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Статті в журналах з теми "Alexander III of Macedon":

1

Palagia, Olga. "Alexander the Great, the royal throne and the funerary thrones of Macedonia." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 1 (November 2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.7.

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There is no evidence in either Greece or Macedon in the archaic and classical periods that the throne functioned as a symbol of royalty. Thrones were for the gods and their priests. Only the king of Persia used a royal throne and even had portable thrones for his campaigns. This paper argues that after his conquest of the Persian Empire, Alexander the Great adopted the throne as a royal symbol; after his death, his throne became a token of his invisible presence. Philip III Arrhidaeus is known to have used a royal throne after his return to Macedonia. By implication, the marble thrones found in three tombs at Vegina–Aegae are here understood as symbols of royalty and the tombs are interpreted as royal.
2

Stoneman, Richard. "HOW MANY MILES TO BABYLON? MAPS, GUIDES, ROADS, AND RIVERS IN THE EXPEDITIONS OF XENOPHON AND ALEXANDER." Greece and Rome 62, no. 1 (March 2015): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000242.

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When Alexander III of Macedon set out on campaign against the Persian Empire in 334 bc, he had little previous experience to draw on in devising the route to follow. Xenophon had covered some of the ground, but his written account took the route in reverse and was notably full of crisis management and extemporizing: it is doubtful whether Alexander made much use of it. Herodotus had described the basic topography of the Persian empire over a century before, but not in much detail. This article considers the kinds of information that Alexander had to draw on in planning his route, and the ways in which he, and Xenophon before him, acquired the information they needed on the way.
3

Degen, Julian. "Alexander III., Dareios I. und das speererworbene Land (Diod. 17, 17, 2)." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 6, no. 1 (May 2019): 53–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2018-0014.

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AbstractThis article aims to shed new light on Diodorus’ episode about Alexander’s crossing of the Hellespont by bringing ancient Near Eastern evidence into discussion. I assume that Diodorus’ “report” is a nesting of three different narrative-elements woven to a composition which provides a purposeful view ex post facto on the event in 334 BCE. By showing that Alexander adapted Achaemenid strategies to legitimize his power over the new won empire as well his awareness of older Mesopotamian geographical ideas, this article argues that the Argead ruler exposed himself with predominant concepts of ancient Near Eastern kingship. The argumentation underlines for the most part that Diod. 17, 17, 2 is an intentional episode containing Greek-Macedonian propaganda and Persian elements. Especially the famous scene of Alexander hurling a spear in the coast of Asia Minor and the belief that the Persian empire is a gift of the gods root in Teispid and Achaemenid royal ideology. However, Diodorus’ portrayal of Alexander as the first of the Macedons who landed on the coast is an element of his propaganda used during the early phase of his conquest. Finally, this article aims to bring new insights into the discussion about Alexander being the “last Achaemenid”.
4

Shulga, Daniil, Jianwen Chen, and Golovko Golovko. "Nomadic World, the Greco-Bactrian kingdom and China: ethno-cultural situation in the South of Central Asia in the 3rd – 2nd cent. BCE." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 14, no. 2 (2020): 587–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2020-14-2-587-608.

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After the dissolution of the Empire of Alexander of Macedon the layer of Hellenized aristocracy began to appear in Asia under the influence of mixed marriages and cultural syncretism. The announcement of the establishment of the independent state of Bactria made by Diodotus I triggered the appearance of a special culture, characterized by the mixture of Iranian, North Indian and Greek cultural elements. Ultimately, its subsequent spread to the East lead to influence on the China-dominated world. Based on all the mentioned above, the given article aspires to collect and analyze the data, primarily from narratives as sources and foreign literature, for the purpose of researching the processes that connected two ancient and very influential civilizations – Greece and China. The main stages of explicit and implicit relations between China and Hellenistic Bactria is defined. The role of nomad cultures in establishment of connections between West and East is determined and exemplified by the events of the 3rd century B.C. and the early 1st century B.C. Conditional character of the names, referred to nomad entities by ancient writers, is analyzed. We show the controversy of interpretation the given names with the ethnic groups in modern meaning as well as the range of sources on the relations between Greco-Bactrian Kingdom and China and their characteristics. Finally, we construe the equal role of nomads, Chinese and Hellenes in the described contacts of ancient societies.
5

Liapis, Vayos. "Rhesusrevisited: the case for a fourth-century Macedonian context." Journal of Hellenic Studies 129 (November 2009): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900002974.

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Abstract:A number of individual passages inRhesus, a tragedy whose attribution to Euripides has repeatedly been questioned, evince extensive familiarity with institutions and mentalities prevalent in fourth-century Macedonia. The paper argues thatRhesuswas composed and produced for a Macedonian performance context, probably between the late 350s and the late 330s BC, by an author who, while familiar with Athenian tragedy and conceivably of Athenian origin, may have lived in the court of Philip II or Alexander III.
6

Berger, Edward. "Jazz Portraits: 2000–2010." Journal of Jazz Studies 7, no. 1 (March 2011): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/jjs.v7i1.10.

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Musicians featured in this collection of Ed Berger's photographs include Eric Alexander, Geri Allen, Billy Bang, Eddie Bert, Ray Bryant, Candido, Ron Carter, Marc Cary, Dave Douglas, Kurt Elling, Ned Goold, Wycliffe Gordon, Henry Grimes, Chico Hamilton, Roy Hargrove, Barry Harris, Jon Hendricks, Fred Hersch, Ingrid Jensen, Howard Johnson, Kidd Jordan, Teo Macero, Russell Malone, Branford Marsalis, Christian McBride, Grachan Moncur III, Paul Motian, Nicki Parrott, Les Paul, Jeremy Pelt, Houston Person, Riza Printup, Dizzy Reece, Eric Reed, Sam Rivers, Scott Robinson, Fred Staton, George Wein, Frank Wess, Joe Wilder, and Jackie Williams.
7

Nacevski, Ivan. "БЛАЗОН НА ЛАВОТ ВО ПРИПИШАНИТЕ ГРБОВИ НА АЛЕКСАНДАР III МАКЕДОНСКИ- BLASON OF THE LION IN THE ATTRIBUTED ARMS OF ALEXANDER III OF MACEDONIA". Мaкедонски хералд - Macedonian Herald, № 10 (2016): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.47763/mher16100012n.

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8

Gogiashvili, Elene. "Alexander of Macedon in Georgian Folktales." Folklore 127, no. 2 (May 2016): 196–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.2016.1147221.

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9

Baker, Oliver R. "Alexander of Macedon: An Early Biography." ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY 7, no. 3 (June 2021): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.7-3-4.

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Claims that Herodotus reveals himself as a proto-biographer are not yet widely accepted. To advance this claim, I have selected one man, Alexander I, who finds himself and his kingdom caught in the middle of the Greco-Persian Wars and whose activities are recounted in the Histories. It is to a near contemporary, Heraclitus, to whom we attribute the maxim—character is human destiny. It is the truth of this maxim—which implies effective human agency—that makes Herodotus’ creation of historical narrative possible. He is often read for his off-topic vignettes, which colour-in the character of the individuals depicted without necessarily advancing his narrative. But by hop scotching through five of the nine books of the Histories, we can assemble a largely continuous narrative for this remarkable individual. This narrative permits us to attribute both credit and moral responsibility for his actions. Arguably, this implied causation demonstrates that Herodotus’ writings include much that amounts to proto-biography.
10

Stathopoulos, Panagiotis. "Did King Philip II of Ancient Macedonia Suffer a Zygomatico-Orbital Fracture? A Maxillofacial Surgeon's Approach." Craniomaxillofacial Trauma & Reconstruction 10, no. 3 (September 2017): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0037-1601431.

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Philip II, father of Alexander the Great, succeeded his brother, Perdiccas III, to the throne of Macedonia in 360 BC. He has been described by historians as a generous king and military genius who managed to achieve his ambitious plans by expanding the Macedonian city-state over the whole Greek territory and the greater part of the Balkan Peninsula. The aim of our study was to present the evidence with regard to the facial injury of King Philip II of Macedonia and discuss the treatment of the wound by his famous physician, Critobulos. We reviewed the literature for historical, archaeological, and paleopathological evidence of King Philip's facial injury. We include a modern reconstruction of Philip's face based on the evidence of his injury by a team of anatomists and archaeologists from the Universities of Bristol and Manchester. In the light of the archaeological findings by Professor Andronikos and the paleopathological evidence by Musgrave, it can be claimed with confidence that King Philip II suffered a significant injury of his zygomaticomaxillary complex and supraorbital rim caused by an arrow as can be confirmed in many historical sources. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first attempt to present the trauma of King Philip II from a maxillofacial surgeon's point of view.

Дисертації з теми "Alexander III of Macedon":

1

Santoni, François. "La réception de l’image d’Alexandre par l’aristocratie romaine, des origines au principat d’Auguste." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Corte, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021CORT0011.

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Cette thèse vise à appréhender la réception de l’image d’Alexandre III de Macédoine par l’aristocratie romaine, sur une période allant des origines de la question jusqu’au principat d’Auguste. L’enjeu est donc de proposer des conclusions nouvelles relatives à la réception d’Alexandre par un certain nombre de personnages, mais aussi d’examiner le rapport à Alexandre de manière diachronique. Dès le troisième siècle avant notre ère, les Romains mettent en oeuvre un discours sur Alexandre, ou plutôt des discours. Ces derniers peuvent présenter les Romains comme vainqueurs du Macédonien par procuration, le dénigrer, ou encore tenter de récupérer son héritage. En parallèle, un certain nombre d’aristocrates romains suivant la voie du Macédonien par l’imitatio ou l’aemulatio. Les discours relatifs à Alexandre, qu’ils se manifestent dans les sources littéraires ou numismatiques, peuvent aussi bien être adressés à un public grec ou hellénisant qu’à un public romain. Il est donc un outil politique efficace, utilisé aussi bien dans l’Vrbs que dans les provinces orientales
This thesis aims at apprehending the reception of the image of Alexander III of Macedonia by the Roman aristocracy, over a period going from the origins of the question to the principate of Augustus. The challenge is therfore to propose new conclusions concerning the reception of Alexander by certain characters, but also to examine the relationship to Alexander diachronically. As early as the third century BCE, the Romans implemented a discourse on Alexander, or rather discourses. They can present the Romans as victors of the Macedonian, denigrate him, or even try to recover his heritage. At the same time, a number of Romain aristocrats followed the Macedonian’s path through imitatio or aemulatio. The discourses relating to Alexander, whether they appear in literary or numismatic sources, can be addressed to a greek or hellenizing public as wall as to a roman one. It is therefore an effective political tool, used in the Vrbs as well as in the eastern provinces
2

Laudage, Johannes. "Alexander III. und Friedrich Barbarossa /." Köln ; Weimar ; Wien : Böhlau, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb370996826.

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3

Mian, Natasha Lea. "Alexander III: a pogrom-maker? : capability and culpability in Russian society, 1881-1894." Electronic Thesis or Diss., University of Liverpool, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283501.

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This thesis intends to show that pogroms in the reign of Alexander III were neither encouraged nor instigated by the government. While other historians have demonstrated why the government could not have been involved in a pogrom policy, a thesis to which the author adds new primary source materials, it is possible to go one step further with new information emerging on alternative origins and reasons for the pogroms. It is argued that there was independent anti-Jewish action among the peasantry that clearly shows their capability for self-motivation and organisation. Chapters 1 and 2 review the literature on the Russian peasantry, the nature of the autocracy, the tensions within Russian society and the role of the Jewish population within the Russian Empire until the 1880s. These are the areas on which the crux of the thesis rests. Chapter 3 re-examines the period 1881-1894 in more detail in an effort to understand more clearly Jewish and Russian social perceptions of the pogroms, and how this has led to misconceptions among historians. Chapter 4 looks more closely at the government policy on the Jewish Question, using new data that allows research to take into account the real feelings and concerns that were expressed at the highest levels of government. Chapter 5 considers the same unofficial and frank source of documentation but at lower levels, i. e. police and local officials. From these police reports, comes the factual evidence of the existence of peasant leadership, organisation and movements against authority, and more specifically against Jews. Chapter 6 concludes that by 1881, the autocracy did not control or understand Russian or Jewish society, and it was during the next thirteen years that this became evident. The re-evaluation of available data only serves to show that the pogroms were a clear illustration of this fact.
4

Zado, Alexander [Verfasser]. "Metal-insulator-semiconductor structures and AlGaN/GaN hetero-junctions based on cubic group-III nitrides / Alexander Zado." Online-Ressource, Paderborn : Universitätsbibliothek, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1066728232/34.

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Hartenstein, Hans [Verfasser], Alexander [Gutachter] Kreuter, and Heinrich [Gutachter] Dickel. "Häufigkeit und klinische Bedeutung von RNA-Polymerase III Antikörpern bei Patienten mit Systemischer Sklerodermie / Hans Hartenstein ; Gutachter: Alexander Kreuter, Heinrich Dickel." Online-Ressource, Bochum : Ruhr-Universität Bochum, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1116709511/34.

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Zell, Daniel [Verfasser], Lutz [Akademischer Betreuer] [Gutachter] Ackermann, and Alexander [Gutachter] Breder. "C–H Activation by Ruthenium(II), Cobalt(III) and Manganese(I) Catalysis / Daniel Zell ; Gutachter: Lutz Ackermann, Alexander Breder ; Betreuer: Lutz Ackermann." Online-Ressource, Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1136785159/34.

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Kasic, Alexander [Verfasser]. "Phonons, free-carrier properties, and electronic interband transitions of binary, ternary, and quaternary group-III nitride layers measured by spectroscopic ellipsometry / Alexander Kasic." Online-Ressource, Aachen : Shaker, 2003. http://d-nb.info/117054195X/34.

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Wang, Hui [Verfasser], Lutz [Akademischer Betreuer] Ackermann, Lutz [Gutachter] Tietze, Alexander [Gutachter] Breder, Manuel [Gutachter] Alcarazo, Dietmar [Gutachter] Stalke, and Shoubhik [Gutachter] Das. "Cobalt(III)- and Manganese(I)-Catalyzed C-H and C-C Activations / Hui Wang ; Gutachter: Lutz Tietze, Alexander Breder, Manuel Alcarazo, Dietmar Stalke, Shoubhik Das ; Betreuer: Lutz Ackermann." Online-Ressource, Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1182033644/34.

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Matthaei, Alexander Maximilian [Verfasser], and Claus [Akademischer Betreuer] Vogelmeier. "Effekte einer Sauerstoffsonde mit Reservoir (Oxymizer) im Vergleich zu einer konventionellen Sauerstoffbrille bei Patienten mit COPD, Stadium III und IV unter körperlicher Belastung / Alexander Maximilian Matthaei ; Betreuer: Claus Vogelmeier." Online-Ressource, Marburg : Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1159702535/34.

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Yakoubovitch, Igor. "Les Historiae Alexandri Magni de Quinte-Curce : le mythe d’Alexandre et la représentation du pouvoir à Rome (Ier siècle ap. J.-C.)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100180/document.

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Considéré comme un historien qui sacrifie rigueur et exactitude à son souci de la rhétorique, Quinte-Curce jouit, et avec lui son histoire « romancée », d’une réputation en demi-teinte. Au-delà de faiblesses et d’un mélange des genres entre histoire, morale et rhétorique du reste caractéristiques de l’ensemble de l’historiographie romaine, les Historiae Alexandri Magni constituent un témoignage intéressant sur la représentation du pouvoir à Rome au Ier siècle de n.è. En s’appuyant sur un portrait rigoureusement construit, Quinte-Curce met en relief l’évolution du Conquérant, soumis à la tentation de l’Orient, de la fortune et de ses modèles héroïques. L’historien se livre alors à une véritable entreprise de démystification qui touche la nature même de cet Orient merveilleux, la fortune providentielle dont se réclame le Macédonien et même le langage. Sont ainsi condamnés la quête effrénée de gloire que poursuit le roi, et son rêve de divinisation : l’Orient est synonyme de renversement généralisé des normes et des valeurs, la fortune une illusion conduisant à un sentiment d’impunité. En déconstruisant la propagande d’Alexandre, Quinte-Curce révèle alors un autre imaginaire – le sien – en même temps qu’une idéologie. En filigrane, il propose aussi un idéal du pouvoir qui repose essentiellement sur l’équilibre et sur la responsabilité du prince. Par là, il interroge, au regard des réalités politiques de son temps, la pertinence d’un mythe central dans l’imaginaire politique romain et dont l’ombre plane sur tous les ambitieux, à commencer par les empereurs ou les candidats à l’Empire. Son récit bien mené incite donc à une réflexion réelle sur l’exercice du pouvoir, ses enjeux et ses limites
Considered a historian who sacrifices his rigor and accuracy for the sake of rhetoric, Curtius Rufus enjoys, and with him his “fictionalized” history as well, a halftone reputation. Notwithstanding its shortcomings and a mixture of genres between history, moral and rhetoric, which are also typical of the entire Roman historiography, the Historiae Alexandri Magni are an interesting testimony of the representation of power in Rome in the first century A.D. Building on a rigorously constructed portrait, Quintus Curtius highlights the evolution of the Conqueror, subject to the temptations of the East, of fortune and its heroic models. The historian attempts to debunk the very nature of this wonderful East, the providential fortune claimed by Macedonian, and even language. The unbridled quest for glory pursued by the king and his dream of deification are here condemned: the East stands for a general inversion of norms and values, and fortune becomes an illusion leading to a feeling of impunity. By deconstructing Alexander's propaganda, Curtius then reveals another imaginary—his own—along with an ideology. Implicitly, it also proposes an ideal of power mainly based on balance and on the responsibility of the prince. The historian questions the relevance of a central myth of the Roman political imagination in the political context of the times, whose shadow looms over all ambitious men, starting with emperors or candidates for the Empire. His well crafted narrative is a call for a reflection on the actual exercise of power, its challenges and limitations

Книги з теми "Alexander III of Macedon":

1

Green, Peter. Alexander of Macedon, 356-323 B.C.: A historical biography. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.

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2

Apostolou, Anna. A murder in Macedon: A mystery of Alexander the Great. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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3

Gabriel, Richard A. Philip II of Macedonia: Greater than Alexander. Washington, D.C: Potomac Books, 2010.

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4

Campbell, Marion. Alexander III: King of Scots. Isle of Colonsay, Argyll: House of Lochar, 1999.

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5

Laudage, Johannes. Alexander III. und Friedrich Barbarossa. Köln: Böhlau, 1997.

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6

Grainger, John D. Alexander the great failure: The collapse of the Macedonian Empire. London: Hambledon Continuum, 2009.

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Grainger, John D. Alexander the great failure: The collapse of the Macedonian Empire. London: Hambledon Continuum, 2009.

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8

Clarke, Peter D. Pope Alexander III (1159-81): The art of survival. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate, 2012.

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9

McCarthy, Declan, and Ioannis Galanakis. Heracles to Alexander the Great: Treasures from the royal capital of Macedon, a Hellenic kingdom in the age of democracy. Oxford: Ashmolean Museum of Art Archaeology, 2011.

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10

Carney, Elizabeth Donnelly. Philip II and Alexander the Great: Father and son, lives and afterlives. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.

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Частини книг з теми "Alexander III of Macedon":

1

King, Carol J. "Alexander III and Macedonia, 356–334." In Ancient Macedonia, 131–50. New York, NY: Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315177410-6.

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2

Davis, Steven I. "Alexander of Macedon." In Leadership in Conflict, 12–15. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230378100_2.

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3

Sears, Matthew A. "Philip and Alexander of Macedon." In Understanding Greek Warfare, 145–80. Abingdon, Oxon, New York, NY: Routledge, [2019] | Series: Understanding the ancient world: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315267791-6.

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4

Johrendt, Jochen. "Friedrich Barbarossa und Alexander III." In Friedrich Barbarossa in den Nationalgeschichten Deutschlands und Ostmitteleuropas (19.–20 Jh.), 173–204. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/9783412508722-008.

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5

Stronk, Jan P. "Alexander the Great Defeats Darius III." In Semiramis' Legacy. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474414258.003.0006.

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After discussing the rise to power of Darius III, Diodorus extensively relates the first stages of the war between Alexander III the Great of Macedon and Darius III up to the Battle of Gaugamela. Subsequently Alexander’s crossing into Asia and his performance at Troy, the Battle of the Granicus and its aftermath, the Battle of Issus, the siege of Tyre, the invasion of Egypt, and the Battle of Gaugamela come to the fore, followed by Alexander’s entry into Persepolis and the fate of this city.
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Waterfield, Robin. "The Disarray of Macedon." In The Making of a King, 13–40. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198853015.003.0002.

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In the less than fifty years between Alexander the Great’s death and Antigonus’s gaining the throne in 276, Macedon had twelve rulers. This chapter charts these decades of chaos, while interleaving details of Antigonus’s immediate family and his early years. Alexander was replaced by a dual kingship of his half-brother Philip III, and his infant son Alexander IV. Olympias, Alexander the Great’s mother and the guardian of Alexander IV, briefly seized the throne, killing Philip III in the process. She was ousted by the military might of Cassander and put to death. Cassander imprisoned Alexander IV and later had him killed. Cassander ruled from 316 to 297, but on his death chaos returned, ultimately enabling Demetrius Poliorcetes, the father of Antigonus, to seize the throne. Demetrius was expelled in 287 and Macedon was divided between Lysimachus of Thrace and Pyrrhus of Epirus. Lysimachus drove Pyrrhus out of his half of the country, but was defeated in battle and killed by Seleucus, the ruler of Asia. Seleucus was assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus, who thereby gained the Macedonian throne. But Ptolemy bungled his response to a massive invasion of Celts, and lost his life in the process. Macedon descended into anarchy.
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Thonemann, Peter. "2. From Alexander to Augustus." In The Hellenistic Age: A Very Short Introduction, 15–39. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198746041.003.0002.

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‘From Alexander to Augustus’ describes the twists and turns of Hellenistic history, from Alexander’s accession (336 bc) to Cleopatra’s death and the end of the Ptolemaic kingdom (30 bc). It begins by outlining Alexander’s reign and the first generation after his death (323–281 bc), when his empire fractured into three successor kingdoms, each ruled by a Macedonian king: the Antigonids in Macedon, the Ptolemies in Egypt, and the Seleucids in western and central Asia. The rising power of the imperial city-states of Carthage and Rome is described, including Rome’s victories over Philip V and Antiochus III during the 2nd century bc. It ends with the final period of the Hellenistic age (133–30 bc).
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Bowden, Hugh. "1. Before Alexander." In Alexander the Great: A Very Short Introduction, 10–22. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198706151.003.0002.

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‘Before Alexander’ gives a brief history of the Achaemenid Persian Empire and the kingdom of Macedon before they came into conflict, to set the scene for Alexander the Great's era. The Achaemenid Empire was the creation of Cyrus the Great (c.559–530). To maintain hold over such a large and disparate empire required effective organization. Central to the Achaemenid system was the person of the king himself. The Persians established in power the family that would, 180 years on from that point, bring down their own empire. Alexander III (Alexander the Great) was the great-great-great grandson of Alexander I, the son of Amyntas, a Macedonian.
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Waters, Matthew W. "The Achaemenid Persian Empire." In The Oxford World History of Empire, 111–36. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197532768.003.0004.

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The Achaemenid Persian Empire was history’s first hyperpower, ruling much of the known earth from the reign of Cyrus the Great in the mid-sixth century to the defeat of Darius III by Alexander of Macedon in 331 BCE. The Achaemenid Empire’s evident debt to its predecessors in Elam, Assyria, and Babylonia may be contrasted with a deconstruction of the so-called Median Empire’s influence, to the point that several scholars question whether the Medes ever ruled a centralized empire in the traditional sense of the term. The Achaemenid Empire’s scale and durative power went beyond conquest. The royal court, satraps, elites, and administrative apparatus combined to substantiate a compelling ideology based upon the centrality of the king. The conquest of the empire by Alexander conjoins the Macedonian’s military success with a necessary reliance on Achaemenid imperial architecture and traditions.
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Militký, Jiří. "Unusual Imitations with the Name of Alexander III of Macedonia." In Aleksanderia, 273–78. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1h9djth.36.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Alexander III of Macedon":

1

Panova, Lyudmila Nikolaevna. "Reformation and restitution in Alexander III reign." In VIII International applied research conference. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-111403.

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2

"Liberation Propaganda as a Legitimizing Principle in Warfare: Dionysius I as an Antecedent to Philip and Alexander of Macedon." In Symposium of the Melammu Project. Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/melammu10s199.

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3

Verevkina, I. N. "The image of Alexander III in "Memoirs" S.Yu. Witte." In ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-11-2018-91.

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4

Varlaki, Peter, Judith Steiner-Varlaki, and Peter Baranyi. "Encountering the Cognitive and Noetic Endeavors of Macedon Renaissance : Part III: System of Depicting and Meaning for the Picture of Stephanus and Clemens on the Coronation Mantle (Royal Casula) of St Stephen of Hungary." In 2020 11th IEEE International Conference on Cognitive Infocommunications (CogInfoCom). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/coginfocom50765.2020.9237852.

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5

Dyachkov, V. "MIGRATION OF RUSSIAN POPULATION FROM 1880s TO 1940s: CONDITIONS, METHODOLOGY AND TECHNIQUE OF INVESTIGATION." In Man and Nature: Priorities of Modern Research in the Area of Interaction of Nature and Society. LCC MAKS Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m2592.s-n_history_2021_44/106-114.

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The article states the methodological and research technique conditions for the historical disclosure of the socio-natural synergy of social history in the specific case of Russian population migrations in the more than eventful period from the reign of Alexander III to the Great Patriotic War and the first post-war years, inclusive. The requirements for a modern researcher of social processes on long continuous series of complex sociographic and demographic information are formulated. The public and author's mass sources are named, which are necessary for identifying and comparing the synergisms of migrations at five levels of populations of individual settlements, a subregion, a region, a macro-region and the country as a whole, and an algorithm for their processing is shown. Some of the most important results of the study of migration as a complex socio-natural mechanism of regulation and control of populations are presented in graphs, diagrams, histograms and maps.

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