Articoli di riviste sul tema "Thatched buildings"

Earth folk houses refer to a type of traditional dwelling with their main structure built with raw earth through simple treatment without being baked in a kiln. The article discusses two types of folk houses found along Shandong Canal, including thatched earth cottages and shallow-vaulted earth cottages. It studies the layout, architectural features, building methods and materials of these buildings and explains their historical, cultural, and ecological significance.

Purpose This paper aims to present the studies which were carried out to determine building typology in Northern Pakistan, which is a seismically active region. Design/methodology/approach A total of 41 towns and cities were surveyed to collect the data of building types. Help was also taken from global positioning system and satellite imagery. Findings In total, 14 different types of buildings were identified in the region based on the structural system and combination of wall and roof materials; each of them was assigned an appropriate designation. The walls in these buildings were made of block, stone or brick, whereas the roof consisted of corrugated galvanised iron sheet, thatched roof, precast concrete planks or reinforced concrete (RC). Only 6 per cent buildings were found to be engineered RC buildings; this indicates a significance proportion of non-engineered building stock in Northern Pakistan. Research limitations/implications The surveys were conducted in some of the selected areas. Other areas are beyond the scope of this work. Practical implications The presence of a huge deficient building stock in Pakistan indicates a major seismic risk. The seismic losses are largely dependent on the earthquake resistance of existing buildings and building stock. An inventory of existing buildings and their types can help in assessing seismic vulnerability of the built environment, which may lead to the development of policies for seismic risk reduction. Originality/value Presently, housing encyclopaedia does not exist in Pakistan. As a result, housing typology in the country is not known. The presented study addresses this gap in part. Housing typology surveys were conducted to study the typical construction practices in the selected areas and to determine the proportions of different building types in the overall building stock.

In order to reduce the heat and mass transfers in buildings, which increase energy bills, the development of composites materials such as earth bricks stabilized with thatch fibers is important for their construction. This paper aims to study a one-dimensional model of heat and moisture transfer through porous building materials. The coupled phenomena of heat and mass transfer are described by the Luikov model. Equations and boundary conditions are discretized using the finite difference method. The results obtained illustrate the temporal evolutions of the temperature and the moisture content, as well as the distributions of the temperature and moisture content inside the wall. The profile of the temperature and water content that are obtained are compared with the other numerical solutions that are available in the literature.

AbstractTitian's drawing called Pastoral Scene or Landscape with a Sleeping Nude and Animals is no ordinary landscape, its unordinariness underscored by an unusual combination of elements, which I maintain reveals a new and unique version of Lot and His Daughters. I contend that the large, naked woman in the right foreground is one of Lot's daughters; the two small figures resting or sleeping beneath the trees are Lot and his other daughter; the thatched houses in the middle left represent the little town of Segor where Lot first fled; the sheep represent livestock that Lot brought out of Sodom, as do the boar and goat; the boar and goat, however, also serve as symbols of lust and lechery; and the distant city with burning buildings in the city's right quarter is Sodom. Titian's inventiveness created an iconographic variation of an ancient theme.

One of the legacies of the great landed estates in England is the large number of distinctive estate cottages which are scattered throughout the countryside. These are, of course, more in evidence in some counties than others, particularly in those where a considerable proportion of land was owned by the elite. Estate cottages survive in some numbers from the eighteenth century, but the greatest number was built in the nineteenth. Research on estate buildings has tended to highlight the model village, built largely during the first half of the nineteenth century and created for aesthetic reasons. A well-known example is Somerleyton in Suffolk, designed in the 1840s for the then owner of Somerleyton Hall. Here, the cottages, built in a variety of styles – some with mock timber-framing, others with thatched roofs – surround the village green. Ilam in Staffordshire is another example, where cottages which were designed by G.G. Scott in 1854 display a range of styles and materials, many alien to the local area. A third example is Edensor on the Duke of Devonshire's Derbyshire estate, where the stone buildings exhibit distinctive Italianate features. The list could be extended, but these examples were clearly designed to impress, to provide aesthetic pleasure for the owners and, in the case of Ilam, to create a picturesque image of idyllic contentment among the labouring population as much as to provide good, spacious, sanitary accommodation for employees. In each of these examples, the cottages are generally of individual design and thus expensive to build.

The impact that classical gardens have on the well-being and quality of life of visitors, especially city dwellers, is an important topic. Scholars have previously focused on landscape aspects, such as water bodies, plants, rocks, chairs, pavilions, and public squares, in various green spaces but have overlooked the road settings that visitors walk on. This study used the Du Fu Thatched Cottage Museum as the subject region and employed a convenience sampling method (n = 730) to analyze the preference and mental restoration of different road settings of Chinese classical gardens. According to the findings, the majority of visitors felt that the road settings in these classical gardens provided psychological recovery, and half of the roads received a preference score of five or above. The regression results indicated that nature, culture, space, refuge, and serene were found to be important predictive dimensions for both mental restoration and preference. Furthermore, this study divides landscape elements in road settings into two major categories (natural and artificial elements) and eight subcategories (trees, shrubs, lawns, roads, fences, walls, decorations, and buildings) to investigate the relationship between various types of specific road setting elements and visitors’ perceived preferences as well as restorability. The correlation results showed that in terms of preference, tree > lawn > path > fence > shrub > wall; in terms of restoration, tree > lawn > shrub > fence > path > decoration > building > wall. Overall, the findings of this research can improve visitor preferences and restoration in a given environmental setting, resulting in a more enjoyable experience.

Purpose – The control of the environmental impacts of buildings and constructions has certainly progressed in recent years in Europe, but very little in Algeria. The purpose of this paper is to identify and to introduce old environmental systems in the Algerian traditional house which could inspire designers to come up with new constructions with enhanced comfort. Design/methodology/approach – In this work, the authors used the “HQE” French certification grid to gauge the environmental implication of the vernacular architecture. Findings – Environmental systems in the traditional house respect the environment but have to be adapted to the current perception of comfort in order to be applied to the new architecture. Research limitations/implications – The main advantage is that the old environmental systems found in the Algerian traditional houses do not require any machinery to enhance the comfort. Thus they do not need any energy to be useful. Practical implications – As the Canadian Well inspired and influenced the architecture produced around the world to improve the comfort inside the houses, or as the thatched roof which inspired the vegetative roof used today to improve and regulate the energy consumption, the authors hope that some old systems used in the vernacular architecture will inspire architects or regular people who would like to enhance their comfort and life quality. Originality/value – Passive solutions used to improve comfort, with reduced energy consumption in houses, are increasingly sought all around the world. This work can play a part in introducing some environmental solutions used in the vernacular architecture which are nowadays left aside.

Abstract: The use of Palm-Fiber roof on sacred buildings in Balinese Temples still preserved well, however case of fire disasters becoming a threat in temple existence nowadays. Fire disasters could start with some sparks on roof section. Palm fiber and thatched roof are building materials that very vulnerable to fire disasters and when fire disaster happens because of this materials,it could easily spread out the fire on other building next to it. This article was an article created by purposed to give an idea or innovation in fire disasters mitigation especially in temples or “palinggih” with palm-fiber roof. Content explanation using concept design model and system scenarios related to extinguished fire with conventional fire extinguisher tool. Automatic fire extinguisher concept design which installed on roof section of building or “palinggih” with palm fiber roof only had two alternative models. First model for building with roof sized not more than 3x3m, and second model for roof sized more than 3x3m. The Consideration is head sprinkler that only could served on 3 m maximum radius. This article still a concept design and still need some testing on the field on next research. Keywords: mitigations, fire disasters, palm-fiber roof Abstrak: Penggunaan atap ijuk pada bangunan-bangunan suci di pura-pura di Bali masih tetap terjaga dengan baik. Namun, beberapa permasalahan yang terjadi belakangan ini adalah banyaknya kebakaran yang terjadi di pura-pura dan diawali dari percikan api pada bagian atap. Atap ijuk dan atap alang-alang adalah material yang sangat mudah terbakar dan mudah menjalar ke bangunan lain. Hal itu juga terjadi disaat terjadi kebakaran di atap ijuk bangunan pura yang memiliki lebih dari satu bangunan beratap ijuk dengan posisi yang berdekatan. Tulisan ini merupakan sebuah tulisan yang bertujuan untuk memberikan gagasan dan inovasi dalam mitigasi bencana kebakaran khususya di pura atau palinggih dengan atap ijuk. Penjelasan materi dengan menggunakan model desain konsep dan skenario sistem-sistem pemadam kebakaran dengan perlengkapan yang digunakan pada sistem pemadam pada umumnya. Konsep desain pemadam kebakaran otomatis yang dipasang pada bagian atap dari bangunan atau palinggih dengan atap ijuk untuk saat ini hanya mempunyai dua alternatif model. Model pertama diperuntukkan untuk bangunan dengan atap berukuran tidak lebih dari 3x3m, dan model kedua untuk atap yang berukuran lebih dari 3x3 m. Pertimbangannya adalah head sprinkler yang hanya mampu melayani radius maksimum 3 m.Tulisan ini masih berupa desain konsep dan masih perlu uji coba di tahap berikutnya.Kata Kunci: mitigasi, kebakaran, atap ijuk

The Xishu Historical and Cultural Celebrity Memorial Gardens are representatives of southwestern regional gardens in China. Du Fu Thatched Cottage is one of the typical examples of these gardens, with exceptional memorial, historical, and cultural significance. However, compared to other gardens in China, few research has been conducted on their digital preservation and construction connotation. In this study, the digital model of Du Fu Thatched Cottage was obtained by terrestrial laser scanning and total station technology, and its memorial analysis and preservation were studied digitally. Using three levels of point, line, and surface analysis, we examined how to digitally deconstruct the commemorative elements of Du Fu Thatched Cottage that included the memorial theme, gardening components, and design philosophy of the garden space. The study revealed the memorial space core of the Historical and Cultural Celebrity Memorial Gardens in Xishu and proposed a strategy for building a digital preservation system. The research will help to digitally protect the Du Fu Thatched Cottage and analyze methods to memorialize other traditional gardens.

There are over 350 different species of sedum (Sedum spp.) and most of them can tolerate harsh conditions including very cold to hot temperatures, drought, and poor and stony soil. Sedum plants are used in rock gardens and edging flower beds, and for greening the tops of buildings, cottages, and thatched roofs. However, little is known about the effectiveness of sedum as vegetation cover in protecting soil erosion from a road embankment made of acid soil. Acid soil is believed to be vulnerable to soil erosion and is not suitable for plant growth. Liming treatment is required first before revegetation to alleviate the soil acidity; however, lime incorporation may affect the soil physical properties and, consequently, runoff and sediment generation. A rainfall simulation study was conducted to test the effectiveness of hydrated lime and artificial zeolite as amendments and Sedum sediforme (Rupestria group) as vegetation cover in controlling soil erosion from an acid soil taken from mountain cuts in Yamaguchi prefecture, Japan, where it is used for road embankment. The soil was treated with 0.5% lime and 10% zeolite. Two rainfall intensities of 30 and 60 mm/h were tested for 2 and 1 h, respectively, on sedum-growing soil plots measuring 0.50 by 0.30 by 0.05 m. Three levels of vegetation cover (bare soil, 25%, 75%) of sedum plant of 5-month growth under 2-day irrigation intervals were tested. The incorporation of hydrated lime and artificial zeolite amendments improved wet aggregate stability, which contributed to significant decrease in surface runoff, sediment concentration, and total soil loss by rain splash from the bare soil. Zeolite was more effective in promoting plant growth than the lime treatment; as a result the decrease in sediment generation and soil loss by rain splash, compared with the control, was larger with zeolite than with lime. Under both intensities of simulated rain, the sediment concentration and total soil loss by rain splash decreased significantly (P < 0.05) with increasing surface cover. The correlation between cumulative soil loss (CSL) and cumulative surface runoff was linear and significant (P < 0.001) and the slope coefficient decreased with increasing surface cover. This suggests that the sediment carrying capacity or the erosivity of the surface runoff was constant and it decreased with increasing surface cover. The sedum cover reduced the CSL up to 72 and 79% under 30 and 60 mm/h rainfall intensities, respectively. The mean weight diameter of the soil sediment transported by runoff and soil loss by rain splash were significantly increased, and therefore, the silt and clay proportion of the crust material formed on the soil surface decreased up to 6 and 16% under 25 and 75% vegetation cover, respectively. These results demonstrate that hydrated lime and artificial zeolite could be used as amendments and sedum plant as vegetation covers in controlling soil erosion from an acid soil.

Buildings are cultural expressions of people’s identity as well as their material culture. In recent decades, Igbo traditional architecture has also seen changes in building typology and morphology. It has made a number of architectural claims based on how people perceive modern or traditional or modern contemporary buildings. One of Nigeria’s three main cultural groups, Igbo society can be found in the southeast, south-south, and some areas of the west of the country. Most traditional Igbo buildings from the turn of the century were designed and built with three basic architectural qualities: durability, utility, and beauty (public admiration). These Igbo-speaking states, Anambra, Abia, Imo, Ebonyi, and Enugu are the primary Igbo states in Nigeria. Building finishes in Igbo traditional architecture, despite their aesthetic and cultural value, are beginning to disappear due to the influence of the western style of architecture. This is leading to the loss in the cultural values and the beauty of the original Igbo community architecture. This work intends to compare the building finishings used by the Igbo people in precolonial, colonial and post-colonial eras. The disciplinary area of focus is building finishings in Igbo-speaking areas of Nigeria. The author will be careful with the analytical instruments and tools used. Survey method, Qualitative method and Content analysis will be deployed. Traditional Igbo building finishes observed includes mud (called aja uno or aja oto), bamboo stick (called achara or otosi), timber (called osisi), palm midrib (known as ofolo), timber (known as osisi), thatch (known as akanya, ata, aju, akilika, ejo etc), dye (uli, urie) used for colouring and rope/ strings (elili, udo, ekwele) were being used as fasteners for the joints in place of nails.

Early on in the first Thatcher term, one of her young Turk backbenchers announced that his mission in life was to eliminate all small touring theatre companies with the word ‘red’ in their title. In doing so, he acknowledged that in the 'seventies oppositional theatre had ceased to be constrained within theatre buildings (in the mid-'sixties, he'd have wanted to abolish all companies called ‘English’ working in theatres called ‘Court’).

Abstract The main objective of this paper is to know and analyze the bioclimatic strategies that would be present in colonial residential architecture in Lima. The knowledge and use of systems to achieve certain climate conditions in ancient buildings made of sun-dried bricks and thatch, both in open and closed spaces. We consider that through trial-and-error approaches, techniques would have been developed to obtain indoor comfort considering local climate conditions, available materials and other cultural conditions. Temperature, humidity and air speed measurements were taken three times a day during four days in some places of the building. Givoni’s building bioclimatic chart is used to analyze the performance of the places measured. On the one hand, different climate conditions were recorded in each patio and would be the result of its physical characteristics. In addition, differences between the performance of social spaces and private rooms were observed due to different ventilation strategies.

Abstract Reed (Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin. ex Steud.) is a traditional building material in many parts of the world and provides service lives of more than 50 years when used for thatching. However, during the last decades a significant number of thatched roofs showed premature failure due to decay. Potential reasons for this are manifold but not clearly identified, yet. This monitoring project aimed therefore on investigating the moisture and temperature conditions within a thatched roof structure showing severe degradation after only seven years in service to obtain more information about the decay risk of reed and its potential causes. Highest moisture loads were found on the outermost layers of the North-faced roof, which also showed superficial growth of algae, lichens, and mosses. However, it stayed unclear if increased moisture content (MC) was the reason for or the consequence of decay. An increased MC was also found where the roof pitch turned from steep to flat. The use of so-called substitute sensors made from preservative treated wood turned out as a useful method to determine equilibrium moisture contents as well as time of wetness in reed structures and might be applied also for further field testing and monitoring with reed, straw, or other organic fibrous materials.

Medieval Church Barns in DenmarkThe subject of this article is medieval church barns within the area of present-day Denmark. A church barn (or tithe barn) is a building erected near a parish church and used for storing the crops that local peasants paid as tithes or taxes to the church. Constructed as functional buildings for the church, these barns have both a clerical and a secular context. In 1912 M. Mackeprang gave an account of relevant written sources and made a provisional list of barns preserved at that time. In this work the list has been revised to describe the present day situation and it is established that there are 31 church barns preserved today. There are a few additional buildings of which the original function is uncertain that could be added to this list (fig. 1). Since Mackeprang’s article no total account of Danish church barns has been compiled, and relevant information therefore had to be sought from various sources. The most important written sources for medieval and post-medieval times are the letters from the Chancellery (Kancelliets brevbøger) and church laws from the early Protestant period. Although these documents are not medieval, in this article they are used to give a probable picture of the condition of the medieval church barns. Another important source is the notebook that the Funen bishop Jacob Madsen made during his visitation of every parish in his diocese in the late 16th century. The bishop often mentions the condition of church barns and sometime adds some more information. His work is very reliable and gives an idea of the status of the Funen church barns approximately 50 years after the Reformation.All of the preserved barns are situated in the churchyard of the church to which they belong. Some are built at the periphery of the churchyard so that one of the walls forms part of the churchyard wall. Some church barns are free-standing within the churchyard (fig. 2), while a few are built as an extension of the actual church. This is the case of the preserved church barn in Voldum (fig. 3) and also of the now lost barn in Brønshøj. Jacob Madsen’s notes tell us that if the church was situated far from the village the church barn could be placed centrally in the village instead. All of the preserved church barns are made of stone. On Zealand they are mainly built of bricks but on the southern part of the island local limestone is also used to a great extent. (fig. 11). On Funen barns are built with both bricks and granite boulders (fig. 4). The few preserved barns in Jutland have plinths of granite boulders while the walls are built of brick. The fact that church barns are brick-built is surprising because secular barns in medieval Denmark were always wooden constructions. Perhaps many of the lost church barns were timbered or half-timbered buildings. This was certainly the case of some of the Funen barns which Jacob Madsen described. This can also be deduced from a document from the year 1573 in which a special licence was given to tear down all church barns in the Århus diocese that were not brick-built. This suggests that the remaining brick-built church barns may not be representative of the majority of the medieval barns.Judging from the remaining barns and reliable measurements from ruined barns the dimensions of these buildings are typically 14-16 m x 7-9 m. The biggest barn is that in Tranebjerg on the island of Samsø (21.5 m x 9 m) while the barn in Mogenstrup, no longer in existence, was only 8.5 m by 4.23 m. Thus the dimensions of the medieval barns seem to have varied greatly. Some of the existing barns have been reduced (Melby, fig. 10) or expanded (Mesinge, fig. 5) in size. It is difficult to determine what was used for roofing the medieval barns. It is unlikely, however, that a barn with a stepped gable would also have a thatched roof, since such a roof would not fit tight against the gable but would have to overlap the top of it. The decorated gables of some of the barns are described in detail because these decorations can be used to date the barns (figs. 10-12). Caution has to be exercised, however, since these gables have often been restored freely, as for example in Strø (figs. 6 & 7). The church barn in Skårup has also been restored, but the reconstructed form of the gables is based on traces in the brickwork (figs. 8 & 9). In general the decorated gables of church barns seem to adopt local types of decoration that are also used in the churches. An example is the lost church barn in Ejby (fig. 20). It is not known whether church barns have existed in Denmark since the tithe regulations were introduced in the 12th century or if they are solely a late medieval phenomenon. Palle Lauring argues that Finderup Barn, in which King Erik Klipping was killed in 1289, was the village church barn. If this is true this would be the earliest mention of a Danish church barn. In Hjallese, Funen, remains of foundations have been interpreted as a church barn. This building is dated by two coins from the reign of Christoffer II (1320-1326). If this is correct it would be the oldest archaeologically dated church barn in Denmark. All of the preserved church barns are much later. These buildings date from 1450-1550, to judge from the decorated gables. The barn in Øster Egesborg is the only one to have been dendrochronologically dated. The trees used for its rafters were felled in approximately 1485-90. Even though church barns generally seem to be a medieval phenomenon it is apparent from written sources that church barns were also built in the second half of the 16th century and even as late as the beginning of the 17th century. However, in the attempt to make an account of the distribution of church barns in medieval Denmark it is often impossible to differentiate between barns built before 1536 and those built after. All references to church barns that could be found were therefore included for the purposes of the map (fig. 13). The main source of information about lost church barns on Zealand is Danmarks kirker, a series of descriptions of the Danish churches which now covers all of Zealand. Jacob Madsen is the main source for Funen , while information about church barns in Jutland is much more scarce and diffusely spread. The map of Jutland may not at the moment, therefore, give as true a picture of the medieval situation as the maps of Zealand and Funen. It is often claimed that church barns were a phenomenon concentrated in the eastern parts of Denmark (Zealand, Funen and Eastern Jutland) and generally this work supports this assumption. However, there have been church barns even in the northwest part of Jutland. On the other hand only one church barn is mentioned in the sources for the southern part of Jutland. In a church law from 1537 it is said that in every parish peasants should bring their crops to the church barns, but as the above shows there might not have been a church barn in every parish throughout the country. Possible explanations for the relatively few church barns in Jutland will be given later.Church barns also existed in the boroughs (fig. 15). The function of these buildings was to house the crops that came from the town’s fields, which were cultivated by the citizens. Furthermore the churches in the boroughs could function as parish churches for peasants in nearby villages.In theory tithe should be paid on all agricultural products, but in Denmark the crop tithe was by far the most important. In other European countries the tithe was divided into four portions: the vicar’s tithe, the bishop’s tithe, the tithe to keep the church well-maintained and equipped (the so-called fabrica), and finally one fourth of the tithe was given to the poor. In Denmark the tithe was only divided into three portions – leaving nothing to the poor. Even inside the Danish kingdom the practice of tithe varied greatly. A bishop’s tithe was introduced on Zealand, in Scania and in Slesvig in the late 12th century, but in the rest of Jutland and on Funen the bishop was paid a fixed amount of money (the “bishop’s gift”) that would often be much less than a third of the tithe. The dislike of the bishop’s tithe could among other things stem from the fact that this tithe should in theory be transported to the bishop’s town, which could be very far from the village. When the bishop’s tithe was introduced by law on Zealand is it said in the letter of the law that the tithe should only be brought to a place within the parish – probably to ease the acceptance of this new tax. Only in 1443 was the bishop’s tithe introduced in Jutland and on Funen, and it was much disliked. Which of the three parts of the tithe was stored in the church barns? In King Christian III’s church law from 1536 it is mentioned that the tithe should be brought to the church barn and then divided in three. On the other hand it is reasonable to assume that the vicar’s third of the tithe was brought directly to the vicarage, which was situated within the parish. One source indirectly points at this fact. In 1536 it is said that the peasants should be given two barrels of beer on the day they bring the tithe – and it is then added that this beer should not be consumed at the vicarage, as had often happened before. Maybe this is the reason a late 16th century barn beside the vicarage of Nimtofte in Eastern Jutland is called the church barn. So, did the church barns house the bishop’s tithe, the fabrica or both? As a result of the Reformation in 1536 the church’s property was confiscated by the king. The king now became head of the church and the bishop’s tithe was now called the king’s tithe. Apparently in the first years after the Reformation this change was only in name and therefore the practices concerning the king’s tithe in the early Protestant period probably reflect how the bishop’s tithe was handled in the late medieval period. In 1546 it is said in a letter from the Chancellery that the vicar and the churchwarden were responsible for hiring two men to thresh the tithe and then divide it into two parts: the fabrica and the king’s tithe (fig. 17). In a letter from 1542 it is said that the Scanian peasants were to bring one third of the tithe (the king’s tithe) to the church barn. In the Middle Ages the churchwardens were responsible for the fabrica and probably also for the church barns. The church barn in Vedtofte, Funen, was built by the churchwardens in 1554 using the fabrica. Jacob Madsen suggested in 1589 that the church barn in Turup, Funen, could be used as a house for the vicar, but the churchwarden had the final word, which was no. It is thus plausible that the fabrica was stored in the church barns, but of course this crop might also have been brought to the farm of one of the churchwardens who lived in the parish. It is most likely that the bishop’s tithe was stored in the church barn until it could be picked up by the bishop’s men. Some twenty years after the Reformation new rules were introduced that the peasants were to bring the king’s tithe (formerly the bishop’s tithe) to the respective castles and not just to the churchyard as previously. In 1577 a general law for Zealand was made that the peasants should bring the tithe in sheaves to whoever owned it. It was no longer enough to bring it to the churchyard.The conclusion is that the vicar’s tithe was probably brought to the vicarage, the fabrica could be stored in the church barn or at the churchwarden’s house and the bishop’s tithe was most likely always stored in the church barn.A few of the largest church barns may have been drive-through buildings, meaning that wagons entered through a gate in one end of the building, the sheaves were unloaded inside the building, and the wagon left via a gate at the opposite end of the building. The church barn in Kalundborg (fig. 18) and possibly also that in Tranebjerg had this function. In the smaller barns the sheaves were simply carried into the barn (fig. 16) or passed in through a hole in the wall. The interiors of the barns have been radically changed everywhere but some have been archaeologically examined. The church barn in Flemløse had been divided into three rooms, one of which seems to have had a cellar. The finding of charcoal in Skårup church barn suggests that the building was also used for purposes other than storage. In Skårup there were also remains of a hard clay floor that would have been ideal for threshing. Since we know nothing about church barns until the last century of the Middle Ages it has been claimed that originally the church lofts were used to store the crops. When vaults were introduced in many parish churches in late medieval times, leaving no storage room in the lofts, it became necessary to build church barns. This could explain the few church barns in Jutland since many churches in that part of the country never had vaults built on. From post-medieval times we know that in several churches in Southern and Northern Jutland the lofts were used for storing crops. In Egen church a winch used for this purpose still exists and one can suppose that this also reflects the medieval practice (fig. 19). However, this poses the question of where the threshing would then have taken place, because it seems that the tithe was normally handed over in sheaves and not in the form of grain. Furthermore there does not seem to be a clear connection between vaults and church barns. All of the vault-less churches mentioned by Jacob Madsen also had church barns. Probably the church barns must be considered as part of the massive construction works that were undertaken in connection with the Danish churches in the last 150 years of the Middle Ages. Vaults, towers, porches, etc. were built. This building activity was most intensive in the eastern part of the country, while the western part of Jutland tended to follow at a much slower pace, and in the year 1536 the Reformation put an abrupt end to it all. Another reason for the lack of church barns in many parts of Jutland could be that they were wooden constructions. Most of the church barns we know about are mentioned in the sources when they are torn down and the bricks or boulders sold. Wooden constructions are less valuable in this sense and might be underrepresented in the written sources for this reason.Immediately after the Reformation the use of the church barns probably did not change dramatically. But in the late 16th century more church barns fell out of use. This was encouraged by law in 1643. As more and more churches became private property the landlord owned both church buildings and tithe. For the church owner it was more convenient to have the tithe brought directly to his own barn and as the church barns lost their original function the materials of which they were built could be used for restoring the churches – another matter for which the church owner was responsible. Many church barns were lost on this account in the 1660s. The few church barns that remain today survived because they were used for a new purpose soon after the Reformation. In the boroughs they were often used as schools (fig. 14) and in the country parishes they could be converted into workhouses for poor people (fig. 21). The church barns have not drawn as much attention to themselves as an object of research as have the medieval churches, but they are a unique group of medieval buildings and together with the churches they form a unity that dates back almost 500 years. Mikael Manøe BjerregaardAfdeling for MiddelalderarkæologiAarhus UniversitetMoesgård

AbstractPerishable structures of pole and thatch construction are abundant in both modern and ancient settlements in Mesoamerica. This essay uses archaeological, ethnographic, and historic data from coastal Chiapas, Mexico, to define the features of such elusive buildings and to examine ways of demonstrating sequential occupation. The emphasis throughout is on investigating perishable structures in both their social and environmental settings.

The evolution of the single-storeyed mortared stone cottage in the western highlands of Scotland seems to mirror that of the upper strata of late seventeenth and eighteenth century clan society in the region, and in particular to reflect a little of the disintegration of that society after the two failed Stuart uprisings and its consequent gradual integration with the lowland economy. An analysis of the architectural history of the Ferry House (let to the ferryman as a combined inn and home for his family) at Port Appin provides a foundation for the survey. The earliest part of the building, probably thatched, may well date from the 1740s but already it had lintelled hearths with flues in each gable wall - a lowland urban feature. A major extension with a slate roof was built in about 1770 and the earlier part was probably also slated at this time and subdivided inside to provide rooms for wealthier guests. Thereafter only relatively minor internal improvements were made, in the newer half, until the early 1950s when piped water was introduced and a separate bathroom and kitchen built. The cottages were sold to incomers not long after.A study of other ferries in the area confirms that mortared cottages almost identical to those in Port Appin, and in identical situations, are still to be found at two of these. The one on the south side of the abandoned Rugarve ferry over Loch Creran can also be dated to between about 1750 and 1770 from historical evidence. Also at Rugarve, on the north side, are the remains of a more primitive thatched drystone cottage, probably an early ferry house, which is smaller than the others and lacks hearths with chimneys.

In his earlier article, ‘Poaching in Thatcherland: a Case of Radical Community Theatre’, (NTQ34, May 1993), Baz Kershaw explored the work of the regional touring group EMMA during the 1970s, looking in particular at the quality of ‘performative contradiction’ which enabled it, for example, to make a subversive political statement within the ostensibly safe ambience of a play steeped in rural nostalgia. Here, he explores other paradoxes of that era of burgeoning alternative and community theatre activity in the years before Thatcher, assessing the role and the ‘hidden agenda’ of the funding bodies, and analyzing and contrasting the working methods, aims, and resources of two of their very different clients – the ‘national’ fringe company Joint Stock, and the small-scale ‘reminiscence theatre’ group, Fair Old Times. Although both groups were engaged in the ostensibly radical and oppositional theatre practice which eventually led to their closures, there was, notes Kershaw, an increasing tendency by the funding bodies to judge the work of the latter by the more amply endowed standards of the former. Baz Kershaw, who lectures in Theatre Studies at Lancaster University, wrote for the original Theatre Quarterly on the work of Fair Old Times's ‘parent’ company, Medium Fair (TQ30, 1978), and has put the present studies into a broader context in his most recent book, The Politics of Performance: Radical Theatre as Cultural Intervention (Routledge, 1992). He is co-author, with Tony Coult, of Engineers of the Imagination (Methuen, 1983), a study of Welfare State, and has also contributed to Performance and Theatre Papers.

Details of the size, structure and occurrence of Carnponotus intrepidus nests and the size, composition and source of the mound cover on Iridomyrmex purpureus nests are reported from several areas of eastern New South Wales. Both species are common, and construct large mounds of mixed topsoil and subsoil with surface covers, which appear to protect the mound from rainsplash erosion. Camponotus thatches the mound with charcoal, leaves and twigs; Iridomyrmex covers the mound in granules of inorganic or organic material that are sufficiently large to absorb most raindrop impact energy. This material is collected from the surface and carried 10-15 m to the nest. Rainsplash erosion protection is probably a factor contributing to nest longevity, which may be as much as 100 years for Iridomyrmex. It is concluded that, despite the impressive size of the nests and the selective use of materials, neither species is very significant in terms of soil mixing when compared with the smaller, more common ant Aphaenogaster longiceps.

The development of the "Raupo Houses Ordinance 1842" could be considered as the direct ancestor of today's "New Zealand Building Code." Limited in its scope and application, the Ordinance provided a short-term solution to what was hoped to be a short-term problem - the use of highly flammable material for house construction. It was not intended for application to the countryside, only to urban areas. To be effective, the Ordinance had to be adopted by each provincial council as covering a specific area. This occurred from 1842 (Auckland) to 1852 (Lyttelton and Christchurch). It was finally repealed in 1878. Not every province was happy with the Ordinance, with New Plymouth setting up its own "Thatch and Straw Building Ordinance." This paper will examine the intent, content and context of the Ordinance and its consequences on the development of future building controls.

Driven by urbanization and demographic growth in Nigeria, the estimated cost for low cost dwelling unit is very expensive, because of high cost of conventional building material. Indigenous building materials abound in our various locations and communities in our nation, in the olden days dwelling place were never an issue as man could make or create a dwelling place for himself and his family with available indigenous resources. He uses local materials such as earth, timber, bamboo, stone, thatch, bush rope, etc with one or two assistant and able to put together a dwelling to accommodate his activities. The paper examined earth as indigenous building materials and assessing local building cultures with earth for resilience and sustainable development for dwelling affordability in Nigeria. Also, it generates a practical guide for community-based assessment of earth material fortification without compromising the durability. The sustainability solution of earth as building material were discussed which include local employment opportunity for socio economic development among others. The paper then concludes on some sustainability strategies known with the earth over the year as productive and effective building material.

This article engages with literature on the neoliberalisation of social work but advances the debate by building an argument based on interviews with social work graduates that reveal the perceived changes to the profession over the last 50 years. Based on lived experiences, we show that social work as a profession has experienced significant changes that have occurred both internally and externally to the profession. These changes form part of a larger ideological shift towards neoliberalism. Beginning with the Thatcher administration, intensifying under New Labour’s Third Way and persisting under the Age of Austerity of Prime Ministers Cameron and May, the neoliberalisation of social work has sought to turn it into an outcome-oriented, information-gathering, surveilling profession that no longer relies on its critical and radical value base. We show, however, that despite the neoliberal assault, social workers remain optimistic about the future and loyal to their core values.

Riddle’s Court, a former merchant’s house situated off the Royal Mile, Lawnmarket, Edinburgh, underwent major refurbishment and transformation into the Patrick Geddes Centre for Learning from 2015 to 2017. The results from historical research, building survey and architectural watching briefs are as yet unparalleled, as no other building on the Royal Mile has received the level of historical and archaeological research carried out at Riddle’s Court. In the late 16th century much of the Royal Mile was a plethora of mainly stone and timber-framed houses. However, Riddle’s Court was an amalgam of predominantly ashlar and rubble construction with tall thatched roofs with dormer windows. Slate was a later addition in the early 18th century. The interior of the complex was furnished with several turnpike staircases of which only one now survives. During the 17th and 18th centuries Riddle’s Court was bedecked with all the fine trappings of a country mansion house and was occupied by major and minor aristocracy until the late 18th century. The status of the building was further elevated by its earlier royal connections that led to its partial remodelling for ceremonial purposes. A legacy of a lavish royal banquet in honour of King James VI of Scotland (James I of England) and his bride Queen Anne of Denmark was a painted ceiling in the so-called ‘King’s Chamber’ which commemorated their royal union. This ornate and historically significant painted beam and board ceiling was discovered in the 1960s during a period of building renovation by Edinburgh City Council. The ceiling was restored and is a focal point among a large collection of ornate plaster and painted ceilings. Subsequent removal of more modern lined ceilings during the present refurbishment led to the discovery of three more painted beam and board ceilings, and a concealed fireplace and bread oven that are rare survivors within not only the Royal Mile but elsewhere in Scotland. The presence of so much hitherto unrecorded artwork has significantly raised the importance of the Court’s North Block.

A school fire at a government-aided school in Kumbakonam, India, killed 93 children and injured 21 on July 16, 2004. The school was tailor-made for a disaster, with its narrow stairway, poor lighting, thatched roof, kitchen in close proximity of the school building, past incidences of minor fire breakouts, and only one collapsible exit in the classroom. Strong winds and an absence of teachers on the day of the tragedy added to the vulnerability of the school, leading to the disaster. The government responded to the situation ef - fectively by providing adequate physical relief and rehabilitation to the parents of the deceased children and to injured students. The government was supported by various nongovernmental organizations and the corporate sector, which rose to the occasion. Psychosocial counseling was also carried out for the affected parents. Various recommendations resulting from analysis of the event in - clude developing comprehensive district and school disaster management plans using a multihazard approach, ensuring the safety of the school, instituting a proper psychiatric referral system for the affected, counseling the injured and rescued students to facilitate their relocation in different schools, training teachers and all others involved in school management in disaster management, and educating students about fire safety in school.

During the Formative period (ca. 1000 B.C.-A.D. 250) at the site of Yarumela in central Honduras, an indigenous society developed that was constructing monumental architecture well before 400 B.C. Experimentation with new building materials and techniques reached a peak ca. A.D. 200 just prior to the site's abandonment, by which time religious temples and elite residences had undergone a transition from simple pole-and-thatch structures to more complex adobe and stone constructions. Overall labor investment in monumental architecture may, on the other hand, actually have declined during this same period.

Despite its early contributions to the development of working life research the UK has lagged behind much of the rest of Northern Europe in establishing a coherent approach to the modernization of work organization. The removal of tripartite structures by the Thatcher and Major governments and their decision to opt out of significant areas of European employment policy left the UK ill-prepared to respond to emerging economic or policy challenges in Europe. Evidence of an increasing gap between leading-edge practice and common practice in UK workplaces has emerged forcibly as a key issue for future productivity and employment. The UK Work Organization Network (UK WON) was first established in 1996 as a coalition between researchers, business support organizations and social partners, slowly building a portfolio of projects designed to support workplace innovation. More recently the creation of the Work Research Foundation, a partnership-based company with responsibility for managing the activities of the Network, firmly establishes UK WON as a significant vehicle for social dialogue and organizational change.

In sub-Saharan Africa, most transmission of mosquito-transmitted diseases, such as malaria or dengue, occurs within or around houses. Preventing mosquito house entry and reducing mosquito production around the home would help reduce the transmission of these diseases. Based on recent research, we make key recommendations for reducing the threat of mosquito-transmitted diseases through changes to the built environment. The mnemonic, DELIVER , recommends the following best practices: (i) D oors should be screened, self-closing and without surrounding gaps; (ii) E aves, the space between the wall and roof, should be closed or screened; (iii) houses should be L ifted above the ground; (iv) I nsecticide-treated nets should be used when sleeping in houses at night; (v) houses should be V entilated, with at least two large-screened windows to facilitate airflow; (vi) E nvironmental management should be conducted regularly inside and around the home; and (vii) R oofs should be solid, rather than thatch. DELIVER is a package of interventions to be used in combination for maximum impact. Simple changes to the built environment will reduce exposure to mosquito-transmitted diseases and help keep regions free from these diseases after elimination. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Novel control strategies for mosquito-borne diseases'.

Coastal wetlands not only have rich biodiversity and high productivity but also provide important ecological services. The monitoring of landscape changes can provide important support for the sustainable development of coastal zones. Landsat images from 1986 to 2017 were used to interpret the types of coastal wetlands in Nantong. A single dynamic degree and multiple landscape indices were calculated to analyze the rate of change and characteristics of each wetland type. The results demonstrate the following: (1) A Nantong wetland type system was established, which was divided into three major categories and eleven subcategories. (2) In general, natural wetlands, such as thatched and Suaedasalsa marshes, were extremely reduced, while artificial wetlands and non-wetlands with high human activity, such as breeding ponds, farmland, and construction land, increased significantly. (3) In the past 30 years, due to the influence of environmental pressures, such as population growth, land demand, and economic development, the major influencing factors of local landscape change have shifted from natural geographical factors to human activities and economic as well as social factors. Remote sensing wetland interpretation can be very helpful in monitoring the dynamic changes in coastal wetlands and can provide scientific support for the sustainable management of coastal zones.

While remotely sensed images of various resolutions have been widely used in identifying changes in urban and peri-urban environments, only very high resolution (VHR) imagery is capable of providing the information needed for understanding the changes taking place in remote rural environments, due to the small footprints and low density of man-made structures in these settings. However, limited by data availability, mapping man-made structures and conducting subsequent change detections in remote areas are typically challenging and thus require a certain level of flexibility in algorithm design that takes into account the specific environmental and image conditions. In this study, we mapped all buildings and corrals for two remote villages in Mozambique based on two single-date VHR images that were taken in 2004 and 2012, respectively. Our algorithm takes advantage of the presence of shadows and, through a fusion of both spectra- and object-based analysis techniques, is able to differentiate buildings with metal and thatch roofs with high accuracy (overall accuracy of 86% and 94% for 2004 and 2012, respectively). The comparison of the mapping results between 2004 and 2012 reveals multiple lines of evidence suggesting that both villages, while differing in many aspects, have experienced substantial increases in the economic status. As a case study, our project demonstrates the capability of a coupling of VHR imagery with locally adjusted classification algorithms to infer the economic development of small, remote rural settlements.

Why is making obscene telephone calls like laying manure in the street? Answer: in the same way as importing Irish cattle is like building a thatched house in the borough of Blandford Forum; and as digging up the wall of a church is like helping a homicidal maniac to escape from Broadmoor; and as operating a joint-stock company without a royal charter is like being a common cold; and as keeping a tiger in a pen adjoining the highway is like depositing a mutilated corpse on a doorstep; and as selling unsound meat is like embezzling public funds; and as garaging a lorry in the street is like an inn-keeper refusing to feed a traveller; and as keeping treasure-trove is like subdividing houses which so “become hurtful to the place by overpestering it with poor.” All are, or at some time have been said to be, a common (alias public) nuisance. The definition of this offence, according to Archbold's Criminal Pleading and Practice, is as follows: “Every person is guilty of an offence at common law, known as public nuisance, who does an act not warranted by law, or omits to discharge a legal duty, if the effect of the act or omission is to endanger the life, health, property, morals, or comfort of the public, or to obstruct the public in the exercise or enjoyment of rights common to all Her Majesty's subjects.” The person who commits a public nuisance incurs liability to life imprisonment and unlimited fines. He can be made vicariously liable for the offence if it is committed by his servants. He can be ordered to stop it by an injunction, and made to pay damages in tort if it causes anyone loss. With such a broad concept in existence, backed with such broad remedies, what need have we of any other criminal offence?—or torts?—or remedies in administrative law?

Tea ceremonies have evolved a great deal since they first got their start, and as the ceremonies have grown and shifted in purpose, so have the tea houses that hold them. Japanese tea house, Chashitsu in Japanese, is where chado, the tea ceremony takes place, which expresses Japanese sentimentality and aesthetics through the act of drinking tea. Chashitsu is truly the product of all of the traditional Japanese crafts combined and sophisticated.As tea began to grow in popularity, tea ceremonies became a source of entertainment for members of the upper class who could afford to gamble, read poetry and attend tea parties in extravagant pavilions. The design of free-standing tea houses is heavily influenced by Zen philosophy. In an attempt to escape from the material strains of daily life, Shukō removed tea parties from the formal setting and instead held the ceremonies in simple grass-thatched huts, like the Tai-an Teahouse. His goal in doing this was to transcend the complex distractions of the world and find enlightenment in everyday life. Another important procedure initiated by Shukou, was that he himself would serve the tea to his guests. He preferred the intimate and personal atmosphere of a small room which could fit five to six people. The four-and-a-half-mat room that he had devised to create a more tranquil atmosphere during the tea ceremony had its origins in the Zen philosophy. In front of the traditional teahouse is a garden referred to as the roji. Guests traverse it on a path of stepping stones, admiring the plants and trees, before washing their hands at a stone basin in preparation for entering the teahouse building. One of the chief characteristics of the thatched hut teahouse begun by Rikyū is the guest entrance, or nijiriguchi. The square door is so low and small that guests can’t move through it without stooping and curling up as they crawl through. When guests enter the tea house, they first proceed to the alcove, tokonoma, to admire the decoration. There is no furniture, except for that which is required for the preparation of tea. Usually, there will be a charcoal pit in the center of the room by cutting a piece of the tatami is used to boil water. Object used in the tea ceremony included special porcelain or ceramic bowls, a cast-iron kettle with bronze lid, freshwater water jars, ceramic of lacquer container for powdered tea, and tea caddies. There are four main principals defining the way people and tea objects interact: wa (harmony); kei (respect); sei (purity) and jyaku (tranquility). Having got everything right in terms of setting and paraphernalia, one then has to do what all this has been leading up to: make tea. The exact movements of the host are vital but depend on which school of tea ceremony one favours. The important thing is to only make the minimum of movements which should be precise, graceful, and restrained. Further, one should be silent when actually preparing the tea. All thenecessary equipment should have already been laid out before the guests, and only the kettle is hidden from their view. The tea caddy and bamboo scoop are first cleaned with a cloth. When ready, the hot water is poured into the tea bowls but only enough to warm them. Powdered tea is then added to the bowls, which are then topped up with hot water, and the mixture is whisked to make a frothy drink. The tea should be drunk in small sips. When everyone has finished, the implements and bowls are cleaned and removed from sight leaving only the kettle before the hopefully now well-satisfied guests. Finally, some of the finer implements may be returned in order for the guests to discuss their appreciation of them.The simplicity of modern teahouses is meant to emphasize the importance of breaking down boundaries that exist among people, objects and ideas. Taking the idea of tea houses designed to mesh with their natural environment to a whole new level, Terunobu Fujimori created the Takasugi-an, which translates to“a tea house too high.” He built the compact teahouse to appear as though it was resting between two chestnut trees, and although the only way to reach the tea house is via ladder, the view from the top gives visitors a perfect view of Chino, Japan. Instead of displaying the picture scrolls of traditional tea houses that indicated the time of year, Fujimori used the building’s windows to achieve the same effect while also allowing visitors to observe the profound changes that were happening in the world around them. Simple materials such asplaster and bamboo were used to construct the interior of the tea house.Modern tea houses still have strong roots in the traditional purposes of tea ceremonies.Today, many practice tea ceremony and enjoy its benefit innumerous types of tea rooms from traditional ones to innovative ones. Both the ceremony and the Japanese tea houses have evolved since the earliest days, and they continue evolving so that they can adapt to the rapidchangesinmodern society.

National parks in ‘developing countries’ have tended to deviate from the western model of strict protection in order to include economic development of local people in their park management philosophy. Royal Chitwan National Park, Nepal, has been managed in such a way as to allow for limited collection of grassland products to meet vital needs of villagers for structural material.Nearly 60,000 people are annually allowed to cut thatch and reed grasses for a nominal fee during two weeks in January: such visitation amounts each year to over 216,000 visitor-days. The total weight and value of grass products removed from the Park each year is estimated at 11,132 metric tonnes, worth NR 9.9 millions (about US $450,000). Subtraction of labour and permit costs yielded a net value of about NR 5.5 millions (about US $250,000) to the local economy. Individual villagers save about NR 2,000 (US $90) in costs for thatching material, and about NR 500 (US $25) for building canes, compared with what they would have to pay for other materials to build a house. Alternative products available in the market were considered to be unaffordable substitutes by more than 75% of the villagers questioned.Villager attitudes toward the Park are becoming more positive as they begin to realize that the Park is a valuable, needed source of managed resources that are not so easily, or not at all, available elsewhere.

This paper deals with the concept of theoretical and conceptual framework in a research with park-people interaction of Bardiya National Park (BNP) with specific reference to Shivapur Village Development Committee (VDC) of Bardiya district. The local people enter the park illegally and exploit the park resources like fodder, firewood, thatch, etc. They also try to kill wildlife either for food as traditional profession or for money. They frequently encounter with wildlife and get injured; sometimes they are killed. Similarly, wildlife cross the park boundary and destroy the crops and kill the livestock. Villagers also get their shelters and sheds damaged by them. BNP, therefore, has introduced various programmes to keep the conservation intact without disturbing the livelihood of Buffer Zone people. Several efforts, such as construction of Trench, Machan etc. have been made to address the issues associated with park people conflicts. In addition, endowment funds, such as Rahat Kosh, Apatkalin Kosh and Chetipurti Kosh have been established to provide and compensate to the human casualty and property (mainly building) damage.The Park-People interaction is the reality and the need is felt from both sides. Despite ups (harmony) and downs (conflicts) and despite differential use of resources by localities, the interface continues and is likely to continue so long as both these entities exist there. The need is to realize each-others limitations and strengthen their mutual understanding and the benefits.The Geographical Journal of Nepal Vol. 10: 167-180, 2017

ABSTRACT This study aims to describe the history of the Wapauwe Old Mosque including the architectural aspects and the objects in it. The study employed archaeological approach using a systematic procedure based on four main steps, namely: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiog­raphy. His­to­rical approach was taken to describe the historical background of the mosque. At the same time, the archaeological process was used to describe the physical structure of the mosque building. This study found that the Wapauwe Mosque is one of the oldest historical mosques in Maluku, located in Kaitetu State, Central Maluku Regency, Maluku Province. It was built in 1414 by an Islamic preacher, namely Perdana Jamilu. Wapauwe Mosque’s ancient characteristics can be seen from thatched leaves as the roof and gaba-gaba (sago fronds) as walls. The mosque was built without using nails in each connection segment. The function of pins was substi­tuted by ties from ropes or gamuttu. At the four corners of the mosque's tributary, there was wood carved with calligraphy written: Muhammad (north-south corner) and Allah Muhammad (east-west junction). This study contributes to the literature of Islamic heritage in Nusantara by adding data about historic old mosques in Indonesia. This study promoted localized Islamic history to the people of Maluku as material for consideration and to the government to maintain maintain the Islamic heritage. Keywords: Ambon, Indonesia, Islam, Old Mosque, Wapauwe ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan sejarah perkem­bangan Masjid Tua Wapauwe yang meliputi waktu, pendiri, serta kondisi masyarakat di sekitar saat itu dan aspek arsitekturnya serta benda-benda yang ada di dalamnya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah dengan menggunakan prosedur sistematis yang bertumpu pada empat langkah utama yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi dengan menggunakan pendekatan arkeologi. Pendekatan historis dilaku­kan untuk mendeskripsikan latar belakang sejarah masjid yang dianalisis secara kritis. Sedangkan pendekatan arkeologis dilakukan untuk mendes­krip­sikan struktur fisik bangunan Masjid. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa Masjid Wapauwe merupakan salah satu masjid tertua bersejarah di Maluku yang terletak di Negeri Kaitetu, Kabupaten Maluku Tengah, Pro­vinsi Maluku. Dibangun pada tahun 1414 oleh seorang penyebar agama Islam yakni Perdana Jamilu. Berdasarkan penelusuran, Masjid Wapauwe memperlihatkan ciri-ciri kekunoannya pada bentuknya yang bercorak tradisional dengan menyisipkan model piramida terpancung pada atapnya yang terbuat dari daun rumbia dan penggunaan gaba gaba (pelepah sagu) sebagai dinding. Kontruksi bangunan dibangun tanpa menggunakan paku pada setiap ruas sambungan, fungsi paku pada bangunan disubtitusi dengan menggunakan ikatan dari tali atau dalam istilah lokal disebut gamuttu. Selain itu pada keempat sudut tritisan masjid terdapat kayu yang diukir dengan motif kaligrafi. Dalam kaligrafi bertuliskan Muhammad (sudut utara-selatan) dan Allah Muhammad (sudut timur-barat). Kajian ini bermanfaat bagi pengembangan khazanah keislaman di Nusantara serta dapat menambah data infromasi tentang masjid tua bersejarah di Indonesia dan secara praktis, penlitian ini sebagai wahana untuk memper­kenalkan sejarah Islam yang bersifat lokalitas kepada masyarakat Maluku, sebagai bahan pertimbangan kepada pemerintah agar tetap melestarikan serta menjaga cagar keagamaan dan kebudayaan. Kata kunci: Ambon, Indonesia, Islam, Masjid tua, Wapauwe

Rural residential energy consumption accounts for 46.6% of total building-related energy consumption of China. In Northeast China, energy consumption for space heating represents a significant proportion of total rural residential energy consumption and has reached 100 million tce (tons of standard coal equivalent), or more than 60% of total household energy consumption. In terms of energy consumption per square meter of gross floor area, rural residential energy consumption for heating is more than that of cities (20kgce/m2). However, the average indoor temperature of most rural residence is below 10°C, much less than that in cities (18°C). Hence, it is an important task for Chinese energy saving and emission reduction to reduce rural residential energy consumption, while enhancing indoor thermal comfort at the same time. Restricted by local technology and low economic level, rural residences currently have poor thermal insulation resulting in severe heat loss. This paper reports on research aimed at developing design strategies for improving thermal insulation properties of rural residences with appropriate technology. A field survey was conducted in six counties in severe cold areas of Northeast China, addressing the aspects of indoor and outdoor temperature, humidity, internal and external surface temperature of building envelop enclosure, and so on. The survey data show the following: 1. Modern (after 2000) brick-cement rural residences perform much better than the traditional adobe clay houses and Tatou houses (a regional type of rural residence in Northeast China – see figure A) in overall thermal performance and indoor thermal comfort; 2. Among the traditional residential house types, adobe clay houses have better heat stability and thermal storage capacity than Tatou houses; 3. Applying an internal or external thermal insulation layer can greatly improve rural residential thermal insulation properties, and is an economical and efficient solution in rural areas; 4. In terms of roofing materials, tiled roofs show much better thermal insulation properties than thatch roofs; 5. Adopting passive solar techniques can form a transition space (greenhouse) against frigid temperatures, resulting in interior temperatures 5.91°C higher than the outside surroundings. It is evident that local passive solar room design offers significant heat preservation effects and lower cost ($12/m2), embodies the ecological wisdom of rural residents, and is therefore important to popularize. The above experimental results can provide guidance in energy conservation design for both self-built residences and rural residences designed by architects. In addition, the results can also provide experimental data for energy-saving studies for rural residences in China.

Ringkøbing in the Middle Ages The last 25 years have seen frequent archaeological excavations in the medieval market town of Ringkøbing. In this paper, the author presents the results and weighs them against the written and cartographic sources in order to gain an overall picture of the emergence and development of the town during the Middle Ages (Fig. 1). Over the years, several local historians have dealt with the history of Ringkøbing. They based their investigations exclusively on the few medieval sources referring to the town, however, and the main issues they concentrated on were the reason for the town being situated exactly there, the origin of its name, its age, and whether it had grown out of an earlier settlement or had been a planned construction. In the first known reference to Ringkøbing, the town is called “rennumkøpingh,” or “the town at Rindum” (Fig. 2). Rindum, or “rennum,” was the rural parish, which had transferred some of its land to the town. A town prospect from around 1677 depicts the small town as seen from the north, with ships anchored on the fjord (Fig. 3). It gives a good impression of the number of streets and their directions. Nevertheless, the first reliable survey of the market town is from the early 19th century (Fig. 4).Ringkøbing is situated on the northern coast of Ringkøbing Fjord, on the edge of a moraine hill, well protected against floods. From the early days, Ringkøbing’s existence was inextricably linked with the navigation conditions on the fjord. Geologists have pointed out that during the Middle Ages the present islands in the tidal area south of Blåvandshuk continued further north, to Bovbjerg. This row of islands is visible on a chart from the mid-16th century (Fig. 5). On the chart, one of the islands is called “Numit,” which is interpreted as “Nyminde,” or “the new mouth.” Huge floods during the 17th century started a major process of drifting of material from the north along the coast, and the channels between the islands sanded up. Just one channel remained navigable, but it moved southward and eventually closed up completely (Fig. 6), which was a disastrous development for Ringkøbing. Nevertheless, during the Middle Ages, ships could still pass unhindered from the sea into the fjord and to Ringkøbing, where they could trade and take in supplies and water.Ringkøbing is situated in an area which has been inhabited since the last Ice Age, and which was especially rich during the Iron Age. By the mid-13th century the area was divided into districts and parishes, and the market town sprouted up in the middle of a well functioning agricultural region. The first actual excavation took place in Ringkøbing in 1978, when the property of Vester Strandgade 14 was investigated by Ringkøbing Museum. An area measuring 44 square metres was examined, and the excavation revealed part of the medieval town (Fig. 7). At the bottom of the excavated area, several furrows observed in a 15 to 20-cm thick humus layer indicated that the area had been farmed right up until the beginning of the activities there in the medieval period. Of the two ditches registered in the area, the earlier one had been dug into the ploughed field, whereas the later ditch was situated approximately in the middle of the medieval culture layer (Fig. 8). Twenty-three post-holes were found, but unfortunately their relationships to each other could not be determined. An extensive layer with a 3.4-metre diameter turned out to be the remains of a well, the shaft of which had been built from granite boulders (Fig. 9). A small bronze buckle was found at the bottom of the well (Fig. 10), and several sherds of imported pottery from around 1300 were found in the filling around the well shaft.The layer sequence was visible in the walls, with the yellow-brown moraine gravel at the bottom, then the above-mentioned humus layer with furrows, and then the homogeneous, grey, medieval culture layer. Above this an earthen floor from the 17th century was visible in several places. The upper layer, with a thickness of c.60 cm, was modern.The medieval layer contained large amounts of pottery sherds, mainly from locally produced grey-brown globular vessels. The rim sherds were from two main pottery types, A and B. Type A, which constitutes the largest group, has the classical, almost S-shaped rim (Fig. 12), whereas type B is characterized by an outward-folded edge creating a flat inner rim (Fig. 13). Both types exist concurrently throughout the medieval culture layer.The glazed pottery sherds represent two types, locally produced earthenware (Fig. 14), and imported pottery. Both types were present in the Vester Strandgade excavation. Of the imported sherds, 39 are from green-glazed jugs with a “raspberry” decoration (Fig. 15). These jugs were produced in the Netherlands around 1300. Sherds from German stoneware found in the medieval layer date from the same time (Fig. 16).The Vester Strandgade excavation was followed by several large and small investigations in the town centre (Fig. 17). “Dyekjærs Have” contained several traces of medieval structures, for instance a large number of post-holes, some of which were from a small building. The pottery material was abundant and consisted mainly of sherds from greyish-brown globular vessels (Fig. 18), but there were also sherds from imported and locally manufactured jugs. Other important town excavations include that of Marens Maw’, where the numerous traces of medieval structure included a row of post-holes interpreted as the outer wall of a house, and the excavation of Øster Strandgade 4, which revealed a late medieval turf-built well (Fig. 19). The excavation of Bojsens Gård also gave interesting results. It was very close to the street, and in this area the medieval culture layer had a depth of up to 60 cm. A ditch dug into the ploughed medieval field represented the earliest activity on this spot. Several structural traces reflected a continuous settlement going back to the early days of the town. Here, too, sherds from globular vessels dominated, but glazed ceramics and stoneware were also represented. The written sources from the Middle Ages reveal nothing about the medieval appearance of the town. The archaeological excavations, on the other hand, have shown that the settlement consisted of houses made from posts dug into the ground, probably half-timbered constructions with wattle-and-daub outer walls, earthen floors, and thatched roofs. The archaeological excavations have also revealed that Ringkøbing sprang up on a ploughed field during the second half of the 13th century. There are no signs of any settlement prior to this, and it is most likely that the town was laid out all at once according to a fixed town plan. No building traces were found in the streets, on Torvet (the market square), on Kirkepladsen (the church square), or on Havnepladsen (the harbour square), and so these squares must have been planned as such from the beginning. The numerous grooves and ditches are interpreted as boundary markers made when the plots were first established. The earliest ones are dug into the ploughed field, and so they must indicate the very first land-registration of the town.In order to found the new market town, an oblong part of Rindum parish had to be confiscated, and the town was marked out in the western part of this as an area measuring approximately 550 by 250 metres (Fig. 20). The streets were laid out in the still existing regular network. There was no harbour, and the ships would anchor in the shallow water off the town. Goods were transported by barge or horse-drawn carriage.In the town centre the market square was laid out, and behind it the square by the church. Ringkøbing’s church is a small Gothic brick building from around 1400. The townsmen probably used the parish church in Rindum during the first 150 years.At the time when Ringkøbing was founded, the Crown was establishing several small coastal towns throughout the kingdom. There was a notable lack of towns along the west coast of Jutland, and the founding of Ringkøbing probably represents a wish to fill this vacuum. At the same time, it was a friendly gesture directed towards the merchants from Northwest Europe whose large merchant ships sailed along the west coast on their way to and from the major markets in the Baltic. It was in the king’s interest to control the trade in the country, as it enabled him to levy taxes and to oppose the Hanseatic League’s attempt to monopolise foreign trade.Life in medieval Ringkøbing was based on trade and crafts, and the king controlled both through his assignment of privileges. The first preserved trade licence concerning medieval Ringkøbing is from 1443, but that document is in fact a confirmation of a privilege previously granted.The archaeological excavations and the written sources have informed us that the town’s trade interests lay across the North Sea. The town’s own merchants travelled overseas, and foreign merchants passed through. Foreign goods such as glazed jugs, stoneware jugs, and woollen cloth were imported from the Netherlands, Flanders, and Germany. The sources also indicate that a hinterland reaching far into Jutland used Ringkøbing for disembarkation. After the Middle Ages, the sources describe Ringkøbing as a small town, at times rather poor, which often had to ask permission to postpone the tax payments for which it was liable. The earliest depictions and maps also give the impression of a small town taking up less space than it did during the Middle Ages (Fig. 21).It will be interesting to learn whether future excavations in Ringkøbing will radically change the picture of the town presented here.Helle HenningsenRingkøbing Museum Translated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Archaeological reports of silica froth are noted from Kansas to Texas, and are usually interpreted as evidence of burned grass- or cane-thatched buildings. However, many archaeological excavations in the Caddoan region fail to mention this material. Does this reflect idiosyncratic factors in the formation of silica froth, lack of expertise on the part of excavators/analysts, or differential recovery techniques? Archaeological and experimental data indicate that Caddoan houses frequently left silica froth as a residue when they burned. The implications are that archaeologists may be missing this key architectural item and that silica froth may be used to infer the presence of a house in the absence of traditional features such as post molds.