Bibliografie tematiche / Voting Women Political culture

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Letteratura scientifica selezionata sul tema "Voting Women Political culture"

Autore: Grafiati
Pubblicato: 4 giugno 2021
Ultima modifica: 12 febbraio 2022

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Articoli di riviste sul tema "Voting Women Political culture"

1

Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”". California History 97, n. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.
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Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”". California History 97, n. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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Abstract (sommario):
My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.
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3

Atmor, Nir, e Chen Friedberg. "Gender Gaps in the Center versus the Periphery". Israel Studies Review 34, n. 2 (1 settembre 2019): 92–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340206.

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Recent evidence from industrialized countries shows that men and women tend to exhibit different voting preferences, with greater proportions of women favoring left-wing parties. This phenomenon, known as the ‘modern gender gap’, has been observed in recent Israeli elections as well. After discussing the history of the ‘traditional gender gap’, the article examines the gender gap in the 2013 and 2015 Israeli elections from a geographical and socio-economic perspective, using Israel National Election Studies (INES) data. We focus on two main hypotheses concerning these elections: first, that the gender gap in voting varies according to the geographic location of voters; second, that the modern gender gap affects voters residing in affluent localities. Our findings indicate that both hypotheses hold for the 2013 election but not for the 2015 election.
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Rupiarsieh, Rupiarsieh. "Absentia Voter in the Election of Regional Head in Situbondo Regency Year 2015". Asian Social Science 13, n. 5 (19 aprile 2017): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n5p34.

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Since the downfall of the New Order regime, the regional head election is done directly. Before 2005, it was elected by the Local House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, DPRD). However, since the effectuation of Constitution No. 32 year 2004 said that the regional head was chosen directly by the people and called as Pilkada. It was held in 2010 and 2015. In the 2015 elections in Situbondo, the number of absentia voter is still a problem. It shows that the public has little or no political participation in using their right to vote freely. It is very influential on democracy and acceptance of the elected leaders. The 2015, it showed that the number of registered voters is 509,111. Voters, who using their voting rights only 378,953. The valid votes 372,555, divided to first candidate in number of 18,997 (5%), second candidate in number of 158,934 (43%), and the third candidate in number of 194 624 or 52%. Total absentia voter is 130,058 (25%). By using descriptive qualitative method, the simultaneous elections can be analyzed. The high absentee voter was more due to political factors, lack of political awareness because the majority of education level is still low, and there are patrialism in political culture is. All the leader must have the blessing from the moslem leader (Kiayi). The voters are not in accordance with the existing leader candidate, do not attend the election. The voters will attend the election by following the advice from the Kiayi. They chose their regency leader not in freely condition. If the elected regent unable to accommodate the interests of the opposing party (absentia voter) could become a powerful political opponent. A new factor affecting the absentee voter is political culture. The political culture and democracy education conducted by involving the Kiayi, and directed at women voters and beginner-voter, because the majority of voters are women and the beginner-voter are in the moslem boarding school (called: pasantren), that manage by the Kiayi.
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Ratliff, Kate A., Liz Redford, John Conway e Colin Tucker Smith. "Engendering support: Hostile sexism predicts voting for Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 U.S. presidential election". Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, n. 4 (29 dicembre 2017): 578–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217741203.

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This research investigated the role of gender attitudes in the United States 2016 presidential election between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. The results of three studies (combined N = 2,816) showed that, as expected, Trump voters were higher in hostile and benevolent sexism than were Clinton voters. Even after controlling for political ideology and gender (Studies 1, 2, and 3) and minority group attitudes (Study 3), greater hostile sexism predicted more positive attitudes toward Trump, less positive attitudes toward Clinton, and retrospective reports of having voted for Trump over Clinton (Studies 2 and 3). Benevolent sexism did not predict additional variation in voting behavior beyond political ideology and hostile sexism. These results suggest that political behavior is based on more than political ideology; even among those with otherwise progressive views, overtly antagonistic views of women could be a liability to women—and an asset to men—running for office.
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Akirav, Osnat. "Women's Leadership in Local Government". Review of European Studies 13, n. 1 (18 febbraio 2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v13n1p77.

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In the last two decades the number of women involved in politics locally and nationally has increased.  Nevertheless, there is limited empirical work investigating the increase in the number of female candidates for the position of mayor. To fill this gap in the literature, we conducted interviews with 57 of the 72 female candidates for mayor in Israel before the October 2018 elections, and 37 of the 72 female candidates for mayor after the election. In addition, we interviewed 11 male candidates and men elected as mayors after the election, as well. On the individual level with regard to political ambition, we found that there are four components whose synergy results in more women being encouraged to run for mayor: mentoring, information, networking for women and training. We called this model the MINT model, which has emerged from the interviews conducted with the candidates. On the societal level, it is important to increase public awareness of the importance of gender representation and hence, voting for women to be mayors.
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Stukuls, Daina. "Body of the Nation: Mothering, Prostitution, and Women's Place in Postcommunist Latvia". Slavic Review 58, n. 3 (1999): 537–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697567.

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Among the guiding preoccupations of postcommunist Latvia and its east European neighbors is the desire to be “normal.” A unifying notion in the period of opposition to Soviet communism, “normality” became a site of political contestation after the restoration of independence in Latvia. The fields of political and social life have been dominated by two competing narratives of normality: temporal normality, a restorationist narrative that elevates the experiences and institutions of independent interwar Latvia as a model for postcommunist change, and spatial normality, which takes the western (European) road of capitalist modernity as a map for the future. Although frequently at odds with one another in the field of political life, the temporal and spatial narratives share a nation-centered orientation that both reinforces and, arguably, expands women's subjugated status in society and submerges the “woman question” beneath the "national question." That is to say that although women as members of the body of the citizenry share in the benefits that accrue to this group in the forms of free speech, voting rights, and the right to own property, women as women have not benefited and, in fact, have suffered the consequences of the dual trends of commodification and domestication that have accompanied, respectively, the push toward economic modernity and the elevation of tradition in social life.
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Chassen-López, Francie R. "A Patron of Progress: Juana Catarina Romero, the Nineteenth-Century Cacica of Tehuantepec". Hispanic American Historical Review 88, n. 3 (1 agosto 2008): 393–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-330.

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Abstract Despite the fact that women were barred from voting and holding public office, by 1895 Juana Catarina Romero (1837–1915) had emerged as the major textile importer, sugar refiner, and “modernizing” political boss (cacica) of the city of Tehuantepec in southern Mexico. This article traces Romero’s breathtaking transformation from humble cigarette vendor to culturally assimilated entrepreneur and behind-the-scenes politician, which paralleled and intertwined with three crucial periods of Mexican history: the Liberal Reform, the Porfiriato, and the Revolution. Her life illuminates the many ways in which women participated directly and indirectly in the construction of the nation-state and a capitalist economy, revealing how they negotiated elite efforts at gender, ethnic, and class containment in a provincial setting. The article attributes Romero’s success to her political acumen and tenacious accumulation of economic and social influence and not to a supposed early love affair with Mexican dictator Porfirio Díaz, as previous historians have suggested. Once in power and aligned with Díaz’s goals of “order and progress” and the ideals of social Catholicism, Romero sought to regulate and discipline Tehuantepec, hoping to create a more orderly, productive, and beautiful urban space. Through her influence on Tehuano dress and local fiestas, she attempted to bring local customs into line with the ideals of Porfirian modernization and mestizo identity. Her attention to education, hygiene, health, and urban reforms evidenced her role in the diffusion of national culture and the ideological reproduction of the authoritarian brand of liberalism that dominated Mexico during the Porfiriato.
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Black, Amy, e Stephen Brooke. "The Labour Party, Women, and the Problem of Gender, 1951–1966". Journal of British Studies 36, n. 4 (ottobre 1997): 419–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386144.

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Following the 1966 General Election, the Labour Party's Home Policy Committee observed that the party had, “for the first time, obtained a majority of the female vote” and remarked, “it would be very satisfactory if we could retain it.” Two years later, the Report of the Committee of Enquiry into Party Organisation emphasized the “imperative that the Party concerns itself with how to win much more support among women.” These comments not only betrayed a serious weakness in Labour's electoral support between 1951 and 1966 but also acknowledged an important lacuna in its broader political outlook.Given the party's electoral difficulties in the period after 1951, the first concern was particularly apposite. Beatrix Campbell, Nicky Hart, and Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska have underlined the importance of this gender gap favoring the Conservatives after 1950 (see fig. 1). In the elections of 1951 and 1955, for example, Labour's vote among women lagged twelve and thirteen percentage points behind that of the Conservatives. Only in two elections between 1945 and 1970 did Labour enjoy leads among female voters, and these were much less substantial than those held by the Conservatives in 1951, 1955, 1959, and 1964. In rough numerical terms, this difference was potentially very significant. In 1951, for instance, women made up approximately 51.9 percent of the population of England, Scotland, and Wales and roughly 53.8 percent of those of voting age. With an electorate of 28.5 million, this meant a possible political advantage for the Conservatives of 1.2 million votes in an electoral contest where there were only .2 million votes between the two parties.
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Achterberg, Peter. "Class Voting in the New Political Culture". International Sociology 21, n. 2 (marzo 2006): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580906061378.

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Tesi sul tema "Voting Women Political culture"

1

Dunlap, Sara J. "Gender consciousness and sophistication in the American electorate". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1061294081.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 139 p.; also includes graphics. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Herbert F. Weisberg, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-139).
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Blevins, Laura Lynn Lee. "Collectively Voting One's Culture". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/92700.

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This thesis considers theoretically the institutional nature of culture and its strength as a determinant of political behavior in Southwest Virginia. Beginning with a description of the geography of Southwest Virginia and the demographics of the region's inhabitants, the thesis proceeds to outline the cultural nuances of the region that make it ripe for misunderstanding by the outside world when attempting to explain the cognitive dissonance between voting behavior and regional needs. Then the thesis explores how the culture of the region serves as its own institution that protects itself from outside forces. This phenomenon is explained through an outline of the man-made institutions which have been forged to ensure long-term political power that itself protects the institution of regional culture. Further evidence is presented through voting and demographic data that solidifies the role of culture in determining political behavior.
MA
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Alexander, Kenneth Cooper. "Developing and Sustaining Political Citizenship for Poor and Marginalized People: The Evelyn T. Butts Story". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1566483543046846.

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West, Diana Burghard. "Women State Legislators and Political Culture". W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626126.

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McGrath, Shelly A. "Explaining the gender gap in voting using feminist consciousness theory". Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1266034.

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Previous research shows that women are more likely to vote Democrat than men. Using the 2000 Middletown Area Survey this paper tests the Feminist Consciousness Theory as a possible explanation for the gender gap in voting. Results indicate that women in the study voted more Democrat than men. Those who scored higher on the NonTraditional Gender Role Ideology scale, the Support for Gender Equality Scale and who said that they were a feminist were more likely to vote Democrat. Women were more likely to support gender equality and identify as being a feminist than were men. This means that because women are more likely to have a feminist conscious they are more likely to vote Democrat.
Department of Sociology
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Valdini, Melody Ellis. "Electoral institutions and information shortcuts the effect of decisive intraparty competition on the behavior of voters and party elites /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3310008.

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Abstract (sommario):
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 19 , 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Walker, Nancy J. "Gender and politics : political attitudes and voting in contemporary Great Britain and the United States". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235723.

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Obeidi, Amal Suleiman Mahmoud. "Political culture in Libya : a case study of political attitudes of university students". Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1577/.

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Mertens, Jennifer R. "Gender and the 1988 presidential election : a study of voting behavior in Middletown". Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/544130.

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This study examined gender differences in vote choice, made consequential by the recent emergence of a gender gap in support for Republican candidates. Explanations of the gender gap have included the following: 1)Self-interest explanations emphasizing women's greater dependence on social services and women's support of women's issues. 2)Socialization explanations emphasizing women's more pacifist attitudes.Data for the study came from a random sample of "Middletown." Variables in the analysis included Feminism, Social Traditionalism, the Ethic of Care, support for Child Care and support for Dukakis. In order to explore gender differences in voting behavior, analyses for vote choice were done for women and men, seperately. Path analyses of women's and men's support for Social Traditionalism, child care, and Dukakis are presented in the paper.
Department of Sociology
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Coil, William Russell. "Mayoral politics and new deal political culture: James Rhodes and the African-American voting bloc in Columbus, Ohio, 1943-1951". The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399627321.

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Libri sul tema "Voting Women Political culture"

1

The big vote: Gender, consumer culture, and the politics of exclusion, 1890s-1920s. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004.

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Cultura política de las mujeres en el estado de Puebla: Comportamiento electoral. Puebla, Puebla [Mexico]: Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, 2011.

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Buchanan, Milagros Herrero. Cambio de luna: Luz y sombra del voto femenino. [Mérida, Yucatan, México]: H. Ayuntamiento de Mérida, 2001.

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Jody, Newman, e Leighton Melissa Voorhees 1969-, a cura di. Sex as a political variable: Women as candidates and voters in U.S. elections. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1997.

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The phenomenon of Puerto Rican voting. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004.

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Is voting for young people. 3a ed. New York: Pearson, 2012.

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Pantić, Dragomir. Political culture of voters in Serbia. Belgrade: Institute of Social Sciences, Centre for Political Studies and Public Opinion Research, 2009.

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Pantić, Dragomir. Political culture of voters in Serbia. Belgrade: Institute of Social Sciences, Centre for Political Studies and Public Opinion Research, 2009.

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Political culture of voters in Serbia. Belgrade: Institute of Social Sciences, Centre for Political Studies and Public Opinion Research, 2009.

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10

Is voting for young people? New York: Pearson Longman, 2007.

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Capitoli di libri sul tema "Voting Women Political culture"

1

Zook, Melinda S. "Conclusion Stuart Women and Political Culture". In Protestantism, Politics, and Women in Britain, 1660–1714, 197–202. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137303202_7.

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Eto, Mikiko. "Gender culture in Japanese socio-politics". In Women and Political Inequality in Japan, 50–83. First Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge contemporary Japan series: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056911-3.

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Kayuni, Happy Mickson. "Women, media and culture in democratic Malawi". In Political Transition and Inclusive Development in Malawi, 169–87. New York, NY : Routledge, 2016.: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315683898-10.

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Jordan, Erin L. "Women of Antioch: Political Culture and Powerful Women in the Latin East". In Medieval Elite Women and the Exercise of Power, 1100–1400, 225–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-01346-2_11.

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Finn, Geraldine. "Women, Fantasy and Popular Culture: The Wonderful World of Harlequin Romance". In Popular Cultures and Political Practices, 51–68. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442602861-006.

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Tremblay, Manon. "Uncovering the Gendered Effects of Voting Systems: A Few Thoughts About Representation of Women and of LGBT People". In Gender Innovation in Political Science, 91–114. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75850-3_5.

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Marshment, Margaret. "The Picture is Political: Representation of Women in Contemporary Popular Culture". In Introducing Women’s Studies, 125–51. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25726-3_6.

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Marshment, Margaret. "The Picture is Political: Representation of Women in Contemporary Popular Culture". In Introducing Women’s Studies, 123–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22595-8_6.

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Rhodes, Robert E. "Irish American Writing: Political Men and Archetypal Women: “Polytics Ain't Bean Bag”: The Twentieth-Century Irish American Political Novel". In A Concise Companion to Postwar American Literature and Culture, 323–50. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470756430.ch13.

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Leleu, Laurence. "Virile Women and Effeminate Men: Gendered Judgements and the Exercise of Power in the Ottonian Empire c. 1000 ce". In The Palgrave Handbook of Masculinity and Political Culture in Europe, 85–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58538-7_5.

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Atti di convegni sul tema "Voting Women Political culture"

1

Rodiyah, Isnaini. "Perception, Attitude And Perspective Of Women Towards Social, Culture And Political Organization". In AIMC 2017 - Asia International Multidisciplinary Conference. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.05.12.

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Daulay, Harmona, e T. Ilham Saladin. "Resilience of Women Leaders as Village Heads in Patriarchal Culture (Eco-feminist Analysis)". In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.22.

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Dewi, Evie Ariadne Sinta. "Patriarchal Political Culture, Obstacles of Women Political Performance Case Study of West Java Province in 2018 Regional Heads Election". In International Conference on Media and Communication Studies(ICOMACS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icomacs-18.2018.57.

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