, is it possible to interpret them correctly. This approach proves the truth of the theoretical premise to my research, that is to say the unity and orderliness of the author’s thought: in every field of knowledge, Aconcio applies the rules of the methodus resolutiva, as a means to achieve knowledge and elaborate models of pacific cohabitation in society. Aconcio’s continuous references to method can make his writing pedant and rather complex, but at the same time they allow for a consistent and valid analysis of different disciplines. I have not considered the fact that most of his reflections appear to our eyes as strongly conditioned by the time in which he lived as a limit. To see in him, as some have done, the forerunner of Descartes’ methodological discourse or, conversely, to judge his religious theories as not very modern, is to force the thought of an author who was first and foremost a Christian man of his own time. Aconcio repeats this himself several times in his writings: he wants to provide individuals with the necessary tools to reach a full-fledged scientific knowledge in the various fields, and also to enable them to seek truth incessantly in the religious domain, which is the duty of every human being. The will to find rules, instruments, effective solutions characterizes the whole of the author’s corpus: Aconcio feels he must look for truth in all the arts, aware as he is that anything can become science as long as it is analysed with method. Nevertheless, he remains a man of his own time, a Christian convinced of the existence of God, creator and governor of the world, to whom people must account for their own actions. To neglect this fact in order to construct a “character”, a generic forerunner, but not participant, of whatever philosophical current, is a dangerous and sidetracking operation. In this study, I have highlighted how Aconcio’s arguments only reveal their full meaning when read in the context in which they were born, without depriving them of their originality but also without charging them with meanings they do not possess. Through a historical-doctrinal approach, I have tried to analyse the complex web of theories and events which constitute the substratum of Aconcio’s reflection, in order to trace the correct relations between texts and contexts. The thesis is therefore organised in six chapters, dedicated respectively to Aconcio’s biography, to the methodological question, to the author’s engineering activity, to his historical knowledge and to his religious thinking, followed by a last section concerning his fortune throughout the centuries. The above-mentioned complexity is determined by the special historical moment in which the author lived. On the one hand, thanks to the new union between science and technique, the 16th century produces discoveries and inventions which make available a previously unthinkable number of notions and lead to a “revolution” in the way of studying and teaching the different subjects, which, by producing a new form of intellectual, involved in politics but also aware of scientific-technological issues, will contribute to the subsequent birth of modern science. On the other, the 16th century is ravaged by religious conflicts, which shatter the unity of the Christian world and generate theological-political disputes which will inform the history of European states for many decades. My aim is to show how Aconcio’s multifarious activity is the conscious fruit of this historical and religious situation, as well as the attempt of an answer to the request of a new kind of engagement on the intellectual’s behalf. Plunged in the discussions around methodus, employed in the most important European courts, involved in the abrupt acceleration of technical-scientific activities, and especially concerned by the radical religious reformation brought on by the Protestant movement, Jacopo Aconcio reflects this complex conjunction in his writings, without lacking in order and consistency, differently from what many scholars assume. The object of this work, therefore, is to highlight the unity of the author’s thought, in which science, technique, faith and politics are woven into a combination which, although it may appear illogical and confused, is actually tidy and methodical, and therefore in agreement with Aconcio’s own intentions and with the specific characters of European culture in the Renaissance. This theory is confirmed by the reading of the Ars muniendorum oppidorum, Aconcio’s only work which had been up till now unavailable. I am persuaded that only a methodical reading of Aconcio’s works, without forgetting nor glorifying any single one, respects the author’s will. From De methodo (1558) onwards, all his writings are summae, guides for the reader who wishes to approach the study of the various disciplines. Undoubtedly, Satan’s Stratagems (1565) is something more, not only because of its length, but because it deals with the author’s main interest: the celebration of doubt and debate as bases on which to build religious tolerance, which is the best method for pacific cohabitation in society. This, however, does not justify the total centrality which the Stratagems have enjoyed for centuries, at the expense of a proper understanding of the author’s will to offer examples of methodological rigour in all sciences. Maybe it is precisely because of the reforming power of Aconcio’s thought that, albeit often forgotten throughout the centuries, he has never ceased to reappear and continues to draw attention, both as a man and as an author. His ideas never stop stimulating the reader’s curiosity and this may ultimately be the best demonstration of their worth, independently from the historical moment in which they come back to the surface.

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8

Leo, Marcella <1993&gt. "Il Ritorno Volontario Assistito (RVA): dalla politica alla prassi". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14262.

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Abstract (sommario):

La presente ricerca ha come scopo l’approfondimento della misura del Ritorno Volontario Assistito partendo delle politiche migratorie internazionali, europee e nazionali analizzandone gli obiettivi e le strategie che mettono in campo al fine di indagare in quale modo influenzano l’applicazione pratica del programma del ritorno volontario assistito rivolto ai cittadini stranieri presenti sul territorio italiano e che decidono spontaneamente di tornare nel proprio paese d’origine. A livello globale la linea contemporanea attuata è quella della recente adozione del Global Compact or Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, ovvero il primo accordo intergovernativo volto all’adozione di una policy condivisa in materia d’immigrazione al fine di gestire i problemi e le sfide contemporanee in tutti i campi delle migrazioni internazionali. Per quanto riguarda il livello comunitario e nazionale alla base delle politiche in materia vi è un approccio securitario, in cui ogni strategia è volta al contenimento dell’immigrazione irregolare. Tale linea strategica è riscontrabile anche nell’applicazione pratica della misura del ritorno volontario assistito, poiché, pur nel rispetto dei diritti fondamentali, l’obiettivo principale è la deterrenza nei confronti di possibili nuovi arrivi e quindi di contrasto a nuovi flussi migratori.

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9

Yossef, Amr. "The Fallacy of Democratic Victory: Decision-Making and Arab-Israeli Wars: 1967-2006". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2009. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368033.

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Abstract (sommario):

This study explains the causes of war outcomes from the perspective of the decision-making process. It challenges the â€œdemocratic victory theory,â€ which contends that democracies are more likely to win wars because they make better decisions about initiating wars and have wider public support. Existing criticisms of this theory contest its assertion that voluntary public support and caution about initiating wars are unique to democracies and its reliance on statistical correlations. This study shows that these criticisms have not been adequate, and identifies significant flaws in the democratic victory theory in scope, application, and method and offers an alternative explanation of the quality of the decision-making process and war outcomes. I use the groupthink and organizational theories to establish criteria for assessing the quality of the decision-making process independently from regime type. I propose an alternative explanation of the quality of the decision-making process drawing on the balance-of-power theory and group dynamics. The main argument is that when external environment poses a serious threat to a stateâ€™s security and a stateâ€™s leadership is cohesive, its leaders are more likely to engage in a high-quality decision-making process, which offers a greater chance of victory. This argument not only offers a more persuasive account of why democracies win wars, but also explains why non-democracies can win wars or achieve standoffs. These propositions are tested in a case study analysis of four Arab-Israeli wars â€“ June 1967, Attrition 1969-70, October 1973, and July 2006 â€“ using process-tracing and counterfactual methods. The analysis reveals that democratic and non-democratic regimes do not operate in the way hypothesized by the democratic victory theory. Instead, the quality of the decision-making process is influenced by the extent to which a state is facing a serious security threat and its leadership is cohesive. The case studies also show that war outcomes vary â€“ victory, draw, or defeat â€“ according to the leadershipâ€™s performance of the decision-making criteria, which plays an important role as relative to other factors affecting war outcomes, such as material power, weapons technology, military strategy, civil-military relations, and national culture.

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10

Betti, Andrea. "Legitimate and Contested: How States Respond to International Norms". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368721.

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Abstract (sommario):

States often invoke international norms to justify their foreign policy-making. In the last twenty years, a large body of literature has shown that norms matter in international politics since they provide frameworks for legitimate international action. Nevertheless, it is often overlooked that the absence of a centralized authority capable of enforcing and providing unambiguous interpretations of norms leaves states, particularly great powers, free to decide whether to recognize or reject the legitimacy of norms. In specific instances of foreign policy-making, states take actions that cohere with norms, while at other times they contest them. Operating in a decentralized system, international norms crucially depend on state support for their legitimacy, prominence, and effectiveness. Variations in the way states respond to norms call for an investigation into the domestic conditions that lead states to recognize or reject their legitimacy. These conditions will be investigated by comparing the attitudes of the United States and the United Kingdom towards the norms of humanitarian intervention and international criminal responsibility and by studying how these norms influence their policy-making. During the 1999 NATO intervention against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, both countries invoked the norm of humanitarian intervention. In contrast, during the 1998 Rome Conference for the adoption of the Statute of the International Criminal Court, their behavior diverged with the UK endorsing the Court and the US rejecting it. The analysis aims to discover the domestic actors that are responsible for how international norms are interpreted at the state level and the mechanisms and transmitters through which norms come to be viewed by states as legitimate or illegitimate frameworks of behavior.

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11

Babayan, Nelli. "Wandering in Twilight? Democracy Promotion by the EU and the USA and Democratization in Armenia". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368301.

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Abstract (sommario):

Although democracy promotion initiatives have spread around the world and supported transition, many countries have fallen back into autocracy or stalled on their way to democracy. However, the events in the Middle East and Northern Africa have revitalised the issue of democratization. On the other hand, this cry for democracy seems to be homegrown, casting doubts about the efficacy of external democracy promotion. Nevertheless, stalled and setback democracies cannot be blamed solely on the flawed strategies of democracy promoters or autocratic stubbornness of democracy targets. Similarly, labelling democracy promotion as â€œthe grand failureâ€ of the West is an argumentative overstretch, which lacks any practical application. This dissertation argues that democracy can be achieved from outside, but the obstacles associated with it are more serious than anticipated by promoters. More specifically, the chances of liberal democracy being exported from outside will increase provided the utility of domestic adaptation to democracy is at least moderate, promoters are actively involved in resolution of pressing national issues, and there is no regional actor that blocks democracy and receives support for its policies from the target country. By structurally and conceptually expanding Schimmelfennigâ€™s international socialization framework, this study develops an analytical framework to decipher mechanisms, strategies, and subsequent outcomes of democracy promotion and democratization. While applied to Armenia, the proposed framework is a useful reference for both academics and practitioners as it provides tools for researching the outcome of democracy and democratization and provides policy recommendations. This dissertation introduces the concept of democracy blockerâ€”a powerful authoritarian regional actor capable and willing to influence domestic policy choices of a democracy promotion target in order to block democratization. This study also makes an empirical contribution by comparing democracy promotion policies in a country that has long been neglected by the academic literature. Using process-tracing, within-case, and before-after analyses, this study compares democracy promotion policies of the EU and the USA within three different target-sectors in Armenia. The analysis of three different target-sectors of democracy promotionâ€”elections, parties, and the mediaâ€”shows democratic transformation on the macro level of a country and micro level of specific sectors. This study argues that increased political and economic interdependence and interconnectedness of different realms within a democratizing country has led to merging of international democracy promotion and domestic democratization. In addition, the mere adoption of a law or a code of conduct does not guarantee the establishment of democracy and democratic behaviour by domestic stakeholders. Consequently, a likely upgrade of a formal democratic transformation into a behavioural one, would require democracy promoters to guarantee consistency in their efforts and follow-up on their activities, without assuming that a formally adopted rule or a completed project will necessarily assure rule-based behaviour. Thus, democracy promotion needs to be simultaneously cross-sectoral, offering material incentives for democratic transformation. Democracy promotion has the potential to not only produce numerous academic and policy analyses but also to result in a genuine democratic transformation, if promoters rationally choose their strategies and base them on existing domestic conditions.

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12

Zanon, Flavia. "The High Representative for the CFSP and EU security culture: mediator or policy entrepreneur?" Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368073.

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Abstract (sommario):

The High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy was first established by the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999 to enhance the effectiveness and credibility of EU foreign policy. Since its creation, this body has played different roles vis-a-vis varies policy dossiers. In some cases, the High Representative has successfully coordinated the positions of Member States and enhanced the worldwide visibility of EU foreign policy. On other occasions, the High Representative played a more proactive role by identifying and operationalizing common European interests. The varying role of the High Representative in different policy dossiers reflects the ambiguity of the EU political system. Unlike in most European statesÂ \where the executive and legislative powers are linked through the same parliamentary majority\Â within the EU supranational and intergovernmental sources legitimacy coexist. It is the ambiguity deriving from it that permitted the High Representative to adopt different roles in response to different external challenges. This research investigates the reasons that led the High Representative to play sometimes the role of mediator and at other times that of policy entrepreneur by examining the influence of security culture on EU foreign policy processes. Security culture is defined as the convergence of socially transmitted norms shared by the majority of political actors belonging to the EU security community. The norms constituting security culture concern the identification of security threats, the definition of the appropriate instruments to deal with them, and the interaction with the international community. The comparison of the cases of the 2001 Macedonia crisis and the negotiations over IranÂ fs nuclear programme reveals that shared norms.and thus the emergence of a shared culture.with regard to a given threat had an impact on policy processes involving the High Representative. In particular, the emergence of a shared security culture created a positive context which enabled the High Representative to adopt the role of policy entrepreneur, rather than simply mediating among Member States. In order to address the capability-expectations gap emerged among citizensÂ ' expectations, and EUÂ fs ability to deliver in the field of foreign policy, scholars have long stressed the need to build stronger institutions able to constrain the powers of Member States. However, this research identifies the development of a shared vision about common security as a factual pre-condition for the empowerment of central institutions and, thus, for further integration in this field. In addition, even though the existing literature has mostly identified diverging norms on the use of force in the international arena and on the alliance with the US as the major obstacles to an effective EU foreign policy, this study suggests that another major obstacle in this regard lies in diverging norms concerning the role of international cooperation and the relation between national and international security vis-a-vis external threats.

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13

Ciambra, Andrea. "The policisation of EU Energy Policy: Instances of Instrumental Re-framing by the European Commission". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368841.

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Over the last fifteen years, the energy policy of the European Union (EU) has changed significantly. It has become more cooperative and integrated across the borders of EU Member States and less preoccupied with the state-centred discourse of energy-supply security. The European Commission, in particular, has policised EU energy policy by re-framing it as a complex patchwork of many energy-related policy interventions. This shift took place in the aftermath of several critical events that affected Europeâ€™s energy supply and jeopardised its energy security. Energy policisation occurred, in other words, when it was reasonable for EU Member States to securitise rather than integrate their energy policies. The core research question of this thesis addresses this apparent paradox: to what extent has EU energy policy become more integrated, and why has this change occurred when it was least expected? This study argues that the shift towards energy policisation has been discursive. The European Commission has been able to harness unprecedented windows of opportunity created by recent crises to re-frame energy policy according to its overarching understanding of EU integration and public policy-making. The Commission has promotedâ€”for over forty yearsâ€”a vision of energy policy that spans energy security, market competitiveness, environmental sustainability, and energy efficiency. Based on a bibliometric test, this thesis identifies the type of discursive â€˜vehiclesâ€™ used by the Commission to diffuse its policy ideas and create consensus about its policy agenda. This thesis also argues that the Commission has been able to use diverse discursive tactics to challenge the prevailing energy policy narrative of the Member States and drive the policy-making process towards more integration. The two case studies analyse two instances of instrumental energy policisation. The case of the wind-power offshore grid projects developed in the North Sea during the last decade shows how the Commission managed to socialise other energy policy stakeholders into its own policy agenda and urge national governments to adopt a more integrated perspective on the issue at stake. The case of the Energy Efficiency Directive negotiations, ended successfully in late 2012, shows that the Commission has also been able to challenge the governmentsâ€™ state-centred discourse more â€˜frontallyâ€™. The Commission re-told the story of EU-wide energy cooperation as being so necessary as to force Member States to back away from their resolve, approve the Directive, and accept the binding constraints it contains. Ultimately, this thesis tells a story of continuity and change in EU energy policy. There has been continuity in the decades-long Commissionâ€™s advocacy for a more complex and integrated EU energy policy and in its guiding belief that public policy in Europe is, under all circumstances, best made at the EU rather than at the national level. There has been change in the sudden and unpredictable effect that crisis and shocks have had on the preferences of policy actors. By telling a story of variation in EU energy policy and successful discursive re-framing by the Commission, this thesis contributes to the on-going debate on the impact of non-material factors such as ideas, meaning, goals, and visions on the outcomes of policy-making. By combining bibliometric, process-tracing, and discourse analysis techniques, this thesis has sought to provide a more reliable and replicable operationalisation of ideational elements and has expanded the prospective agenda for more cross-policy research in EU studies and public policy analysis.

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14

Shisheva, Mariya. "The Impact of European Union Asylum Policy on Domestic Asylum Policy in Germany and Britain: 1990-2007". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368470.

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Over the past two decades, the European Union has taken important steps towards the establishment of a common European asylum policy. The question of the impact of this cooperation on domestic asylum policy has so far received surprisingly little attention. Most explanations have focused on how an agreement on restrictive policies was achieved at EU level, and assumed a relatively unproblematic implementation of these measures domestically. More recently, some scholars have contested these explanations by emphasizing the rights-enhancing effects of recent EU asylum policy legislation. This thesis argues that rather than focusing on the question of whether EU cooperation increases or decreases domestic asylum policy standards, we should focus on explaining how EU asylum policy affects domestic asylum policy. The question can only be addressed satisfactorily if the inter-related processes of arriving at these policies at EU level and implementing them domestically are taken into account. The theoretical account proposed here conceives of preferences as the crucial variable connecting the processes of uploading and downloading. The main argument of this thesis is that governments try to project their policy preferences which reflect their desire to change or retain domestic status quo and to download policies in accordance with these preferences. At the EU level, governments seek to upload or support policies in line with their domestically-shaped preferences and oppose those which contradict them or at least seek flexibility allowing them to maintain existing policies. At the national level, states download EU policy selectively, in line with their domestically-shaped preferences, leading to over-implementing, under-implementing or not implementing certain provisions. In addition, the thesis locates the sources of these preferences on asylum policy in public opinion, party ideology, and the number of asylum seekers. The dissertation shows that issue salience in the media and among the general public affects the relationship between these variables. Depending on the political-institutional context, the factors identify above interact with each other, resulting in differential impact of EU asylum policy on domestic policy. The thesis distinguishes between simple and compound polities, and shows how they differ in their responsiveness to the variables identified above, in the frequency and stability of reforms, and in the way they use the EU to facilitate domestic change. It also demonstrates that in compound polities preferences are mostly influenced by party ideology while in simple ones they are more likely to reflect public opinion. In order to trace the impact of EU cooperation in asylum policy on domestic policy, this dissertation employs process tracing and a three-step analytical framework which encompasses preference formation, EU-level negotiations and implementation. Such framework allows us to answer the question of the impact of EU asylum policy on national ones without under- or overstating the role of the EU. The dissertation applies this framework to study all major EU asylum policy agreements adopted between 1990 and the completion of the first phase of the Common European Asylum System in 2007, and their impact in Germany and Britain.

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15

Costantini, Irene. "Statebuilding versus state formation: the political economy of transition in Iraq and Libya". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368648.

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The international interventions in Iraq and Libya are exemplary of a decline in the expectations that statebuilding fervour can contribute to the full-fledged transformation of societies intervened upon. From the intervention in Iraq under the banner of â€œarmed liberalismâ€ to the â€œpost-interventionistâ€ approach that guided the intervention in Libya, international actors have renounced the grand transformative narrative traditionally sustaining post-conflict initiatives. This study investigates the impact of this changing statebuilding paradigm on state formation in Iraq and Libya. Bridging scholarship on post-conflict transitions as well as on the Middle East and North Africa region, this study addresses the question of the interplay between statebuilding and state formation from a political economy perspective: the emerging forms of economic governance of Iraq and Libya are illustrative of the broader problems affecting these countries. Through a process-oriented approach, this study moves beyond a narrowly-conceived institutional analysis and brings into focus actors in transition. Based on the theoretical discussion and the empirical findings, the study shows that an actor-oriented analysis has far more explanatory power than an institutionalist analysis. From a political economy perspective, the study focuses on the role of the private sector as an agent for change in transition: the emergence and consolidation of the policy prescription of developing the private sector has heralded a re-definition of the statebuilding agenda. Relying on a broad range of sources and data including interviews, policy papers, programmesâ€™ reports, and evaluations, the analysis contends that this novel approach adds to the contradictory character of statebuilding: private sector development remains trapped between internationally held normative models and domestic power dynamics. Most importantly, private sector development entails a more interventionist approach that contradicts the principles of the self-regulating capacity of the market. The thesisâ€™ main argument is that by building parallel agencies and mechanisms, statebuilding deviates from the process of building states. In other words, statebuilding creates a mode of governance that undermines Weberian notions of statehood in post-conflict countries: while it penetrates deeply into society, statebuilding fails to generate state authority. Rather, it favours a dispersion of authority across levels of governance and different types of actors. The dispersion of authority in post-conflict transitions generates hybrid forms of political economy: adaptation and resistance to neoliberal norms, institutions, and models are continuously negotiated by competing actors. At the same time, the dispersion of authority contributes to undermining the distinction between the public and the private spheres: alternative forms of authority consolidate informal institutions and repertoires, and increasingly come to exercise state authority and functions. The disjuncture between state and statenessâ€“â€“the exercise of state authority and functionsâ€“â€“shows the limits of analysing post-conflict transitions through the narrow lens of Weberian interpretation of the state and points to a re-evaluation of institutional analyses in light of notions of authority and legitimacy.

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16

Katzarova, Elitza. "The World Is Broken: The Social Construction of a Global Corruption Problem". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/367983.

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This thesis examines the social construction of a global corruption problem by introducing a methodological framework from the field of sociology and adapting it to International Relations (IR). It provides an alternative explanation for the adoption of anti-corruption instruments in the period 1994-1997 and the international institutionalization of anti-corruption reforms. It challenges conventional views that point to the rise of non-state actors, such as Transparency International, and the end of the Cold War. By tracing the trajectory of the corruption problem, it shows that the dynamics of the 1990s can only be fully understood within the legacy of the 1970s and, in particular, the failed talks at the United Nations. The institutionalization of the global corruption problem in the 1990s was a product largely of historical contingency and state intentionality. While it appeared that a new issue has taken international organizations by storm, it was largely key state agents that were creating this change by building coalitions and maneuvering between venues. The thesis employs methods of discourse and practice analysis from sociological research for the empirical study of claims. The analysis makes use of archival data to open up the pre-negotiation talks on illicit/corrupt payments at the OECD and the UN and study the process of claims-making, as well as document discursive strategies such as controversy management and feasibility. By taking a step back from the study of norms to look at the social construction of problems, the thesis introduces new methodological tools into constructivist IR. It also provides for the integration of state agency in constructivist approaches by showing how state actors engage in ontological warfare over the definition and institutionalization of new problems. Studying the social construction of problems through the process of claims-making elucidates the power relations that inform the established definitions and the spectrum of legitimate solutions; it helps us better understand the makings of international reality.

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17

Kustova, Irina. "The Conflict-Cooperation Nexus. Politicisation, Security and Domestic Institutions in EU-Russia Energy Relations". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/367649.

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Abstract (sommario):

Over the last decade, EUâ€“Russia gas relations have witnessed significant deteriorationâ€”the bilateral agenda has been narrowed down to ad hoc consultations, disputes over investment and long-term contract provisions have multiplied, and disagreements between the EU and Russia have significantly hindered the multilateral process of the Energy Charter Treaty (the ECT). This deterioration seems to be rather paradoxical in light of high gas interdependence between the EU and Russia and a rich history of well-established cooperation during the Cold War under profound ideological and strategic constraints. In addition, conflictual patterns in EUâ€“Russia gas relations occurred in the beginning of the 2000s, during the period of high oil prices and growing global natural gas demandâ€”the period when enhancement of cooperation would be a more expected outcome. Therefore, the core research question of the thesis addresses the puzzle: why, despite decades of cooperation during the Cold War between Western European countries and the USSR, have EUâ€“Russia gas relations become conflictual since the 2000s? By answering this research question, the study seeks to contribute to the analysis of institutionalisation of energy relations and to reveal factors that lead to cooperative or conflictual outcomes. So far, IR research inquiries in the field have prioritised resource and normative determinisms in addressing the success or failure of energy cooperation, which assume a geopolitical-realist struggle for energy resources and a priori benevolence of free markets in line with the neoliberal economic agenda respectively. The broader geopolitical approach has explained energy conflicts by structural factors of unequal resource allocation across the world and attributed a direct impact of a state resource base (an energy-rich or energy-poor state) on statesâ€™ behaviour in the international arena. Another strand of the literature, â€˜the market approachâ€™, has also viewed problematic cooperation as a result of different interests of energy producers and consumersâ€”but from a slightly different perspective. Limited institutionalisation of interactions has been explained by different models of gas markets producers and consumers choose. Thus, consumers favour a model of the competitive liberalised gas market (a market actor model), while producers would opt for a model of vertically-integrated monopoly and resource nationalism (a geopolitical actor model) in order to preserve control over resources. Pointing to a number of opposite cases, this study disregards the straightforward assumption that there is a direct link between a resource base and statesâ€™ strategies in the international arena. Bringing domestic conditions back to these debates, the study argues that increasing differences between the EU and Russiaâ€™s domestic institutional models of the gas market have been the main factor that has triggered conflictual patterns in EUâ€“Russia gas relations since the 2000s. These domestic institutional changes have replaced attempts to build a strategic partnership with ad hoc consultations at the level of practical implementation, and have triggered broader deinstitutionalisation of multilateral gas governance in Europe. The three case studies analyse three instances of EUâ€“Russia gas relations, tracing the crucial differences to determine the outcomeâ€”cooperation (a creation of a new or enhancement of an existing international institution), institutionalised conflict (disagreements regarding institutional settings of interactions, which are discussed and settled within the procedures of pre-existing or negotiated international institutions), or institutional conflict (expansion of disagreements beyond the pre-existing or negotiated framework of international institutions, which are no more accepted by the parties for conflict resolution) between the parties. The thesis contributes to ongoing debates about the impact of domestic institutions on actorsâ€™ policy strategies in the international arena, bringing insights from energy economics, energy law, and regulatory studies to IR. It argues that differences in domestic models under conditions of high interdependence might lead to politicisation of gas market issues and broader aspects of energy governance. The study also enriches debates about energy security, arguing that energy security depends also on a stable and predictable institutional framework for interactions, which inter alia requires compatibility of actorsâ€™ domestic models.

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18

Erforth, Benedikt. "Thinking Security: A Reflectivist Approach to France's Security Policy-Making in sub-Saharan Africa". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/369101.

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Recent years have witnessed increased French military activism in Africa. Despite efforts to normalise its post-colonial relationship and considerable downsizing of its permanent military presence, France remains a sought-after actor in solving African security problems. Notwithstanding French decision-makersÃ¢Â€Â™ repeated promises that the gendarme of Africa belongs to the past, French troops have participated in nine military operations since the turn of the millennium. Against all expectations, the Hollande administration has stood out for being particularly interventionist, concerting a military intervention in Mali and deploying a peacekeeping force to the Central African Republic within two years of assuming office. The ambiguity between an interventionist policy and a disengaged discourse suggests that French military interventionism in sub-Saharan Africa no longer follows the same automaticity as in the past. The two interventions in Mali and the CAR testify to the intense ideational struggles between different belief systems that had shaped French actorsÃ¢Â€Â™ minds and thus influenced decision-making processes and policy outcomes. Economic interests and neo-colonial continuity have been traditionally identified as the root causes of French interventionism in francophone Africa. For the past two decades the literature on French-African relations has been dominated by the so-called continuity vs. change debate, which scrutinises the presence of colonial / neo-colonial practices in the post-1990 French foreign policy. While ideational approaches to FranceÃ¢Â€Â™s African policy are not rare, few studies have engaged with the decision-making processes that produce French military interventions. Most studies focus on policy outcomes, which are rooted in static conceptualisations of ideas that are aggregated at the level of the state. Starting from these observations, the present study argues that the mere analysis of policy outcomes tells us little about the actual motivations that drive French foreign and security policy in Africa. Instead of analysing French interventionism by relying on a predefined set of explanatory variables that are juxtaposed with a series of observable outcomes in order to falsify predefined hypotheses, this thesis explains French interventionism by drawing on actorsÃ¢Â€Â™ subjective perceptions and motivations. The study uses the actorsÃ¢Â€Â™ own utterances to explain why French decision-makers are ready to accept the considerable risks and costs involved in guaranteeing or re-establishing the security of African countries. Adopting an actor-centred constructivist ontology, this study not only identifies ideas as core explanatory variables but also traces their emergence and subsequent development throughout decision-making processes. This approach goes beyond the dichotomous view that reduces French motivations to material interests or post-colonial ambitions. Relying on discursive material such as official statements, verbatim reports of press conferences and parliamentary hearings, policy reports, and thirty-two high-level interviews with French decision-makers, the present study narrates military intervention in Mali and the CAR from the perspective of French foreign policy elites under the Hollande Presidency. This recent and largely unexplored empirical material provides new insights into FranceÃ¢Â€Â™s foreign and defence policy. The study also demonstrates why and how the Ã¢Â€ÂœAfrica factorÃ¢Â€Â still matters in FranceÃ¢Â€Â™s foreign policy considerations. The importance of Africa in FranceÃ¢Â€Â™s security policy has less to do with neo-colonial ambitions per se, than with the understanding French policy-makers have of themselves and their country. More generally, the findings show how comprehensive explanations of foreign policy can be produced by considering actorsÃ¢Â€Â™ subjective perceptions. In so doing, the study not only explains FranceÃ¢Â€Â™s current policies in sub-Saharan Africa, but also offers insights into foreign policy decision-making processes in general, and thereby provides further evidence about how ideational factors influence the making of world politics. Keywords: France, Africa, Mali, CAR, foreign policy analysis, international security, decision-making, political psychology, constructivism

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19

Akchurina, Viktoria. "The State as Social Practice: Sources, Resources, and Forces in Central Asia". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368030.

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This thesis is about state and society relations in Central Asia. It examines statehood comparatively in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan. Despite having made different political, economic, and institutional choices at independence in 1991, these countries arrived at the same outcome today: an incomplete state. In framing the problem as the incomplete state, this thesis shifts the conventional emphasis away from symptoms of state weakness toward those processes that contribute to it. It highlights the fact that the state can simultaneously be both strong and weak, omnipresent and absent. It is the blurring of the line between state and non-state, public and private, legal and illegal, formal and informal which matters for a better understanding of the state. Drawing from Charles Tilly and Michael Mann, this thesis suggests that these shadow areas generate processes of interstitial emergence that may either undermine or strengthen the state. The outcome generated by such processes is dependent on the balance between state autonomy and state embeddedness. The thesis argues that the incomplete state is a result of three sets of factorsâ€”historical, external, and localâ€”that directly or indirectly produce processes that are counter-productive to the current state-building process. Specifically, it focuses on the societal legacy of the Soviet statehood, the strategies of state-building provided by external actors, and the balance of power between rival local elites. It demonstrates how each of these sets of factors contribute to the creation or development of sites of social resistance and the chasm between the state and society in each of the three given cases. Further, it identifies three important processes. Firstly, structural changes taken for granted following the dissolution of the Soviet Union have not necessarily altered cross-border societal interdependence at the grassroots. Secondly, the strategies pursued by external actors have indirectly created isolated pockets of land, empowered community-based civil activism and facilitated informal trade. Finally, while state elites strengthened the institution of the state, they turned it into a tool for legitimizing illicit revenues rather than a means to increase its infrastructural power. States and societies in the region have become isolated from one another. These states, empowered only in the institutional sense, have become empty shells. The societies, empowered without the state, have become captives within a game of survival. It seems that the state cannot be complete without becoming social.

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20

Sargsyan, Gayane. "Democracy and Development in the Making: Civic Participation in Armenia; Challenges, Opportunities". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2016. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368480.

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This research focuses on civic participation and its role in an emerging democracy context, and examines the forms, patterns, trends, obstacles to and opportunities for civic participation, as well as the impact of civic participation on democratization and development processes in Armenia, a post-soviet country in the South Caucasus, that has embarked on simultaneous transition toward democracy and free market economy since its independence in 1991. The dissertation suggests that civic participation is a key ingredient for successful transformations and effective reforms in both political and economic sectors in the post-soviet context of Armenia, and, therefore, more attention, as well as more vigorous efforts and resources should be directed to building civic capacity of the people and organizations in this setting. It is argued, that while, obviously, not a panacea for all development and democratization related challenges, civic engagement has a strong potential to foster those processes and contribute to the achievement of more effective, inclusive and sustainable solutions in the areas of democracy promotion and development in the transition countries. The original contribution of the thesis is an empirical study of civic participation in Armenia and assessment of its determinants and the impact on democracy and development related outcomes in the country. The primary research includes a study of civic participation in 10 rural and small urban communities across the country, and provides comprehensive information and insights into civic participation forms, pattern, determinants, obstacles and opportunities at the community level. Civic participation is further studied by examining the major civic initiatives and campaigns that took place in the country over the recent five years (2010-2015) and assessment of their outcomes and impact. The study looks closely at the determinants of civic participation, both the individual level factors and the obstacles and opportunities provided by the institutional context, and, in particular, examines the relationship of civic participation with social capital, civic education, and use of internet and communication technology (ICT). Civic participation habits and trends among the youth are explored by means of surveys conducted in 2013 and 2014. An innovative measure â€“ a Civic Participation Score (CP Score) is introduced and computed, based on a pre-defined and operationalized set of indicators, and a Civic Participation Index (CP Index) is calculated for monitoring the changes, in separate indicator categories and overall, and analysing civic participation trends over time. The research sheds light on civic participation practice and trends in Armenia and builds a framework for analysis of civic engagement in an emerging democracy context, by identifying the participants, their motives, forms of civic engagement, its impact, as well as challenges and opportunities for participation. The study highlights the specific needs and opportunities for further civic capacity building and lays down a roadmap for further research and action in this direction.

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21

Shahid, Zubair. "Decentralization, Democracy and Development : Examining the potential and limits of subnational empowerment". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/367891.

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As the discourse on economic development has expanded its focus to a broader set of interrelated economic, social, and political variables, an important conclusion has been that sustainable and inclusive development requires not only economic and social policies, but also political empowerment to foster a deliberative and participatory development process. The state versus market led development debate has been increasingly conducive to the role of state since 1990s mainly due to the developmental state experiences in East Asia in particular, and the high social costs of pursuing market oriented reforms or Structural Adjustment Programs in many developing countries. The growth spurts and the successive downturns delivered little on account of sustainable and inclusive growth. The nature of an ideal state, in contemporary times, can be argued to be developmental and democratic; characterized by redistributive growth, broad-based participation, pro-poor policies, and responsiveness of public policy to local needs. Given the intricacies of the contemporary world where Keynesian and neo-liberal values contest for space simultaneously, the (re)configuration of the role of the state while fostering democratization is an important dimension to consider. In this context, it is increasingly argued that subnational democracy is important in revitalizing and reinvigorating democratic systems, as well as promoting better public governance. This thesis attempts to examine the concepts of Decentralization and the Democratic Developmental State, the political incentives that determine the substantiveness of decentralization reforms, and whether subnational empowerment through decentralization is conducive to democratic developmentalism.

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22

Giannetto, Leila. "More than consultation: Civil society organisations mainstreaming fundamental rights in EU border management policies. The case of Frontex and its Consultative Forum". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368194.

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With the growing importance of agencies in the EU executive space (i.e., agencification), civil society organisations (CSOs) have increasingly direct their advocacy efforts towards EU agencies. Currently, CSOs are represented in several consultative bodies of EU agencies (e.g., FRA, EASO, and Frontex). In general, the role of these bodies and platforms is to â€œmerelyâ€ assist EU agencies on fundamental rights matters. However, access to EU agencies gives CSOs a privileged position to push their claims forward. Frontex (or European Coast and Border Guard) is peculiar among EU agencies for its operative competences, and growing resources. Moreover, Frontex has repeatedly raised concerns on its accountability on fundamental rights matters at the EU borders. Therefore, in 2011, Frontex revised Regulation introduced a Fundamental Rights Strategy, and two new bodies: the Fundamental Rights Officer and the Consultative Forum on fundamental rights (CF). Aim of this research is to establish whether and to what extent CSOs influence Frontex â€œfrom withinâ€ and what are the outcomes of this interaction in terms of both fundamental rights mainstreaming and agency accountability. These issues are addressed using the literature on CSOsâ€™ participation to EU governance, CSOsâ€™ mainstreaming of fundamental rights, and CSOsâ€™ potential for the accountability/legitimacy of EU agencies. Empirically, this study analyses CSOsâ€™ strategy choice to lobby Frontex from within and questions it in light of the outcomes of this lobbying activity. Even though findings are mixed, due to the absence of CSOsâ€™ clear advocacy goals within the CF, the relationship between CSOs, members of the CF, and Frontex remains unique in terms of mutual learning and potential for the establishment of an effective accountability relationship on fundamental rights matters. Collection of data and analysis have been carried out through expert interviews and by applying an interpretive approach to the study of Frontex official and unofficial documents.

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23

Romaniuk, Scott. "Under Siege: Counter-Terrorism Policy and Civil Society in Hungary". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368206.

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Abstract (sommario):

Immediately after the 9/11 attacks the US launched a macro-securitization program to combat terrorism and included government counter-terrorism measures (CTMs) that impeded on human rights and civil liberties globally. Scholarship has recently turned to the study of CTMs and their effects on civil society organizations (CSOs). This study analyzes the relationship between CTMs and CSOs in Hungary from 2010-2018. First, it examines Hungaryâ€™s security milieu, including the formation and implementation of Hungaryâ€™s CT laws, polices, and institutions, and the terrorism landscape. Second, it analyzes the effects of CTMs on CSOs and state-civil society relations. The study uses an exploratory and explanatory research design, and mixed methods of data collection and analysis. Using purposive sampling, 240 questionnaires were analyzed across four CSO categories: peacebuilding, development, human rights advocacy, and humanitarianism. Coded data is used from 70 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with CSO officers, security agents, military personnel, legal experts, politicians, and security, civil society, and development scholars. Secondary sources include: books, articles, and grey literature. Using Chi Square and Pearson Product-Moment Correlation at pâ‰¤0.05, the former determines if CSOs were pressured to join government CTMs whereas the latter establishes whether CTMs negatively impacted CSOsâ€™ operational capacities. Descriptive statistics is used to analyze demographic data and ascertain CSOsâ€™ level of support or rejection of government CTMs. The findings reveal that CTMs grant the state exceptional powers that restrict CSO operations. The quantitative findings show that CSOs were pressured into joining government CTMs (X2 = 220.919). Government CTMs have negatively affected CSOsâ€™ operational costs (59.1%). The government denies CSOs access to information regarding CTMs (35.9%), thus preventing their involvement in CTM formulation processes and implementation. 72.1% of program officers indicated they do not support government CTMs. The interviews revealed growing mutual suspicion between the government and CSOs in the context of counter-terrorism.

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24

Denti, Davide. "The European Union and Member State Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368563.

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Abstract (sommario):

The EU enlargement policy aims to transform applicant countries into fully-fledged member states, committed to abiding by the EU acquis and able to take part in the EU decisionmaking and policy implementation processes. However, the contestation of the state, or contested statehood, has been identified as the key variable hindering Europeanisation in the Western Balkans. This has led the European Union (EU) to fall into cycles of mismanaged conditionality, such as in the police reform process and the constitutional reform process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Yet, the EU has learned to adapt, enacting practices of state building to cope with contested statehood. By bridging the literature on European integration, state building, and Europeanisation, this study traces the transformations of sovereignty and of the state throughout European integration, and identifies the polity ideas that underpin EU practices of â€˜member state buildingâ€™ in the notion of sovereignty as participation. Member state building is interested in reinforcing administrative capacities with the aim of participation in EU processes, while also enhancing the legitimacy of institutions via the export of consensus-generating mechanisms. Two case studies, exemplifying the two statehood dimensions of legitimacy and capacity, allow examining how the EU interacts with Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the framework of the Structured Dialogue on Justice and of the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, the EU introduced in Bosnia and Herzegovina consensus-generating mechanisms, aimed at restoring both administrative capacities and domestic legitimacy of institutions. The role of the EU as an interested mediator and the emancipatory potential of the accession perspective set member state building apart from â€˜liberal peaceâ€™ international state building. Member state building thus emerges as an enlargement-specific form of EU-led state building, allowing the EU to cope with contested statehood in its candidate countries and potential candidates and to build member states while integrating them.

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25

Fontana, Francesca <1986&gt. "Il reiserimento lavorativo degli inabili al lavoro come politica attiva". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2951.

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Abstract (sommario):

In questa tesi viene analizzato il processo evolutivo delle politiche attive del lavoro in una prospettiva teorica, sociale ed economica. Nella prima parte, suddivisa in due capitoli, viene introdotta ed analizzata la crisi generale del welfare post-fordista e le prospettive dettate dalle linee guida delle Strategie Europee per l'Occupazione attraverso la valutazione dei programmi e delle prospettive future. L'analisi prosegue considerando i fondamenti teorici riferibili all'approccio delle capacità di Sen, il quale considera la promozione delle capacità degli individui, l'attivazione e la partecipazione i requisiti essenziali verso i quali le nuove politiche sociali (e del lavoro) dovrebbero indirizzarsi. Nella seconda parte viene approfondita l'evoluzione storica e le interpretazioni sulle politiche attive del lavoro in Europa. Si conclude con l'analisi della riforma italiana sul reinserimento lavorativo degli inabili al lavoro quale positiva applicazione del concetto di politiche dell'attivazione che investono sulla partecipazione, le capacità e le possibilità degli individui.

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26

Baldassin, Sara <1994&gt. "Venezuelan Oil Politics and its Implications with Chavism". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16658.

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Abstract (sommario):

Lo studente svilupperà, come lavoro finale del ciclo di studi di master in Relazioni internazionali comparate, un progetto sulle politiche petrolifere venezuelane e sulle implicazioni che sono state delineate e influenzate dal "Chavismo". "Chavismo" è un termine politico che identifica l'ideologia economica e sociale di Hugo Chávez. Da quando è stata fondata come la principale industria nel paese del Venezuela, il petrolio ha avuto un'importanza storica nella sua economia e politica; le diverse prospettive contro le risorse naturali, in particolare il petrolio, furono convertite in un elemento trascendentale per le strutture di potere. Negli ultimi anni, il sistema politico venezuelano è stato sommerso da una serie di cambiamenti. Sottolineando il modello di partecipazione politica popolare, una popolazione frammentata è stata generata in due poli quasi immobili e un conflitto di interessi tra di loro. Dopo tredici anni di amministrazione di Hugo Chávez, il petrolio è passato dal 19,17% del Prodotto interno lordo nel 1999 al 10,88% nel 2012. Tuttavia, l'attività petrolifera è stata costituita come l'arma per il rafforzamento del regime, attraverso l'implementazione di missioni sociali che hanno assicurato il sostegno di oltre la metà della popolazione; ma allo stesso tempo, è diventato al centro della discussione che è stata data alla perdita della partecipazione dell'industria nell'economia, a causa della mancanza di investimenti. Questo progetto di tesi mira a determinare il modo in cui la politica petrolifera del governo di Hugo Chávez è diventata un fattore determinante della rivoluzione bolivariana, il suo ruolo nella partecipazione e la sua influenza sulla polarizzazione politica durante il suo mandato. Allo stesso modo, si intende stabilire il grado di interferenza del petrolio nella configurazione delle relazioni tra Chávez e l'opposizione. L'importanza di questo lavoro si concentra sul fatto che le decisioni relative al petrolio hanno interessato diversi governi e, conformemente a quelli, la popolazione venezuelana ha mostrato la sua posizione nei confronti dei diversi regimi politici. Successivamente, lo sviluppo della ricerca è stato diviso in tre assi che sono esposti nei tre capitoli di questo lavoro. Il primo si concentrerà sulla storia del petrolio venezuelano fino all'inizio del mandato di Hugo Chávez. La seconda parte del progetto si svilupperà attorno alle politiche dell'ex presidente del Venezuela e della rivoluzione bolivariana. Il terzo e ultimo capitolo agglomereranno le prime due parti della tesi parlando di come le politiche di Chavez abbiano influenzato il petrolio e l'economia venezuelana.

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27

Della, Coletta Angela <1994&gt. "The EU-Japan Relationship: From Economic to Political?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20748.

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Abstract (sommario):

Le relazioni tra Europa e Giappone sono iniziate ufficialmente nel 1959, un momento storico difficile dominato dalla necessità di ricostruzione dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale. La rapida crescita economica del Giappone, anche grazie all’intervento degli Stati Uniti, attira l’attenzione dell’Europa che lo percepisce come una minaccia. Inizia così una difficile interazione a livello economico a cui, però, gli eventi tra la fine degli anni Ottanta e gli anni Novanta danno nuovo impulso in termini di dialogo a livello politico. Ma questa nuova fase del rapporto tra quella che è ormai l’Unione Europea e il Giappone sarà stata implementata in maniera efficace? Questa relazione economica è anche un’effettiva relazione politica, o è solo retorica? Questa tesi tenta di analizzare l’evoluzione delle relazioni tra Unione Europea e Giappone attraverso gli anni, attraverso gli elementi che ne hanno influenzato il percorso (le percezioni reciproche, il ruolo degli Stati Uniti, gli effetti del ‘Normative Power’ europeo, la possibile presenza di meccanismi di ‘Path Dependency’, ecc.), fino ad arrivare ai recenti accordi di Partenariato Strategico ed Economico, proprio per valutare se gli attori in questa relazione sono riusciti ad implementare la parte politica, a darle rilievo e importanza, tanto quanto quella economica.

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28

Passerotti, Barbara <1994&gt. "La dimensione politica e sociale del disastro: il Giappone post 11 marzo". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/13958.

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Abstract (sommario):

Questo elaborato affronta il tema del disastro in Giappone, in particolare il triplice disastro di Fukushima del marzo 2011, e i mutamenti che esso ha comportato nelle politiche perseguite dal governo e nella società giapponese. Il testo, seguendo un filone cronologico, analizza i cambiamenti nelle politiche, soprattutto ambientali ed energetiche, dopo il disastro e i cambiamenti che esso ha provocato all’interno della società giapponese: prima la nascita di una nuova coscienza sull’uso del nucleare e la caduta del mito della sicurezza, poi, dopo una fase di normalizzazione del disastro da parte del governo, di nuovo un assopimento dei sentimenti anti-nucleari. Il disastro ha avuto un impatto così forte, rivoluzionando la coscienza sociale dalle fondamenta, a causa di una percezione del rischio molto bassa riguardo agli tsunami e al nucleare, rendendo il paese altamente vulnerabile. Questo non è comunque bastato alla classe politica che, in meno di dieci anni dalla catastrofe, ha reindirizzato il paese verso il nucleare, volendo riportare il Giappone al suo ruolo pre-disastro, come potenza mondiale sicura e moderna.

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29

Roncari, Mattia Bruno <1995&gt. "Orbánismo. Caratteristiche e retorica politica del Sistema di Cooperazione Nazionale nell'Ungheria contemporanea". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20789.

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Abstract (sommario):

L’elaborato esamina l’Ungheria contemporanea e in particolare i temi su cui si è edificato il rapporto tra popolo e capo-popolo, nonché le principali caratteristiche del regime ibrido instaurato dopo la ‘rivoluzione elettorale’ proclamata da Fidesz – il partito dell’attuale Primo ministro Viktor Orbán – nel 2010. In questo senso, dopo una ricostruzione storica che ripercorre i tumulti politici ungheresi della seconda metà del Novecento, il lavoro si fa strada tra i primi agitati anni della transizione alla democrazia e al libero mercato, cercando di comprendere il contesto in cui si è tenuta – tra il 1998 e il 2002 – la prima esperienza di governo di Orbán. La parentesi storica termina nella seconda parte con l’analisi dell’operato dei governi liberal-socialisti che, tra il 2002 e il 2010, hanno comportato la perdita di fiducia nei modelli occidentali e preparato il terreno per il ritorno al potere di Fidesz. Il secondo capitolo dell’elaborato si propone dunque di risolvere uno dei suoi due obiettivi presentando le caratteristiche principali del Sistema di Cooperazione Nazionale inaugurato da Orbán nel 2010. Infine, attingendo da un cospicuo corpus di interventi pubblici del leader ungherese recuperato dai siti ufficiali del governo, l’elaborato tenta di individuare gli argomenti centrali alla retorica orbániana, affiancando a questo obiettivo la raccolta degli strumenti necessari per tentare di determinare se e in che termini si possa parlare di ‘populismo’ nell’Ungheria di oggi.

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30

Palladino, Nicola. "Lo schema destra-sinistra: rappresentazioni dello spazio politico in Europa ed Italia". Doctoral thesis, Universita degli studi di Salerno, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10556/1521.

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Abstract (sommario):

2008 - 2009
The aim of this work is to analyze the meaning, the role and the functioning of the left-right opposition in Western Europe Democracies. In this work, the left-right opposition is conceived as a social representation of political space which realize a synthesis of the main values conflicts of European societies. In this way, the left-right dimension allows every actor of the political system to evaluate his position in relation to the position of others actors, to establish his identity and to perform correspondent actions. This conception of left-right opposition is closely related to the emergence of modernity: indeed, such device to ordinate the political conflict become necessary in a pluralistic society, where the political fight is focused on the desirable end-state of society. This conception of left-right opposition was elaborated after an analysis of the way the two terms were conceptualized in literature... [edited by Author]
VIII n.s.

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31

Garbeglio, Alessandro <1986&gt. "Cultura,politica e società nell'era del web 2.0: Il caso egiziano". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/5521.

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Abstract (sommario):

La ricerca tratta del rapporto che intercorre tra l'emergente, e oramai affermato, mezzo di comunicazione quale è internet e la formazione e perpetrazione di una data cultura sociale e politica esistenti all'interno della società, e conclude con un'analisi dello specifico caso egiziano durante la primavera araba. In prima istanza, l'analisi è finalizzata al sistema dei rapporti che intercorrono tra cittadino/individuo e struttura politica. Specificatamente, è analizzato il sistema di valori/credenze che compongono una società e la loro diretta interazione con il sistema politico vigente, inteso come “ente” in divenire e in continua mutazione. In un secondo momento, l'analisi si concentra sul singolo individuo e su come si rapporta con la società civile, è quindi preso sotto esame come il singolo, attraverso l'interazione con una moltitudine, crea nuova cultura e coscienza politica. Successivamente viene analizzato internet quale nuovo mezzo di creazione di cultura politica e sociale. La differenza che esso detiene rispetto ai precedenti media (televisione, giornali) e l'impatto che il singolo cittadino detiene nell'affacciarsi a molteplici e diversi canali di informazione, ha reso conseguente una diversa distribuzione dei meccanismi di creazione e modificazione di cultura politica e sociale. In tal senso son stati studiati i meccanismi attraverso cui il mondo del web 2.0 (blog, youtube, social media) si è configurato nella realtà odierna. Come caso specifico di analisi empirica, è stato analizzato il contesto egiziano della primavera araba, in cui il web, nelle diverse forme e metodologie, si è visto parte importante nello sviluppo delle rivolte protrattasi da Piazza Tharir in poi.

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32

Roman, Alessandro <1993&gt. "Fiscal Councils: organismi essenziali per la credibilità della politica fiscale". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16348.

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Abstract (sommario):

Il dissesto finanziario scoppiato nel biennio 2007-2008 negli Stati Uniti, oltre a contagiare l’economia reale, mostra le fragilità strutturali ed istituzionali insite nel processo d’integrazione europea. La presa di coscienza dell’assoggettamento del potere sovrano statuale alle attese dei mercati finanziari, promuove una profonda riflessione sulla mancanza di credibilità dei decisori politici nel perseguire attivamente la disciplina fiscale e la sostenibilità delle finanze pubbliche. In tal senso, l’emblematica questione greca porta in auge all’analisi delle determinanti della crisi il fenomeno dei deficit bias, ovvero la tendenza verso elevati disavanzi pubblici. L’Unione, minacciata dal possibile default di un Paese membro, da un lato predispone strumenti temporanei finalizzati ad evitare il collasso della costruzione comunitaria, dall’altro avvia una profonda revisione della governance fiscale europea. Proprio in tale ambito si inserisce il tema degli organismi indipendenti di bilancio quali istituzioni necessarie a completare il nuovo assetto eurounitario. Istituiti da tempo in alcuni paesi occidentali, i fiscal councils presentano configurazioni profondamente disomogenee che ne rendono difficile un inquadramento generale. Nel nostro Paese, l’introduzione dell’Ufficio parlamentare di bilancio arricchisce l’armamentario per limitare la discrezionalità del policy maker al fine di rafforzare la disciplina di bilancio e garantire la piena trasparenza dei conti pubblici.

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33

CAMPATI, ANTONIO. "LA SELEZIONE DEI MIGLIORI. ANALISI SULLA QUALITA' NELLA RAPPRESENTANZA POLITICA". Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/2463.

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Abstract (sommario):

Le recenti trasformazioni dei sistemi politici suggeriscono la necessità di ripensare il rapporto fra l’ideale democratico e il concetto di qualità. I mutamenti e le pretese della rappresentanza politica, infatti, appaiono sempre più inconciliabili con le teorie che, fino a pochi decenni fa, apparivano granitiche e (quasi) immodificabili. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di argomentare tali assunti, non senza prima soffermarsi su alcune questioni preliminari: a livello teorico, cosa si deve intendere per qualità? Quale rapporto può realisticamente intrattenere con il sistema democratico? E, quindi, la qualità può essere selezionata? Le risposte a simili quesiti passano attraverso un approfondimento del rapporto (inevitabile) fra i governanti e i governati, considerato il canale più affidabile per osservare la ‘qualità’ come idea-concetto e per percepire gli effettivi cambiamenti che proietta sulla rappresentanza politica.
The recent transformations of political systems suggest the need to rethink the relationship between the democratic ideal and the concept of quality. Indeed, changes and demands in political representation look increasingly incompatible with the theories that seemed lasting and (almost) immutable until a few decades ago. The aim of this dissertation is to discuss these assumptions, after dwelling on some preliminary questions. At the theoretical level, what is quality? Which relationship can it realistically have with the democratic system? And, therefore, can quality be selected? To answers such questions, the dissertation goes through an in-depth analysis of the (inevitable) relationship between rulers and the ruled. This relationship is considered the most reliable channel both to observe ‘quality’ as an idea-concept and to perceive the actual changes that it projects on political representation.

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34

CAMPATI, ANTONIO. "LA SELEZIONE DEI MIGLIORI. ANALISI SULLA QUALITA' NELLA RAPPRESENTANZA POLITICA". Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/2463.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

Le recenti trasformazioni dei sistemi politici suggeriscono la necessità di ripensare il rapporto fra l’ideale democratico e il concetto di qualità. I mutamenti e le pretese della rappresentanza politica, infatti, appaiono sempre più inconciliabili con le teorie che, fino a pochi decenni fa, apparivano granitiche e (quasi) immodificabili. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di argomentare tali assunti, non senza prima soffermarsi su alcune questioni preliminari: a livello teorico, cosa si deve intendere per qualità? Quale rapporto può realisticamente intrattenere con il sistema democratico? E, quindi, la qualità può essere selezionata? Le risposte a simili quesiti passano attraverso un approfondimento del rapporto (inevitabile) fra i governanti e i governati, considerato il canale più affidabile per osservare la ‘qualità’ come idea-concetto e per percepire gli effettivi cambiamenti che proietta sulla rappresentanza politica.
The recent transformations of political systems suggest the need to rethink the relationship between the democratic ideal and the concept of quality. Indeed, changes and demands in political representation look increasingly incompatible with the theories that seemed lasting and (almost) immutable until a few decades ago. The aim of this dissertation is to discuss these assumptions, after dwelling on some preliminary questions. At the theoretical level, what is quality? Which relationship can it realistically have with the democratic system? And, therefore, can quality be selected? To answers such questions, the dissertation goes through an in-depth analysis of the (inevitable) relationship between rulers and the ruled. This relationship is considered the most reliable channel both to observe ‘quality’ as an idea-concept and to perceive the actual changes that it projects on political representation.

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35

Guzzo, Falci Paula. "Illiberal Secularism: A Critical Approach to the Study of Social and Religious Governance in Liberal Democracies". Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368572.

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Abstract (sommario):

Taking note of the emergence of illiberal forms of governance across Western Europe, a liberal and democratic region, this thesis endeavors to unravel one particular manifestation of this tendency, illiberal secularism. Specifically, it asks how secularism has been discursively (trans)formed in political contexts so as to allow for the emergence of illiberal forms of social and religious governance. To address this question, this thesis analyzes the discursive enactment of ideological secularism by Italian state actors in three casesâ€”the Crucifix, the Burqa, and the Charter cases. Building on critical and discursive perspectives, this thesis argues that secularism is an ideology that shapes thinking and action and provides a conceptualization of, and an answer to, the problem of diversity. Thus, it proposes to study secularism as a political category that works as a stake in, and as a means through which contemporary contests over religion and diversity are conducted. In methodological terms, these considerations lead to a combined analytical endeavor, which focuses on both the conceptual grammar of secularism and the discursive practices through which state actors (re)construct this ideological formation. Conducting conceptual and critical discourse analyses, this thesis reveals the argumentative structures and the main ideational and relational assumptions of Italian state actorsâ€™ discourses. It demonstrates that, in all three cases, these actors revise secularâ€“religious demarcations in ways that expand the secular power of the state over the religious realm and, moreover, allow for the revision of liberal entitlements and for the resetting of the boundaries that define the political community. Notably, this thesis finds that it is through the secularization of Christianity, the culturalization of liberalism, and the othering of Muslims that some state actors reconcile secularism and illiberalism, thereby promoting practices that restrict and violate important liberal values and achievements, such as religious freedom and political unity.

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36

Maiani, Vittorio <1978&gt. "Politica estera e strategie di sicurezza. L'Europa del XVII secolo e la preponderanza francese". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1691/1/Maiani_Vittorio_tesi.pdf.

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37

Maiani, Vittorio <1978&gt. "Politica estera e strategie di sicurezza. L'Europa del XVII secolo e la preponderanza francese". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1691/.

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38

Citossi, Francesca <1972&gt. "L'assistenza internazionale nelle emergenze umanitarie. La questione dei rifugiati e degli sfollati nei casi di Kosovo e Kashmir". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2008. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/729/1/Tesi_Citossi_Francesca.pdf.

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39

Citossi, Francesca <1972&gt. "L'assistenza internazionale nelle emergenze umanitarie. La questione dei rifugiati e degli sfollati nei casi di Kosovo e Kashmir". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2008. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/729/.

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40

Ammari, Hedi <1964&gt. "Il Mare Bianco di Mezzo. Valorizzazione dei Networks dei migranti per la circolazione delle conoscenze, delle capacità e delle trasformazioni sociali". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2008. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/734/1/Tesi_Ammari_Hedi.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

L’elaborato svolge in 4 capitoli un percorso di analisi multidisciplinare volto a fondare teoricamente e a sviluppare operativamente la costituzione di una associazione di co-sviluppo italotunisina. Nel primo capitolo viene approfondita, sotto il profilo della teoria economica, la relazione fra emigrazione e sviluppo, prendendo in esame le recenti teorie sull’argomento e indirizzando l’interesse verso il ruolo dei network di migranti come elemento di continuità socio-economica e di interazione fra il paese di origine e il paese ospitante. Nel secondo capitolo il network viene approfondito sotto gli aspetti connessi alla sua natura di intermediario sociale, politico ed economico, soprattutto in presenza di migrazione di ritorno. Il terzo capitolo si concentra sulle associazioni degli immigrati e non solo Hometown Associations quali strumenti elaborati all’interno dei network di migranti per mettere in pratica le loro capacità di agente economico e di attore sociale nel processo di co-sviluppo dei paesi di provenienza e di destinazione. Infine, nel quarto capitolo viene descritto l’iter istituzionale previsto per la costituzione di una specifica associazione (El-Hiwar Atiir, Associazione Tunisina per l’Integrazione e l’Investimento di Ritorno) e le caratteristiche della medesima. Il lavoro di tesi, coordinato e sviluppato, pur approfondendo tematiche e modelli economici si muove anche su altri piani (sociale e istituzionale), mostrando la molteplicità delle sfaccettature del problema. Inoltre riesce a radicare in campo teorico uno strumento operativo molto interessante per la gestione economica e politica del fenomeno migratorio, mostrando come la cooperazione allo sviluppo, oltre che tema di modellazione economica e di dichiarazioni di principio nei documenti ufficiali, possa divenire processo operativo attraverso strumenti giuridici consolidati.

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41

Ammari, Hedi <1964&gt. "Il Mare Bianco di Mezzo. Valorizzazione dei Networks dei migranti per la circolazione delle conoscenze, delle capacità e delle trasformazioni sociali". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2008. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/734/.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

L’elaborato svolge in 4 capitoli un percorso di analisi multidisciplinare volto a fondare teoricamente e a sviluppare operativamente la costituzione di una associazione di co-sviluppo italotunisina. Nel primo capitolo viene approfondita, sotto il profilo della teoria economica, la relazione fra emigrazione e sviluppo, prendendo in esame le recenti teorie sull’argomento e indirizzando l’interesse verso il ruolo dei network di migranti come elemento di continuità socio-economica e di interazione fra il paese di origine e il paese ospitante. Nel secondo capitolo il network viene approfondito sotto gli aspetti connessi alla sua natura di intermediario sociale, politico ed economico, soprattutto in presenza di migrazione di ritorno. Il terzo capitolo si concentra sulle associazioni degli immigrati e non solo Hometown Associations quali strumenti elaborati all’interno dei network di migranti per mettere in pratica le loro capacità di agente economico e di attore sociale nel processo di co-sviluppo dei paesi di provenienza e di destinazione. Infine, nel quarto capitolo viene descritto l’iter istituzionale previsto per la costituzione di una specifica associazione (El-Hiwar Atiir, Associazione Tunisina per l’Integrazione e l’Investimento di Ritorno) e le caratteristiche della medesima. Il lavoro di tesi, coordinato e sviluppato, pur approfondendo tematiche e modelli economici si muove anche su altri piani (sociale e istituzionale), mostrando la molteplicità delle sfaccettature del problema. Inoltre riesce a radicare in campo teorico uno strumento operativo molto interessante per la gestione economica e politica del fenomeno migratorio, mostrando come la cooperazione allo sviluppo, oltre che tema di modellazione economica e di dichiarazioni di principio nei documenti ufficiali, possa divenire processo operativo attraverso strumenti giuridici consolidati.

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42

Poletti, Arlo <1977&gt. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/1/Arlo_Poletti_tesi.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.

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43

Poletti, Arlo <1977&gt. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/.

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Abstract (sommario):

This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.

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44

Napolitano, Jamel <1980&gt. "La trasmissione egemonica. Declino egemonico e consolidamento di nuove potenze". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2157/1/Jamel_Napolitano_tesi.pdf.

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45

Napolitano, Jamel <1980&gt. "La trasmissione egemonica. Declino egemonico e consolidamento di nuove potenze". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2157/.

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46

De, Rosa Damiano <1978&gt. "Il ruolo delle idee e del loro cambiamento nei processi di policy making universitario nel mondo anglosassone dagli anni ottanta ad oggi. I casi di Inghilterra e Nuova Zelanda in prospettiva comparata". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2158/1/De_Rosa_Damiano_Tesi.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

THE TITLE OF MY THESIS IS THE ROLE OF THE IDEAS AND THEIR CHANGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE UNDER A THEORETICAL POINT OF VIEW, THE AIM OF MY WORK IS TO CARRY OUT A RESEARCH MODELLED ON THE CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORY. IT FOCUSES ON THE ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF IDEAS ON THE PROCESSES OF POLICY MAKING BY MEANS OF EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES, THINK TANKS AND VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS THAT MAY HAVE PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE DIFFERENT PATHS. FROM MY POINT OF VIEW IDEAS CONSTITUTE A PRIORITY RESEARCH FIELD WHICH IS WORTH ANALYSING SINCE THEIR ROLE IN POLICY MAKING PROCESSES HAS BEEN TRADITIONALLY RATHER UNEXPLORED. IN THIS CONTEXT AND WITH THE AIM OF DEVELOPING A RESEARCH STRAND BASED ON THE ROLE OF IDEAS, I INTEND TO CARRY ON MY STUDY UNDER THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHANGE. DEPENDING ON THE DATA AND INFORMATION THAT I COLLECTED I EVALUATED THE WEIGHT OF EACH OF THESE VARIABLES AND MAYBE OTHERS SUCH AS THE INSTITUTIONS AND THE INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS, WHICH MAY HAVE INFLUENCED THE FORMATION OF THE POLICY MAKING PROCESSES. UNDER THIS LIGHT, I PLANNED TO ADOPT THE QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH WHICH I BELIEVE TO BE VERY EFFECTIVE AGAINST THE MORE DIFFICULT AND POSSIBLY REDUCTIVE APPLICATION OF QUANTITIVE DATA SETS. I RECKON THEREFORE THAT THE MOST APPROPRIATE TOOLS FOR INFORMATION PROCESSING INCLUDE CONTENT ANALYSIS, AND IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS TO PERSONALITIES OF THE POLITICAL PANORAMA (ÉLITE OR NOT) WHO HAVE PARTICIPATED IN THE PROCESS OF HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY. THE TWO CASES TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION SURELY SET AN EXAMPLE OF RADICAL REFORM PROCESSES WHICH HAVE OCCURRED IN QUITE DIFFERENT CONTEXTS DETERMINED BY THE SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS AND THE TRAITS OF THE ÉLITE. IN NEW ZEALAND THE DESCRIBED PROCESS HAS TAKEN PLACE WITH A STEADY PACE AND A GOOD GRADE OF CONSEQUANTIALITY, IN LINE WTH THE REFORMS IN OTHER STATE DIVISIONS DRIVEN BY THE IDEAS OF THE NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. CONTRARILY IN ENGLAND THE REFORMATIVE ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER HAS ACQUIRED A VERY RADICAL CONNOTATION AS IT HAS BROUGHT INTO THE AMBIT OF HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY CONCEPTS LIKE EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE, RATIONALIZATION THAT WOULD CONTRAST WITH THE GENERALISTIC AND MASS-ORIENTED IDEAS THAT WERE FASHIONABLE DURING THE SEVENTIES. THE MISSION I INTEND TO ACCOMPLISH THORUGHOUT MY RESEARCH IS TO INVESTIGATE AND ANALYSE INTO MORE DEPTH THE DIFFERENCES THAT SEEM TO EMERGE FROM TWO CONTEXTS WHICH MOST OF THE LITERATURE REGARDS AS A SINGLE MODEL: THE ANGLO-SAXON MODEL. UNDER THIS LIGHT, THE DENSE ANALYSIS OF POLICY PROCESSES ALLOWED TO BRING OUT BOTH THE CONTROVERSIAL AND CONTRASTING ASPECTS OF THE TWO REALITIES COMPARED, AND THE ROLE AND WEIGHT OF VARIABLES SUCH AS IDEAS (MAIN VARIABLE), INSTITUTIONAL SETTINGS AND INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS ACTING IN EACH CONTEXT. THE CASES I MEAN TO ATTEND PRESENT PECULIAR ASPECTS WORTH DEVELOPING AN IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS, AN OUTLINE OF WHICH WILL BE PROVIDED IN THIS ABSTRACT. ENGLAND THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT, SINCE 1981, INTRODUCED RADICAL CHANGES IN THE SECTOR OF HIGHER EDUCATION: FIRST CUTTING DOWN ON STATE FUNDINGS AND THEN WITH THE CREATION OF AN INSTITUTION FOR THE PLANNING AND LEADERSHIP OF THE POLYTECHNICS (NON-UNIVERSITY SECTOR). AFTERWARDS THE SCHOOL REFORM BY MARGARET THATCHER IN 1988 RAISED TO A GREAT STIR ALL OVER EUROPE DUE TO BOTH ITS CONSIDERABLE INNOVATIVE IMPRINT AND THE STRONG ATTACK AGAINST THE PEDAGOGY OF THE ‘ACTIVE’ SCHOOLING AND PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION, UNTIL THEN RECOGNIZED AS A MERIT OF THE BRITISH PUBLIC SCHOOL. IN THE AMBIT OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION THIS REFORM, TOGETHER WITH SIMILAR MEASURES BROUGHT IN DURING 1992, PUT INTO PRACTICE THE CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES THROUGH A SERIES OF ACTIONS THAT INCLUDED: THE SUPPRESSION OF THE IRREMOVABILITY PRINCIPLE FOR UNIVERSITY TEACHERS; THE INTRODUCTION OF STUDENT LOANS FOR LOW-INCOME STUDENTS AND THE CANCELLATION OF THE CLEAR DISTINCTION BETWEEN UNIVERSITIES AND POLYTECHNICS. THE POLICIES OF THE LABOUR MAJORITY OF MR BLAIR DID NOT QUITE DIVERGE FROM THE CONSERVATIVES’ POSITION. IN 2003 BLAIR’S CABINET RISKED TO BECOME A MINORITY RIGHT ON THE OCCASION OF AN IMPORTANT UNIVERSITY REFORM PROPOSAL. THIS PROPOSAL WOULD FORESEE THE AUTONOMY FOR THE UNIVERSITIES TO RAISE UP TO 3.000 POUNDS THE ENROLMENT FEES FOR STUDENTS (WHILE FORMERLY THE CEILING WAS 1.125 POUNDS). BLAIR HAD TO FACE INTERNAL OPPOSITION WITHIN HIS OWN PARTY IN RELATION TO A MEASURE THAT, ACCORDING TO THE 150 MPS PROMOTERS OF AN ADVERSE MOTION, HAD NOT BEEN INCLUDED IN THE ELECTORAL PROGRAMME AND WOULD RISK CREATING INCOME-BASED DISCRIMINATION AMONG STUDENTS. AS A MATTER OF FACT THE BILL FOCUSED ON THE INTRODUCTION OF VERY LOW-INTEREST STUDENT LOANS TO BE SETTLED ONLY WHEN THE STUDENT WOULD HAVE FOUND A REMUNERATED OCCUPATION (A SYSTEM ALREADY PROVIDED FOR BY THE AUSTRALIAN LEGISLATION). NEW ZEALAND CONTRARILY TO MANY OTHER COUNTRIES, NEW ZEALAND HAS ADOPTED A VERY WIDE VISION OF THE TERTIARY EDUCATION. IT INCLUDES IN FACT THE FULL EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMME THAT IS INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNIZED AS THE POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION. SHOULD WE SPOTLIGHT A PECULIARITY OF THE NEW ZEALAND TERTIARY EDUCATION POLICY THEN IT WOULD BE ‘CHANGE’. LOOKING AT THE REFORM HISTORY RELATED TO THE TERTIARY EDUCATION SYSTEM, WE CAN CLEARLY IDENTIFY FOUR ‘SUB-PERIODS’ FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: 1. BEFORE THE 80S’: AN ELITARIAN SYSTEM CHARACTERIZED BY LOW PARTICIPATION RATES. 2. BETWEEN MID AND LATE 80S’: A TREND TOWARDS THE ENLARGEMENT OF PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATED TO A GREATER COMPETITION. 3. 1990-1999: A FUTHER STEP TOWARDS A COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM. 4. FROM 2000 TO TODAY: A CONTINUOUS EVOLUTION TOWARDS A MORE COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM TOGETHER WITH A GROWING ATTENTION TO STATE CONTROL FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION. AT PRESENT THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW ZEALAND OPERATES TO STRENGHTHEN THIS PROCESS, PRIMARILY IN RELATION TO THE ROLE OF TERTIARY EDUCATION AS A STEADY FACTOR OF NATIONAL WALFARE, WHERE PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT CONTRIBUTES ACTIVELY TO THE GROWTH OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM5. THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND ARE THE FOCUS OF AN IN-DEPTH INVESTIGATION THAT STARTS FROM AN ANALYSIS OF THE POLICIES OF EACH NATION AND DEVELOP INTO A COMPARATIVE STUDY. AT THIS POINT I ATTEMPT TO DRAW SOME PRELIMINARY IMPRESSIONS ON THE FACTS ESSENTIALLY DECRIBED ABOVE. THE UNIVERSITY POLICIES IN ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND HAVE BOTH UNDERGONE A SIGNIFICANT REFORMATORY PROCESS SINCE THE EARLY EIGHTIES; IN BOTH CONTEXTS THE IMPORTANCE OF IDEAS THAT CONSTITUTED THE BASE OF POLITICS UNTIL 1980 WAS QUITE RELEVANT. GENERALLY SPEAKING, IN BOTH CASES THE PRE-REFORM POLICIES WERE INSPIRED BY EGALITARIANISM AND EXPANSION OF THE STUDENT POPULATION WHILE THOSE BROUGHT IN BY THE REFORM WOULD PURSUE EFFICIENCY, QUALITY AND COMPETITIVENESS. UNDOUBTEDLY, IN LINE WITH THIS GENERAL TENDENCY THAT REFLECTS THE HYPOTHESIS PROPOSED, THE TWO UNIVERSITY SYSTEMS PRESENT SEVERAL DIFFERENCES. THE UNIVERSITY SYSTEM IN NEW ZEALAND PROCEEDED STEADILY TOWARDS THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A MANAGERIAL CONCEPTION OF TERTIARY EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY FROM 1996 ONWARDS, IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REFORMATORY PROCESS OF THE WHOLE PUBLIC SECTOR. IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, AS IN THE REST OF EUROPE, THE NEW APPROACH TO UNIVERSITY POLICY-MAKING HAD TO CONFRONT A DEEP-ROOTED TRADITION OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION AND THE IDEA OF EDUCATION EXPANSION THAT IN FACT DOMINATED UNTIL THE EIGHTIES. FROM THIS VIEW POINT THE GOVERNING ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER GAVE RISE TO A RADICAL CHANGE THAT REVOLUTIONIZED THE OBJECTIVES AND KEY VALUES OF THE WHOLE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, IN PARTICULAR IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION SECTOR. IDEAS AS EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE AND CONTROL OF THE PERFORMANCE BECAME DECISIVE. THE LABOUR CABINETS OF BLAIR DEVELOPED IN THE WAKE OF CONSERVATIVE REFORMS. THIS APPEARS TO BE A FOCAL POINT OF THIS STUDY THAT OBSERVES HOW ALSO IN NEW ZEALAND THE REFORMING PROCESS OCCURRED TRANSVERSELY DURING PROGRESSIVE AND CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATIONS. THE PRELIMINARY IMPRESSION IS THEREFORE THAT IDEAS DEEPLY MARK THE REFORMATIVE PROCESSES: THE AIM OF MY RESEARCH IS TO VERIFY TO WHICH EXTENT THIS STATEMENT IS TRUE. IN ORDER TO BUILD A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYLIS, FURTHER SIGNIFICANT FACTORS WILL HAVE TO BE INVESTIGATED: THE WAY IDEAS ARE PERCEIVED AND IMPLEMENTED BY THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL ELITES; HOW THE VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS INFLUENCE THE REFORMATIVE PROCESS; HOW THE INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES CONDITION THE POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES; WHETHER INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS PLAY A ROLE AND, IF YES, TO WHICH EXTENT.

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47

De, Rosa Damiano <1978&gt. "Il ruolo delle idee e del loro cambiamento nei processi di policy making universitario nel mondo anglosassone dagli anni ottanta ad oggi. I casi di Inghilterra e Nuova Zelanda in prospettiva comparata". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2158/.

Testo completo

Abstract (sommario):

THE TITLE OF MY THESIS IS THE ROLE OF THE IDEAS AND THEIR CHANGE IN HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE UNDER A THEORETICAL POINT OF VIEW, THE AIM OF MY WORK IS TO CARRY OUT A RESEARCH MODELLED ON THE CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORY. IT FOCUSES ON THE ANALYSIS OF THE IMPACT OF IDEAS ON THE PROCESSES OF POLICY MAKING BY MEANS OF EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES, THINK TANKS AND VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS THAT MAY HAVE PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE DIFFERENT PATHS. FROM MY POINT OF VIEW IDEAS CONSTITUTE A PRIORITY RESEARCH FIELD WHICH IS WORTH ANALYSING SINCE THEIR ROLE IN POLICY MAKING PROCESSES HAS BEEN TRADITIONALLY RATHER UNEXPLORED. IN THIS CONTEXT AND WITH THE AIM OF DEVELOPING A RESEARCH STRAND BASED ON THE ROLE OF IDEAS, I INTEND TO CARRY ON MY STUDY UNDER THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHANGE. DEPENDING ON THE DATA AND INFORMATION THAT I COLLECTED I EVALUATED THE WEIGHT OF EACH OF THESE VARIABLES AND MAYBE OTHERS SUCH AS THE INSTITUTIONS AND THE INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS, WHICH MAY HAVE INFLUENCED THE FORMATION OF THE POLICY MAKING PROCESSES. UNDER THIS LIGHT, I PLANNED TO ADOPT THE QUALITATIVE METHODOLOGY OF RESEARCH WHICH I BELIEVE TO BE VERY EFFECTIVE AGAINST THE MORE DIFFICULT AND POSSIBLY REDUCTIVE APPLICATION OF QUANTITIVE DATA SETS. I RECKON THEREFORE THAT THE MOST APPROPRIATE TOOLS FOR INFORMATION PROCESSING INCLUDE CONTENT ANALYSIS, AND IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS TO PERSONALITIES OF THE POLITICAL PANORAMA (ÉLITE OR NOT) WHO HAVE PARTICIPATED IN THE PROCESS OF HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY. THE TWO CASES TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION SURELY SET AN EXAMPLE OF RADICAL REFORM PROCESSES WHICH HAVE OCCURRED IN QUITE DIFFERENT CONTEXTS DETERMINED BY THE SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS AND THE TRAITS OF THE ÉLITE. IN NEW ZEALAND THE DESCRIBED PROCESS HAS TAKEN PLACE WITH A STEADY PACE AND A GOOD GRADE OF CONSEQUANTIALITY, IN LINE WTH THE REFORMS IN OTHER STATE DIVISIONS DRIVEN BY THE IDEAS OF THE NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. CONTRARILY IN ENGLAND THE REFORMATIVE ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER HAS ACQUIRED A VERY RADICAL CONNOTATION AS IT HAS BROUGHT INTO THE AMBIT OF HIGHER EDUCATION POLICY CONCEPTS LIKE EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE, RATIONALIZATION THAT WOULD CONTRAST WITH THE GENERALISTIC AND MASS-ORIENTED IDEAS THAT WERE FASHIONABLE DURING THE SEVENTIES. THE MISSION I INTEND TO ACCOMPLISH THORUGHOUT MY RESEARCH IS TO INVESTIGATE AND ANALYSE INTO MORE DEPTH THE DIFFERENCES THAT SEEM TO EMERGE FROM TWO CONTEXTS WHICH MOST OF THE LITERATURE REGARDS AS A SINGLE MODEL: THE ANGLO-SAXON MODEL. UNDER THIS LIGHT, THE DENSE ANALYSIS OF POLICY PROCESSES ALLOWED TO BRING OUT BOTH THE CONTROVERSIAL AND CONTRASTING ASPECTS OF THE TWO REALITIES COMPARED, AND THE ROLE AND WEIGHT OF VARIABLES SUCH AS IDEAS (MAIN VARIABLE), INSTITUTIONAL SETTINGS AND INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS ACTING IN EACH CONTEXT. THE CASES I MEAN TO ATTEND PRESENT PECULIAR ASPECTS WORTH DEVELOPING AN IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS, AN OUTLINE OF WHICH WILL BE PROVIDED IN THIS ABSTRACT. ENGLAND THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT, SINCE 1981, INTRODUCED RADICAL CHANGES IN THE SECTOR OF HIGHER EDUCATION: FIRST CUTTING DOWN ON STATE FUNDINGS AND THEN WITH THE CREATION OF AN INSTITUTION FOR THE PLANNING AND LEADERSHIP OF THE POLYTECHNICS (NON-UNIVERSITY SECTOR). AFTERWARDS THE SCHOOL REFORM BY MARGARET THATCHER IN 1988 RAISED TO A GREAT STIR ALL OVER EUROPE DUE TO BOTH ITS CONSIDERABLE INNOVATIVE IMPRINT AND THE STRONG ATTACK AGAINST THE PEDAGOGY OF THE ‘ACTIVE’ SCHOOLING AND PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION, UNTIL THEN RECOGNIZED AS A MERIT OF THE BRITISH PUBLIC SCHOOL. IN THE AMBIT OF UNIVERSITY EDUCATION THIS REFORM, TOGETHER WITH SIMILAR MEASURES BROUGHT IN DURING 1992, PUT INTO PRACTICE THE CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES THROUGH A SERIES OF ACTIONS THAT INCLUDED: THE SUPPRESSION OF THE IRREMOVABILITY PRINCIPLE FOR UNIVERSITY TEACHERS; THE INTRODUCTION OF STUDENT LOANS FOR LOW-INCOME STUDENTS AND THE CANCELLATION OF THE CLEAR DISTINCTION BETWEEN UNIVERSITIES AND POLYTECHNICS. THE POLICIES OF THE LABOUR MAJORITY OF MR BLAIR DID NOT QUITE DIVERGE FROM THE CONSERVATIVES’ POSITION. IN 2003 BLAIR’S CABINET RISKED TO BECOME A MINORITY RIGHT ON THE OCCASION OF AN IMPORTANT UNIVERSITY REFORM PROPOSAL. THIS PROPOSAL WOULD FORESEE THE AUTONOMY FOR THE UNIVERSITIES TO RAISE UP TO 3.000 POUNDS THE ENROLMENT FEES FOR STUDENTS (WHILE FORMERLY THE CEILING WAS 1.125 POUNDS). BLAIR HAD TO FACE INTERNAL OPPOSITION WITHIN HIS OWN PARTY IN RELATION TO A MEASURE THAT, ACCORDING TO THE 150 MPS PROMOTERS OF AN ADVERSE MOTION, HAD NOT BEEN INCLUDED IN THE ELECTORAL PROGRAMME AND WOULD RISK CREATING INCOME-BASED DISCRIMINATION AMONG STUDENTS. AS A MATTER OF FACT THE BILL FOCUSED ON THE INTRODUCTION OF VERY LOW-INTEREST STUDENT LOANS TO BE SETTLED ONLY WHEN THE STUDENT WOULD HAVE FOUND A REMUNERATED OCCUPATION (A SYSTEM ALREADY PROVIDED FOR BY THE AUSTRALIAN LEGISLATION). NEW ZEALAND CONTRARILY TO MANY OTHER COUNTRIES, NEW ZEALAND HAS ADOPTED A VERY WIDE VISION OF THE TERTIARY EDUCATION. IT INCLUDES IN FACT THE FULL EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMME THAT IS INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNIZED AS THE POST-SECONDARY EDUCATION. SHOULD WE SPOTLIGHT A PECULIARITY OF THE NEW ZEALAND TERTIARY EDUCATION POLICY THEN IT WOULD BE ‘CHANGE’. LOOKING AT THE REFORM HISTORY RELATED TO THE TERTIARY EDUCATION SYSTEM, WE CAN CLEARLY IDENTIFY FOUR ‘SUB-PERIODS’ FROM THE EIGHTIES TO PRESENT-DAY: 1. BEFORE THE 80S’: AN ELITARIAN SYSTEM CHARACTERIZED BY LOW PARTICIPATION RATES. 2. BETWEEN MID AND LATE 80S’: A TREND TOWARDS THE ENLARGEMENT OF PARTICIPATION ASSOCIATED TO A GREATER COMPETITION. 3. 1990-1999: A FUTHER STEP TOWARDS A COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM. 4. FROM 2000 TO TODAY: A CONTINUOUS EVOLUTION TOWARDS A MORE COMPETITIVE MODEL BASED ON THE MARKET-ORIENTED SYSTEM TOGETHER WITH A GROWING ATTENTION TO STATE CONTROL FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION. AT PRESENT THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW ZEALAND OPERATES TO STRENGHTHEN THIS PROCESS, PRIMARILY IN RELATION TO THE ROLE OF TERTIARY EDUCATION AS A STEADY FACTOR OF NATIONAL WALFARE, WHERE PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT CONTRIBUTES ACTIVELY TO THE GROWTH OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMIC SYSTEM5. THE CASES OF ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND ARE THE FOCUS OF AN IN-DEPTH INVESTIGATION THAT STARTS FROM AN ANALYSIS OF THE POLICIES OF EACH NATION AND DEVELOP INTO A COMPARATIVE STUDY. AT THIS POINT I ATTEMPT TO DRAW SOME PRELIMINARY IMPRESSIONS ON THE FACTS ESSENTIALLY DECRIBED ABOVE. THE UNIVERSITY POLICIES IN ENGLAND AND NEW ZEALAND HAVE BOTH UNDERGONE A SIGNIFICANT REFORMATORY PROCESS SINCE THE EARLY EIGHTIES; IN BOTH CONTEXTS THE IMPORTANCE OF IDEAS THAT CONSTITUTED THE BASE OF POLITICS UNTIL 1980 WAS QUITE RELEVANT. GENERALLY SPEAKING, IN BOTH CASES THE PRE-REFORM POLICIES WERE INSPIRED BY EGALITARIANISM AND EXPANSION OF THE STUDENT POPULATION WHILE THOSE BROUGHT IN BY THE REFORM WOULD PURSUE EFFICIENCY, QUALITY AND COMPETITIVENESS. UNDOUBTEDLY, IN LINE WITH THIS GENERAL TENDENCY THAT REFLECTS THE HYPOTHESIS PROPOSED, THE TWO UNIVERSITY SYSTEMS PRESENT SEVERAL DIFFERENCES. THE UNIVERSITY SYSTEM IN NEW ZEALAND PROCEEDED STEADILY TOWARDS THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A MANAGERIAL CONCEPTION OF TERTIARY EDUCATION, ESPECIALLY FROM 1996 ONWARDS, IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REFORMATORY PROCESS OF THE WHOLE PUBLIC SECTOR. IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, AS IN THE REST OF EUROPE, THE NEW APPROACH TO UNIVERSITY POLICY-MAKING HAD TO CONFRONT A DEEP-ROOTED TRADITION OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION AND THE IDEA OF EDUCATION EXPANSION THAT IN FACT DOMINATED UNTIL THE EIGHTIES. FROM THIS VIEW POINT THE GOVERNING ACTION OF MARGARET THATCHER GAVE RISE TO A RADICAL CHANGE THAT REVOLUTIONIZED THE OBJECTIVES AND KEY VALUES OF THE WHOLE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, IN PARTICULAR IN THE HIGHER EDUCATION SECTOR. IDEAS AS EFFICIENCY, EXCELLENCE AND CONTROL OF THE PERFORMANCE BECAME DECISIVE. THE LABOUR CABINETS OF BLAIR DEVELOPED IN THE WAKE OF CONSERVATIVE REFORMS. THIS APPEARS TO BE A FOCAL POINT OF THIS STUDY THAT OBSERVES HOW ALSO IN NEW ZEALAND THE REFORMING PROCESS OCCURRED TRANSVERSELY DURING PROGRESSIVE AND CONSERVATIVE ADMINISTRATIONS. THE PRELIMINARY IMPRESSION IS THEREFORE THAT IDEAS DEEPLY MARK THE REFORMATIVE PROCESSES: THE AIM OF MY RESEARCH IS TO VERIFY TO WHICH EXTENT THIS STATEMENT IS TRUE. IN ORDER TO BUILD A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYLIS, FURTHER SIGNIFICANT FACTORS WILL HAVE TO BE INVESTIGATED: THE WAY IDEAS ARE PERCEIVED AND IMPLEMENTED BY THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL ELITES; HOW THE VARIOUS SOCIOECONOMIC CONTEXTS INFLUENCE THE REFORMATIVE PROCESS; HOW THE INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES CONDITION THE POLICY-MAKING PROCESSES; WHETHER INDIVIDUAL INTERESTS PLAY A ROLE AND, IF YES, TO WHICH EXTENT.

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48

Marceta, Irena <1978&gt. "Building democracy with external help: Macedonia and Serbia". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2159/1/Marceta_Irena_tesi.pdf.

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49

Marceta, Irena <1978&gt. "Building democracy with external help: Macedonia and Serbia". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2159/.

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50

Salsini, Sara <1979&gt. "Elettori e partiti nell'Europa contemporanea: Est ed Ovest a confronto". Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2160/1/salsini_sara_tesi.pdf.

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Abstract (sommario):

The research is focused on the origin and the structure of the European party systems in long-standing democracies and in post-communist countries. Considering the differences between the western frozen party systems and the eastern unfrozen party systems, we propose a framework of analysis based on the theoretical and conceptual linkage between genetic approach and spatial theories of competition, identified in the normative component of a cleavage. At first, we propose some operational criteria to distinguish the dimensions of competition from the dimensions of identification through the use of the manifesto project surveys. Then, through the data of an expert survey and of some recent electoral mass surveys, we empirically test a set of propositions concerning, on the one hand, the congruence between party policy positions and party-voters policy positions and, on the other hand, the level of correlation between parties positions on different issue dimensions and their placement on the left-right axis.

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Tesi sul tema "SCIENZA POLITICA"

Cita una fonte nei formati APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard e in molti altri stili