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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Trotsky"

Autore: Grafiati

Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021

Ultima modifica: 9 giugno 2025

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1

Bryantsev, Michail V. "L. D. Trotsky’s “The Lessons of October” and the Struggles at the Highest Level: Viewpoint of the Population in 1920s." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2019): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2019-2-467-479.

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The article analyses the aftermath of the publication of Trotsky's “The Lessons of October” in autumn of 1924, which produced much controversy in the camp of his opponents. Kamenev, Stalin, and his others smote Trotsky and posed the question “Leninism or Trotskyism?” to antithesize Lenin and Trotsky. The controversy was in the focus of attention of Soviet citizens, who showed “great interest” in this “literary discussion.” The issue remained center-stage in late 1924 - early 1925. The analysis of information materials demonstrates controversial attitudes of the population to the struggle. Many championed Trotsky. Having no way to find out more about Trotsky's views and mistrusting official publications, people often gave preference to rumors, which reflected not facts, but their wishes. Many saw in Trotsky their defender from the arbitrary rule, who acted in the interest of the people and suffered for his views. Many, party members also, demanded to allow Trotsky to express his opinions outside the framework of propaganda. At the same time, the “The Lessons of October” fed the negative image of Trotsky, already in formation. Quite noticeable role was played by the official propaganda trying to paint Trotsky as a traitor to the interests of the Soviet state. Not understanding the mechanism of the internal conflicts which after Lenin's death were tearing the RCP(B) apart, the population was swept by the Central Committee propaganda. Party propagandists cast Trotsky as a detractor of the party and Lenin himself. The campaign launched against Trotsky and his “The Lessons of October” bore its fruit. The authorities presented Trotsky as a Menshevik and unscrupulous enemy of the Soviet power. Information materials of early 1925 show not only a slump in Trotsky’s popularity, but also a growing bias against him.

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2

Thatcher, Ian D. "Trotsky and Bor'ba." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014722.

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ABSTRACTLeon Trotsky's contributions to the journal Bor'ba, published in St Petersburg between February and July 1914, have been overlooked in scholarly accounts of his biography. This paper has two aims. First, to provide an exposition of Trotsky's contributions to this journal; and, second, to explain why they have been forgotten. Three explanations are offered. First, Trotsky biographers look to Deutscher's trilogy for the main events in Trotsky's life, and he does not mention Bor'ba. Second, Trotsky himself did not refer to his work for the journal in his autobiography My Life. Finally, Stalin did not use Lenin's critique of Trotsky's participation in Bor'ba as further ammunition against Trotsky in the power struggle after Lenin's death.

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3

Strekalov, I. N. "Was Lev Trotsky the leader in the Petersburg Soviet of Workers’ Deputies in 1905?" Modern History of Russia 11, no. 2 (2021): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.204.

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The article reexamines the role of famous revolutionary and Social Democrat L. D. Trotsky in the Petersburg Soviet of Workers’ Deputies. One claim in the scholarly literature is that Trotsky was the leader of the Soviet, but this is based on his or someone else’s memoirs. This article analyzes this position: first, memoirs about the thesis on Trotsky’s prominent role as speaker during meetings of the Soviet, and the argument about Trotsky’s support in the Soviet; also, the question about the rating of the formal chairman of the Soviet, G. S. Khrustalev-Nosar, is discussed. This examination is based on archival documents: records of the interrogations of participants of the Soviet’s meetings written between the end of 1905 and the spring of 1906; letters written by Trotsky (mostly in the pre-revolutionary period); and the works of G. S. Khrustalev-Nosar. Analytic and comparative methods suggest that these sources are more objective than memoirs written many years after 1905 and in another historical context. The article concludes that Trotsky’s role in the Petersburg Soviet is exaggerated: memoirs are subjective or analyzed only from one point of view, and sources closest to the time show that Trotsky was a participant and even the prominent speaker in Soviet meetings, but he did not find wide ideological support there. The formal chairman of the Soviet, G. S. Khrustalev-Nosar, had enough authority, denying the claim that Trotsky was the one and only leader of the Soviet.

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4

Reznik, Aleksandr V. "AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL WRITING OF L. D. TROTSKY DURING THE CIVIL WAR: POLITICS AND STYLISTICS." Ural Historical Journal 69, no. 4 (2020): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2020-4(69)-93-100.

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Leon Trotsky was not only an outstanding writer and speaker amongst Marxist politicians of his time, but he also could be named as one of the most well-known (auto)biographer. It was not only politics, that differed him from other high-ranking Bolsheviks, but it was a culture as well. Many of Trotsky’s rivals accused Trotsky of being extreme individualistic, alien to collectivist ideology. However, if to consider Trotsky’s biographical narratives in complex, the individualism was somewhat correct characteristic, as Trotsky indeed pointed the role of real persons, including of his own, in the history. Until recently, scholarly treatments of this issue have largely taken on Trotsky’s autobiography titled “My life: An Attempt at an Autobiography” (1929), yet this celebrated book had a certain background. The aim of article is to re-examine Trotsky’s literary and political activity in the context of his (auto)biographical texts, taking the period of the Russian Civil War as a case-study. The balance of pragmatics and poetics in his texts was reflected by Trotsky himself during the early period of the Civil War, when he publicly emphasized that he did not like the “military style”, but “got used to using the style of a publicist in life and literature”. Trotsky’s subsequent activities demonstrated that the balance between the dynamics of these two styles was determined not only by politics, but also by the author’s deeply rooted ideas about the place of his own “self” in writing.

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5

Kuhfus, Peter. "Chen Duxiu and Leon Trotsky: New Light on their Relationship." China Quarterly 102 (June 1985): 253–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000029933.

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After the 1927/28 upheaval in the communist movement, a complex relationship evolved between Chen Duxiu (1879–1942) and Leon Trotsky (1879–1940). To date little has been written about this relationship in the west. The relationship between Chen and Trotsky, however, deserves treatment in its own right for various reasons. First, an elucidation of the contacts between them should close a significant gap in the respective biographies of the two Opposition leaders. The intention is not only to define Trotsky's role as seen from Chen's perspective, but also to emphasize the Far Eastern component hitherto underestimated in biographies of Trotsky. Secondly, the reconstruction of the relationship between Chen and Trotsky constitutes an important, correcting supplement to our knowledge of the developments ( = Wirkungsgeschichte) of “Trotskyism” in China, as it has been described as a concrete phenomenon as well as an ideological-political undercurrent. Thirdly, a study of the relationship between Chen and Trotsky should provide a better understanding of relations between the Communists of China and of the Soviet Union.

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6

Steinberg, Alex. "Engels, Trotsky and the Natural Sciences: A case study in cosmology." Aurora. Revista de Arte, Mídia e Política 13, no. 38 (November 25, 2020): 19–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/1982-6672.2020v13i38p19-49.

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The topic of this essay is Trotsky’s attitude to dialectical philosophy and the natural sciences. We will first summarize the tradition whose mantle Trotsky inherited as it was developed by Engels. We will then consider Trotsky’s relationship to the natural sciences. Trotsky, echoing Engels proclamations decades earlier, maintained that a dialectical philosophy is an essential guide to the work of the scientist while at the same time granting the autonomy and freedom of scientists to pursue their research. Trotsky had a lifelong interest in following the developments in the natural sciences. He also had an intuitive grasp of some important developments in the natural sciences that would only come to fruition decades after his death. We will then present a case study of how a dialectical approach to nature can assist in overcoming a crisis that is plaguing contemporary physics. Specifically we will discuss how a dialectical approach to nature can inform cosmology in the 21st century and avoid the philosophical pitfalls and dead-ends that mark the contemporary crisis in physics.

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7

Trotsky, Leon. "On Frank Wedekind." New Theatre Quarterly 7, no. 28 (November 1991): 324–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00006023.

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To follow Lenin on the London Hippodrome in TQ40 (1981) and Wedekind on the Middlesex music hall in NTQ16 (1988) – here now is Trotsky on Wedekind. As Edward Braun, Professor of Drama in the University of Bristol, points out in a brief introduction, this assessment by Trotsky follows in a thin line of dramatic criticism by Marx, Engels, Mehring, Plekhanov, and Lunacharsky, and dates from Trotsky's involvement with a number of radical journals during his exile in Vienna. The article first appeared in the Neue Zeit in April 1908.

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8

Reznik, A. V. "THE IDIOM “CIVIL WAR” IN THE POLITICAL RHETORIC OF LEV TROTSKY, 1914–1918." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4 (67) (2024): 141–52. https://doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2024-4-141-152.

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This article examines the ways in which Leon Trotsky conceptualized and employed the concept of “civil war” in the period between 1914 and 1918. The idiomatic features of using this concept are significant for understanding the political context of the period of world wars and revolutions, as well as the role of individual leaders in shaping the authoritative language of political communication. By undertaking a comprehensive and continuous analysis of Trotsky's writings, it is possible to reconstruct the key stages through which the term “civil war” evolved in the context of ideological debates that took place between 1914 and 1916, and in the political conflicts that unfolded between 1917 and 1918. Trotsky consistently upheld the Marxist notion of the “class” nature of “civil wars”. Like Lenin, he employed the term in its conventional sense, referencing internal strife and underscoring its deleterious outcomes. He revised his initial negative stance on the “slogan” of civil war, underscoring the “fact” of the ongoing civil war. During periods of armed conflict, Trotsky significantly contributed to the sacralization of civil war as a “sacred” war. Trotsky's rhetoric regarding the representation of the “civil” war was characterized by imagery rather than conceptual innovation.

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9

Nizhnikov, Sergei, and Rodion Shafikov. "Ethical views of L. D. Trotsky: the problem of violence." Sotsium i vlast/Society and Power, no. 2 (2024): 76–90. https://doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2024-2-76-90.

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Introduction. The article analyzes the problem of substantiating morality in revolutionary activity using the example of L. D. Trotsky’s articles. The relevance of the article is connected with its consideration of ethical ideas, which are largely common to Marxist and generally left-radical philosophy. In addition, the works of L. D. Trotsky that we are considering, for political reasons, entered into free scientific circulation relatively recently, and to date have not received a sufficient amount of versatile academic commentary, primarily philosophical. The purpose of the study is to analyze the position of L. D. Trotsky regarding the use of violence as a means of achieving political goals, to identify the main arguments and principles underlying his approach to this problem, and also to assess its influence on political thought and practice. As a result of the analysis, the authors strive to provide readers with a deeper understanding of the problematic ethical aspects of using violence in politics through the prism of the ideas and views of Leo Trotsky. Methods. The authors use historical and hermeneutic methods. The first allows us to explore the context of the time in which the ethical views of L. D. Trotsky developed, and the second allows us to identify in his texts the basic principles and ideas characteristic of revolutionary radicalism. In addition, general scientific methods were used: analysis, synthesis, comparison and generalization, which made it possible to organize the material, identify patterns and draw conclusions based on a comparison of the ethical views of L. D. Trotsky with various ethical systems, highlighting their strengths and weaknesses in these views. Scientific novelty of the research. The authors focus on the problematic substantiation of morality in the articles of L. D. Trotsky, primarily such as “Terrorism and Communism” (1920) and “Their Morality and Ours” (1938, written in exile). At the same time, Western research on this topic is analyzed, as well as the controversy that unfolded between Trotsky and Bertrand Russell. It is noted that based on the statements of F.M. Dostoevsky that building a just society is impossible with the help of immoral means, since the goal can be transformed depending on the methods of achieving it. The problematic nature of the concept of conscience and possible options for its inadequate interpretation are revealed: (1) when it replaces the moral and metaphysical ideal (I. Kant, L. Tolstoy), or (2) it is completely declared a “chimera”, identified with selfish aspirations, the need to capture and retain power, hiding behind some ideals. It is indicated that the second position is characteristic of L. Trotsky, who tried to “morally” justify total revolutionary violence. Results. The authors come to the conclusion that Trotsky’s position is essentially an extremely utilitarian and revolutionary version of Machiavellianism, when, for the sake of an allegedly good goal, it becomes possible to carry out mass repressions, to sacrifice not only people, but also entire nations. It turned out that sworn political opponents, Stalin and Trotsky, assessed the role of violence in politics in a similar way. At the same time, the launched flywheel of violence cannot be stopped so easily; it destroyed Trotsky himself. Nevertheless, the fact that Trotsky addressed this item speaks to the importance of resolving the moral problems associated with revolutionary practice.

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10

Makhieber, Dr Shaima Fadel. "Trotsky and his role in the revolution of 1905 - 1907 in Russian." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 224, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v224i2.274.

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Trotsky is dialectic and one of the most important thinkers of socialist thought in modern times. He is a distinguished preacher and influential writer in the labor movements that undermined the cesarean section of Russian both in the Revolution of 1905 and in the revolution of 1917. The research in its first part included the birth and origin of Trotsky ,The second part emphasized Trotsky's political activism until the end of 1898, his joining a group of revolutionaries, The third axis focused on Trotsky's intellectual activity until the dissolution of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, where he joined in Siberia with the stream of socialist democratic ideas and became a leader in his own name, While the fourth axis dealt with the issue of splitting the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. The fifth axis dealt with Trotsky's role in the Russian revolution of 1905-1907, his leadership of this revolution and his contribution to supporting workers' councils throughout Russia.

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11

Savic, Verica, and Filip Matic. "Trotsky as a product of specific time: Strategy, leadership and culturalization." Serbian Journal of Engineering Management 6, no. 2 (2021): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sjem2102081s.

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The aim of the paper is to examine Leon Trotsky's reputation as a strategy leader forged during the turbulent years of the Russian Revolution. Having specific leadership, he was a product of specific era, exerted an influence on the key historic and cultural events, and as such, subject of research for more than half a century. Without his excellent strategic skills, the Bolsheviks might never have come to power. Eventually, Stalin defeated Trotsky, who, trapped by his own principles, had few political skills. By 1927 expelled from the Party, by 1929 from Russia itself, Trotsky faded from the Russian scene. Exiled, he found support finally in Mexico, worked there, influenced Cardenas and surrealistic artists, wrote many excellent articles, made enormous contribution to art, but couldn't avoid Stalin repression, ended up murdered. The paper is primarily based on Trotsky's own writings, his bibliographers like: Ernes, Dimitri, Trotskyism theory and surrealistic critiques. By mapping the most significant theories, we tried to present the ideology of that time and its impact on politics and art, same as perception of leadership. The hypothesis of the paper is that Trotsky was indeed a product of specific time and background, but was swept away by events he helped unleash, having a huge impact on various cultural fields, contributed to huge culturalization.

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12

Pomper, Philip, and Pierre Broue. "Trotsky." American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 1991): 567. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163354.

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13

Cába, Anton Mac. "Trotsky." Comhar 60, no. 8 (2000): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25574056.

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14

Flenley, P. "Trotsky." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 491 (April 1, 2006): 565–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel034.

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15

Thatcher, Ian D. "Leon Trotsky in New York City." Historical Research 69, no. 169 (June 1, 1996): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1996.tb01849.x.

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Abstract The last three months of Leon Trotsky's emigration from tsarist Russia were spent in New York. However, apart from reference to the views he held on events in his homeland, biographers have thus far ignored other aspects of his literary activities of that time. Basing itself upon the Russian émigré journals produced in New York, this article reports the full range of Trotsky's journalism of January to March 1917. It shows, for example, how Trotsky entered the fray of American socialist politics with categories he had developed during the previous three years in Europe, and how he attempted to encourage others to keep America out of the war.

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16

Umar, Fauzi. "SENI DAN SOSIALISME DALAM PEMIKIRAN LEON TROTSKY." Saskara : Indonesian Journal of Society Studies 1, no. 2 (January 10, 2022): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/saskara.012.04.

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Seni sering dibahas dalam lingkup sosialisme. seni menjadi media sosialisme untuk menunjukkan perbedaan pemikiran dari kapitalisme. Trotsky sebagai salah satu tokoh sosialis berpengaruh dalam Revolusi Oktober memiliki pandangan yang berbeda tentang konsep seni. Menurut Trotsky, seni harus bebas dari pengaruh politik agar seniman memiliki kebebasan berpikir, meskipun negara harus memiliki departemen khusus untuk mengelola seni. Selain seni, perbedaan yang jelas antara Trotsky dan para pemikir sosialis Uni Soviet adalah sosialisme. Konsep sosialisme Trotsky bertujuan untuk mendirikan Internasional Keempat. Dalam arti tertentu, konsep sosialisme Trotsky memiliki cakupan yang lebih luas dan inilah yang menjadi dasar perbedaan antara pemikiran Trotsky dan Stalin. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini akan membahas pemikiran Trotsky tentang konsep seni dan sosialisme.

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17

Mytrofanenko, Yurii. "Evolution of Volodymyr Vynnychenko’s political views in 1920 in the context of the crisis of the Soviet form of the Ukrainian state." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 4, no. 2 (July 18, 2022): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26210419.

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The article is devoted to the relations between Volodymyr Vynnychenko and Lev Trotsky – leading figures of the revolutionary period of 1917–1921. The 1920s were one of the most difficult and controversial periods in the life of Volodymyr Vynnychenko. Formulation of the problem. There are many versions and assumptions about the reasons for V. Vynnychenko’s break with the Bolsheviks: from his careerism to his unwillingness to be a screen for Bolshevik policy in Ukraine, which actually destroyed his political dream – the creation of independent Soviet Ukraine. V. Vynnychenko’s decision is hotly debated, both among professional historians, educators, and among ordinary readers, users of social networks, and various historical groups. The aim of the research is to find out the reasons for the evolution of V. Vynnychenko’s political worldview and the influence of Lev Trotsky on these changes. The main results. The author draws attention to L. Trotsky’s influence, both on the fact of V. Vynnychenko’s return from emigration and on his coming abroad. The documents were signed by L. Trotsky and conversations with him had a significant impact on V. Vynnychenko’s decision, as evidenced by entries in his diary, the book “Renaissance of the Nation” and his autobiography. Influenced by these texts and meetings, V. Vynnychenko realized that the Bolsheviks’ recognition of Soviet Ukraine’s right to independence was a declaration of intent, not a real policy. At the same time, V. Vynnychenko himself believed that his views also influenced Trotsky’s political worldview, which in the 1930s began to criticize Bolshevik centralism and their policy toward Ukraine’s sovereign status. The study is based on a variety of sources. The author uses the methods of comparative analysis, microhistory, biography, applies a regional approach, drawing attention to the fellowship of V. Vynnychenko, L. Trotsky, G. Zinoviev, influential politicians of the revolutionary period of 1917–1921. Concise conclusions. V. Vynnychenko’s contradictory, sometimes difficult to understand, decisions in 1920 received different assessments from representatives of modern Ukrainian historiography. Some historians believe that V. Vynnychenko outplayed himself, i. e. the Bolsheviks used him to propagate Soviet power in Ukraine, and his hesitations had a negative impact on the development of the Ukrainian revolution in 1920. Other historians try to explain V. Vynnychenko’s steps by trying to reach an agreement with the Bolsheviks to implement his plan, which was to put into practice the idea of Ukrainian statehood in the Soviet form. The study is based on a variety of sources (the diary entries of Vladimir Vynnychenko during 1920, his leaflets, analytical memoirs given in the book “Renaissance of the Nation”, published in 1920, his autobiography, information reports of the Political Department of the UPR, which mention the name of V. Vynnychenko, and also the journalistic legacy of Lev Trotsky, devoted to the question of the independence of Soviet Ukraine). Scientific novelty and originality. For the first time in historiography, the author draws attention to the mutual influences of V. Vynnychenko and L. Trotsky on the evolution of their political worldview. The type of article: theoretical.

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THATCHER, IAN D. "ON TROTSKY." History Workshop Journal 30, no. 1 (1990): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/30.1.244.

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Palmer, Bryan D. "Leon Trotsky." Socialism and Democracy 30, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 196–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2016.1144321.

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Murphy, Kevin. "Trotsky: Biography." Revolutionary Russia 24, no. 1 (June 2011): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2011.570927.

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Thatcher, Ian D. "Leon Trotsky." Revolutionary Russia 28, no. 2 (July 3, 2015): 211–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2015.1087957.

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Thomas, Martin. "Four Missing Years." Historical Materialism 26, no. 4 (December 17, 2018): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001651.

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AbstractThomas Twiss has written a careful, well-documented study of the evolution of Trotsky’s ideas on the USSR bureaucracy until 1936. He also traces Trotsky’s assessments of the causes and meaning of the Moscow Trials and the Terror in 1936–8; but essentially the detailed study stops in 1936. In fact, Trotsky’s thinking continued to develop in response to new developments after 1936. The puzzle which Trotsky grappled with – the ‘workers’ state’ which is simultaneously the instrument of fascistic terror against the workers by ‘the sole privileged and commanding stratum’ – was connected to puzzles in the more general Marxist theory of the state, which Twiss explores usefully in his opening chapter.

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Bonavena, Pablo. "Harold Walter Nelson, León Trotsky y el arte de la insurrección 1905-1917 (2016)." Archivos de historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda, no. 10 (March 1, 2017): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.46688/ahmoi.n10.222.

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McCallum, Alasdair. "Perviy Kanal's Trotsky and the “Atlanticisation” of Leon Trotsky's Legacy *." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 3 (September 2020): 432–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12693.

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Sebina, Tiro. "Soiling Cultural Studies." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 7, no. 3-4 (2008): 223–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914908x370728.

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AbstractThis paper takes its cue from Leon Trotsky's formulation in Literature and Revolution that "Culture feeds on the sap of economics, and a material surplus is necessary, so that culture may grow, develop and become subtle" (Trotsky (1925) 1991:46). The discussion seeks to put Cultural Studies in its proper place by focusing on its materialist beginnings. The central concern of this deliberation is to underline the efficacy of insights proffered by materialist analyses of culture and cultural formations.

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Guével, Michel Le. "La reconstruction de Léon Trotsky en URSS." Slovo 12, no. 1 (1991): 35–52. https://doi.org/10.3406/slovo.1991.1009.

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Trotsky réapparaît dans l'histoire de l'URSS, mais suivant un processus qui se déroule en plusieurs étapes. D'abord il est simplement nommé, sans précision. Puis des historiens tentent de mettre en relief ses aspects négatifs (l'autoritarisme) et de le transformer en précurseur de Staline en s'appuyant sur son programme de planification et d'industrialisation qui ferait de lui un ennemi de la paysannerie. Avant de publier une bibliographie de Trotsky on dresse le portrait d'un homme hautain et tyrannique. Dans le domaine des idées, son combat contre Staline apparaît uniquement comme une lutte pour le pouvoir personnel. L'historiographie soviétique montre dans le cas de Trotsky qu'elle n'est pas encore parvenue à un degré suffisant d’indépendance par rapport aux contraintes de l'actualité politique. Au fil des mois l'oeuvre de Trotsky est cependant de plus en plus connue.

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Beilharz, Peter. "Trotsky as Historian." History Workshop Journal 20, no. 1 (1985): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/20.1.36.

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Marshall, Alex. "Trotsky. A Biography." Critique 38, no. 4 (December 2010): 687–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2010.522132.

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Medved, Mladen. "Trotsky or Wallerstein?" East Central Europe 45, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04501003.

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This article examines the potentials of world-systems analysis (WSA) and uneven and combined development (UCD) for the history of nineteenth-century Habsburg Monarchy by critically engaging with Andrea Komlosy’s account of the Monarchy, written from the perspective of WSA. It argues that Komlosy does not provide a consistent WSA interpretation of the Monarchy’s history by trying to analyze the Monarchy as a world-economy in its own right, thus excluding geopolitical dynamics and the world-economy. Furthermore, core-periphery relations within the Monarchy are dealt with in a contradictory fashion. Crucially, the quite anomalous state formation is not accounted for. The problematic account of state formation, it is argued, is due to the limitations of WSA. By taking a closer look at the genesis of the Austro–Hungarian Compromise, the article claims that UCD is better suited for explaining state formation in the Monarchy.

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30

Law, David S. "Studies on Trotsky." Journal of Communist Studies 2, no. 1 (March 1986): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278608414801.

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31

Carr, Barry. "Trotsky in Mexico." Journal of Communist Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1988): 98–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278808414905.

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32

Noriega, Gabriela Pérez. "Entrevista Esteban Trotsky." Aurora. Revista de Arte, Mídia e Política 13, no. 38 (November 25, 2020): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/1982-6672.2020v13i38p9-12.

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33

Fothergill, Robert. "Detaining Mr Trotsky." Canadian Theatre Review 54 (March 1988): 52–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.54.010.

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Caution: © Robert Fothergill, 1988. This play is protected by the copyright laws of Canada and all other countries of the Copyright Union and all performances are subject to royalty. Changes to the script are expressly forbidden without written consent of the author. Rights to produce, film, or record, in whole or part, in any language, by any group amateur or professional, are retained by the author. Interested persons are requested to apply for permission and terms to: Robert Fothergill, c/o the Playwrights Union of Canada, 8 York Street, 6th Floor, Toronto, Canada M5J 1R2.

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34

Romão, Morgana Moura, and Marcio Lauria Monteiro. "O Stalinismo e a União Soviética segundo a interpretação de Leon Trotsky." Aurora. Revista de Arte, Mídia e Política 13, no. 38 (November 25, 2020): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/1982-6672.2020v13i38p168-187.

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Este artigo é uma análise sobre a interpretação de Leon Trotsky do Stalinismo e a União Soviética (URSS). Seguiu-se aqui o mesmo procedimento feito por Perry Anderson (1983), de dividir em etapas o pensamento de Trotsky e de estabelecer as devidas correspondências entre as formulações deste revolucionário e os acontecimentos nacionais e internacionais que o cercavam. Assim, foi possível apresentar de uma forma mais apropriada a interpretação de Trotsky sobre os mencionados fenômenos e também as transformações pelas quais ela passou entre os anos de 1923 e 1940. Os estudos realizados para a escrita deste trabalho permitiram concluir que a chamada “fase madura” da interpretação de Trotsky sobre o Stalinismo e a URSS, formulada ao final da década de 1930, é a mais completa para o entendimento destes fenômenos e a que também proporciona as bases fundamentais para compreender as suas variantes no período após a Segunda Guerra Mundial.

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35

Dias, Reginaldo Benedito. "Leon Trotsky: historiador da Revolução Russa." Diálogos 20, no. 2 (December 17, 2016): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/dialogos.v20i2.34567.

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Este artigo tem o objetivo de analisar a interpretação que Leon Trotsky produziu sobre a Revolução Russa. Abarcando desde o período pré-revolucionário até a fase de liderança de Stalin, as fontes são as obras de Trotsky relacionadas ao tema. Investiga-se a hipótese de que existe uma unidade fundamental na interpretação de Trotsky, assegurada por duas coordenadas. Primeira, o fio condutor da interpretação é a teoria da revolução permanente. Segunda, Outubro de 1917 é o centro de gravidade, na medida em que teria confirmado os pressupostos da teoria da revolução permanente, anunciados em 1905 e traídos pelos acontecimentos do período subsequente

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36

Høgsbjerg, Christian. "O profeta e Black Power." Crítica Marxista 30, no. 57 (October 10, 2024): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.53000/cma.v30i57.19908.

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Os críticos mais radicais de Leon Trotsky têm frequentemente feito a afirmação de que ele não entendeu a questão racial. Este artigo não pretende sugerir que Trotsky tenha dado qualquer tipo de “resposta revolucionária à questão do negro”, mas simplesmente tenta defendê-lo das acusações levantadas contra ele: oportunismo político e rude filisteísmo. Argumenta-se que, apesar das inevitáveis limitações e deficiências em alguns pontos, Trotsky demonstrou, de modo geral, uma simpatia instintiva e um desejo aguçado por uma compreensão mais profunda da luta de libertação negra no país, combinados com uma imaginação característica de um dos maiores revolucionários da tradição marxista clássica.

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37

Høgsbjerg, Christian. "O profeta e Black Power." Crítica Marxista 31, no. 57 (October 10, 2024): 87–108. https://doi.org/10.53000/cma.v31i57.19908.

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Abstract (sommario):

Os críticos mais radicais de Leon Trotsky têm frequentemente feito a afirmação de que ele não entendeu a questão racial. Este artigo não pretende sugerir que Trotsky tenha dado qualquer tipo de “resposta revolucionária à questão do negro”, mas simplesmente tenta defendê-lo das acusações levantadas contra ele: oportunismo político e rude filisteísmo. Argumenta-se que, apesar das inevitáveis limitações e deficiências em alguns pontos, Trotsky demonstrou, de modo geral, uma simpatia instintiva e um desejo aguçado por uma compreensão mais profunda da luta de libertação negra no país, combinados com uma imaginação característica de um dos maiores revolucionários da tradição marxista clássica.

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38

Fausto, Ruy. "Trotski, a democracia e o totalitarismo (a partir do Trotsky de Pierre Broué)." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 62 (2004): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64452004000200007.

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O ponto de partida do artigo é a biografia de Trotski por Pierre Broué, mas o texto pretende ser mais do que uma resenha do livro. Depois de resumir a trajetória de Trotski, insistindo sobre o seu momento mais democratizante (Nossas Tarefas Políticas, 1904), e sobre alguns momentos em que aparecem os lados mais autoritários (recusa de alianças em outubro de 1917, militarização do trabalho etc), o texto analisa principalmenbte dois problemas, relacionados com o destino de Trotski: o da tensão entre democracia interna de partido e ditadura externa e, num plano mais geral, o da natureza do regime russo sob Lenin e depois sob Stalin. O ponto de chegada é a questão das relações entre marxismo, leninismo e stalinismo.

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39

Rubén Gallo. "WHO KILLED LEON TROTSKY?" Princeton University Library Chronicle 75, no. 1 (2013): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.25290/prinunivlibrchro.75.1.0109.

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40

Varela, Raquel. "Trotsky was not Stalin." Critique 48, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 563–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2020.1850802.

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41

Richardson, William, Albert Glotzer, and Trotsky. "Trotsky: Memoir and Critique." Russian Review 50, no. 1 (January 1991): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130228.

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42

Cox, Michael, and Robert V. Daniels. "Trotsky, Stalin and Socialism." Russian Review 52, no. 4 (October 1993): 568. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130672.

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43

Campbell, John C., and Albert Glotzer. "Trotsky: Memoir and Critique." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 3 (1990): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044453.

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44

Kumar, Amitava. "Trotsky in the Park." Rethinking Marxism 9, no. 1 (March 1996): 75–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08935699608685477.

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45

Valkenier, Elizabeth Kridl. "Trotsky, Stalin and Socialism." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 1 (July 1992): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1992.9950732.

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46

Thatcher, Ian D. "Trotsky and the Censor." European History Quarterly 24, no. 2 (April 1994): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149402400203.

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47

Legvold, Robert, and Dmitri Volkogonov. "Trotsky: The Eternal Revolutionary." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 3 (1996): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047621.

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48

Hill, Garry, Bruce McFarlane, Terry Brotherstone, and Paul Dukes. "The Trotsky Re-Appraisal." Labour History, no. 64 (1993): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509187.

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49

Quigley, John. "Leon Trotsky and the Prohibition against Secret Treaties." Journal of the History of International Law 19, no. 2 (May 16, 2017): 246–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-19231017.

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Abstract (sommario):

A requirement was written into the Covenant of the League of Nations that treaties be communicated to the League for publication. This innovation is widely attributed to US President Woodrow Wilson, who drafted the language for the League Covenant on this issue. What is less remembered is that behind Wilson’s initiative lay an action by Leon Trotsky, Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the fledgling Soviet Russian government, who revealed treaties that had been concluded secretly on the Allied side during World War i in which various states were promised territorial gains upon the anticipated successful conclusion of the war. Trotsky’s revelation gained world attention and mobilized public sentiment against secret arrangements between governments. Wilson took his initiative in this context. The registration of treaties, which later was carried over into the Charter of the United Nations, has become one of the most important institutions of the modern international order.

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50

SILVA, Michel Goulart da. "LENIN, TROTSKY AND THE WORLD AFTER 1917." Boletim de Conjuntura (BOCA) 10, no. 28 (April 1, 2022): 12–18. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6339735.

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Abstract (sommario):

In this essay, some theoretical elements presented in the work of Lenin and Trotsky have been discussed in order to allow us to understand political processes that took place in the 20th century. Some revolutionary processes are discussed and due illustrate both Lenin's party theory and Trotsky's permanent revolution. Bibliographic references have been used as well as some documents from political organizations.

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