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Статті в журналах з теми "Iron age – Aegean Sea Region":

1

Pratt, Catherine E. "Minor Transnationalism in the Prehistoric Aegean? The Case of Phoenicians on Crete in the Early Iron Age." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 18, no. 3 (September 2015): 305–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.18.3.305.

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The study of population movements and cultural interaction, both large- and small-scale, has been increasingly important for understanding past societies and the archaeological remains of their material culture. As the result of long-term social and ideological practices in life and death, consumption and deposition patterns in the archaeological record are essential for viewing changes in cultural identities brought about by contact with other groups. In the Early Iron Age, groups of people we call “Phoenicians” set forth to various regions around the Mediterranean Sea and established predominantly colonial connections with local populations. While Phoenician presence is attested on the island of Crete, the available evidence does not reflect common trends in the archaeological remains of Phoenician colonial activity. Consequently, many debates exist on how to classify the interactions of Phoenicians and Cretans in the Early Iron Age. A reexamination of archaeological data associated with the Phoenician presence on Crete, however, provides an opportunity to test new theoretical models of transnational social interaction. In this article I suggest that the modern concept of minor transnationalism may be a useful tool to view this case of ancient cultural contact. In particular, I examine two examples of sanctuaries and cemeteries on Crete where Phoenician interactions with local populations have produced evidence for transnational spaces, which are created by the interconnections between agents of two liminal groups. By applying a modern theory to ancient evidence, this article will help expand the historical scope of transnationalism beyond strictly modern perspectives. In short, the application of transnationalism to the ancient past will provide a more transhistorical perspective on cultural contact.
2

Lawall, Mark L., and Chavdar Tzochev. "New research on Aegean & Pontic transport amphorae of the ninth to first century BC, 2010–2020." Archaeological Reports 66 (November 2020): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s057060842000006x.

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Research on transport amphorae in the Aegean and the Black Sea regions during the past decade has progressed significantly, both accumulating, synthesizing and interpreting new and old data, and increasing attention given to previously neglected areas and periods. Much work has been done on identifying places of production, defining typological development and refining chronologies. Greece and Turkey are achieving greater prominence in the field, as is attention to the Early Iron Age. Old debates – such as on the purposes and the meanings of amphora stamps – have been reignited with new ideas and the roles of transport amphorae in socio-economic systems continue to draw attention. Another emerging trend is the effort to consider amphorae in the longue durée. As material grows and the field becomes more cosmopolitan, amphora studies increasingly face the challenge of aggregating and synthesizing data in a way that can encourage participation in the broader dialogues of economic historians.
3

Scheidel, Walter. "The Greek demographic expansion: models and comparisons." Journal of Hellenic Studies 123 (November 2003): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246263.

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AbstractFor much of the first millennium BC, the number of Greeks increased considerably, both in the Aegean core and in the expanding periphery of the Mediterranean and Black Sea regions. This paper is the first attempt to establish a coherent quantitative framework for the study of this process. In the first section, I argue that despite the lack of statistical data, it is possible to identify a plausible range of estimates of average long-term demographic growth rates in mainland Greece from the Early Iron Age to the Classical period. Elaborating on this finding, the second section offers a comprehensive rebuttal of the notion of explosive population growth in parts of the eighth and seventh centuries BC. In the third section, I seek to determine the probable scale and demographic consequences of Greek settlement overseas. A brief preliminary look at the relationship between population growth and the quality of life concludes my survey. The resultant series of interlocking parametric models is meant to contextualize the demographic development of ancient Greece within the wider ambit of pre-modern demography, and to provide a conceptual template for future research in this area.
4

Bulatovic, Aleksandar. "Origin and distribution of slightly biconical bowls with facetted or channeled rim from the end of bronze and the beginning of iron ages on the Balkan peninsula: Contribution to the study of ethnic and cultural movements in southeast Europe at the end of bronze and the beginning of iron ages." Starinar, no. 59 (2009): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0959089b.

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Slightly biconical shaped bowls, the upper cone (rim and shoulder) of which is decorated with horizontal and slanted facets or slanted channels, as well as semi-globular bowls of inverted rim decorated with horizontal facets or slanted channels are characteristic of the end of Bronze Age and mark the beginning of Iron Age in many cultural groups within the Balkan Peninsula. Problem of their origin, chronology and distribution is present in archaeological literature for a long time. Many authors perceived the significance of this ceramic shape for the chronological, ethnic and cultural interpretation of the Late Bronze, that is, of the Early Iron Ages within the territory of the Balkans. Pottery from the burned layers in Vardina and Vardaroftsa sites in the north of Greece, among which there were bowls with inverted, slanted channeled rim, was designated way back by W. Heurtley as Danubian pottery or Lausitz ware, connecting its origin with the Danube Basin. Anumber of conclusions have been reached upon the study of finds of slightly biconical bowls and bowls of inverted rim, decorated with channels or facets, from several indicative sites from Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages within the Balkan Peninsula and south part of the Middle Europe. It has been stated that the bowls appear first within the southwest Slovakia and northwest Hungary in the Br D period, to spread very fast, already in the Br D/Ha A1 period, from its home territory to the east, to the northeast Hungary and northwest Romania. Namely, this first spreading wave into these territories brought along only variety Ia bowls, which were further distributed to the south, during the Ha A1 period, to the central parts of the Balkan Peninsula and consequently it can be concluded that these bowls are somewhat older than other varieties. In the period Br D - Ha A1, in north Hungary, under the influence of Gava Culture, on one hand, and Caka Culture, on the other, appear also variety IIa bowls (turban dish), distributed to the east with a new migration wave, in the same manner as was the case with the first migration wave, but also to the south, along the Bakonjska Range, to the present day Croatia and Slovenia, where, in the Ha A1/A2 periods, were stated exclusively variety IIa bowls. Representatives of the variety Ia bowls remained in the Pomoravlje region and Juzna Morava Basin, as confirmed by a large number of these bowls and also by other ceramic shapes of that stylistic and typological pattern, prevailing within this region in the Ha A1/A2 periods. First variety IIa bowls (Mediana, Krzince) appear only during the second migration wave coming from the north of the Balkans to the central part of the Balkan Peninsula (Ha A2 period). These bowls, however, are particularly characteristic of Macedonia and lower Povardarje, where variety Ia bowls were not stated at all. The second migration wave representatives, with turban dish bowls (variety IIa), were much more aggressive as witnessed by many burned settlements from that period in the Vranjska-Bujanovacka Valleys and Povardarje. During Ha B-C periods, bowls of both types (particularly variety IIa) became inevitable part of ceramic inventory of nearly all cultural groups in the Balkan Peninsula, which could be explained by the spread of cultural influence of the new stylistic trend, though, however, it could be possible that migrations, which at the time were numerous and of greater or lesser intensity, were one of the spreading causes of this ceramic shape into the east, south and west parts of the Balkan Peninsula in the Ha B period. Representatives of the mentioned migrations, which were carried out in at least two larger migration waves, bringing along bowls to the Balkan Peninsula, are protagonists of historically known migrations from that period, known under names of Doric and Aegean migrations. The assumed direction of these migrations coincides mainly with the distribution direction of bowl types I and II. Migrations spreading the bowl types I and II started in the south part of the Middle Europe, but were initiated by the representatives of the Urnenfelder cultural complex from the Middle Europe, as observed in certain ceramic shapes, stated together with type I bowls and originating from cultures of the Urnenfelder complex, and in numerous metal finds, which were produced in Middle European workshops. It is of interest to point out that bowl movements could be followed up to the northwest shores of the Aegean Sea, but they are not stated in the south Trace and in Troy, thus imposing conclusion that their representatives did not reach Troy. Consequently, their possible participation in destruction of VIIb2 layer settlements is utterly uncertain. The migrations, however, started chain reaction of ethnic movements in the Balkans, causing many ethnic and cultural changes within this territory which will lead to creation of new cultural groups to mark the developed Iron Age. To what extent bowls of this type, particularly variety IIa, left deep trace in the Iron Age Cultures in the central Balkans, is shown in the fact that survivals of this variety remained within these regions even several centuries later, in late phases of the Ha C period (VI/V century BC).
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Sestieri, Anna Maria Bietti. "Italy in Europe in the Early Iron Age." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 63 (1997): 371–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00002498.

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In the field of European recent prehistory it is generally agreed that, from the Early Orientalising period, Etruria played a central role in long distance trade, also acting as a link between the Aegean and east Mediterranean and trans-Alpine Europe. A widely acknowledged implication is that this primary status of the Etruscans among the indigenous peoples of Italy was a secondary effect of the Greek and Phoenician colonisation in the central Mediterranean. It is the aim of this paper to show that, as early as the Late Bronze Age, Etruria emerged as a complex territorial, political, and economic entity and was able to participate in an interregional network of trade reaching as far as northern Germany and the Aegean. By the beginnings of the Italian Iron Age, this region was organised as a federation of early states, with important extensions in the southern Po plain, along the Adriatic coast, and in Campania.
6

Gilmour, Garth. "Aegean sanctuaries and the Levant in the Late Bronze Age." Annual of the British School at Athens 88 (November 1993): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015914.

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In a recent paper by O. Negbi it was argued that certain late bronze age Aegean temples owe elements of their design to influence from the Levant. Architectural features such as corner platforms, a ‘bent-axis’ approach, and twin temples, and cultural features such as the presence of ‘smiting god’ figurines, are analysed. It is concluded that there is no evidence that Aegean shrines were built according to a Canaanite model, and that there was no Canaanite cultic influence in the Aegean during the Late Bronze Age. If anything, the reverse applied in the early Iron Age, when the influence of the Sea Peoples is seen in some cultic architecture in the Levant.
7

Melnikova, Elena, and Natalya Kuzminova. "Growth of horse mackerel populations in the western parts of the Black, Marmara, and Aegean seas." Fisheries & Aquatic Life 28, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aopf-2020-0002.

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AbstractThis study estimated the growth of horse mackerel, Trachurus mediterraneus (Steindachner), populations from the western parts of the Black, Marmara, and Aegean seas. Dependencies of individual daily weight gain at age were determined. The calculations showed that in the area studied the highest absolute weight gain was 45.4 mg day−1 for fish at the age of 2.46 years from Zonguldak (Black Sea). The relative annual increase in the population biomass of T. mediterraneus inhabiting different areas of the Black, Marmara and Aegean seas was determined. It was revealed that the annual relative increase in the biomass of horse mackerel caught in the Black Sea exceeded that in the Marmara and Aegean seas. At the same time, the highest relative annual biomass increase (94.8%) was observed in populations from the Varna-Bourgas region and in the coastal waters of Sevastopol (70.9%) in the Black Sea.
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Asscher, Yotam, and Elisabetta Boaretto. "Absolute Time Ranges in the Plateau of the Late Bronze to Iron Age Transition and the Appearance of Bichrome Pottery in Canaan, Southern Levant." Radiocarbon 61, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2018.58.

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ABSTRACTThe Late Bronze Age to Iron Age transition in the Levant includes the appearance of new material culture that is similar in styles to the Aegean world. In the southern Levant, the distribution of early styles of Aegean-like pottery, locally produced, is limited to the coastal areas of Canaan, making synchronization with the rest of the region difficult. Radiocarbon (14C) dating provides a high-resolution absolute chronological framework for synchronizing ceramic phases. Here, absolute14C chronologies of the Late Bronze to Iron Age transition in the sites Tel Beth Shean, Tel Rehov, Tel Lachish, and Tel Miqne-Ekron are determined. Results show that the ranges of transitions vary in an absolute time frame by 50–100 years between different sites and that the range of the Late Bronze Age to Iron Age transition in Canaan spans the 13th–11th centuries BC plateau. These chronologies, based on a site-by-site approach for dating, show that the change between early types of Aegean-like pottery (Monochrome) to developed types (Bichrome), occurred over 100 years in Canaan and that the transition occurred in southern sites prior to sites in the north. These ranges show that not only is the Late Bronze to Iron Age not contemporaneous, but also synchronization between sites based on their ceramic assemblages is problematic.
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Mangou, Helen, and Panayiotis V. Ioannou. "Studies of the Late Bronze Age copper-based ingots found in Greece." Annual of the British School at Athens 95 (November 2000): 207–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400004640.

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Seven bun type, one slab type, and 44 oxhide type Late Bronze Age ingots found in the Aegean region, Crete and Mainland Greece have been analysed for their chemical content (twelve elements) by atomic absorption spectroscopy. The results show that the ingots contain variable amounts of oxygen as copper(I) oxide. The oxhide ingots are made of purer copper, the bun type are of relatively pure copper and bronze, while the slab type is bronze. The oxhide ingots from Crete may have a different origin from those found in the Aegean and in Mainland Greece because they have a different chemical composition. The metallographic examination of twenty ingots, three of bun and seventeen of oxhide type, revealed that they have been cast in open moulds, followed by slow cooling. Microanalyses of inclusions in fifteen ingots revealed the presence of copper(I) sulphide, copper(I) oxide, copper-iron and copper-iron-sulphur and their origin is discussed. Hardness measurements on fourteen ingots of various types revealed that they are somewhat harder for a cast object than control alloys and likely explanations are given.
10

Zeman-Wiśniewska, Katarzyna. "Re-evaluation of Contacts between Cyprus and Crete from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age." Electrum 27 (2020): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.20.001.12791.

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This article argues that it is possible to distinguish certain stages of development of the contact between Cyprus and Crete, from Early Bronze Age up to the LBA/EIA transition period. To thoroughly do that, areas in which the connections are most clearly expressed: written sources, pottery, copper trade and cult practice influences are discussed. Possible sea routes between two islands, direct and as a part of a major route between Aegean, Levant and Egypt are described. Discussed written sources include possible place-names connected with Cyprus/Alasia in linear scripts and usage of the so-called ‘Cypro-Minoan’writing. Examples of pots and sherds both Cypriot found in Crete and Cretan found in Cyprus are examined and possible copper trade (including lead isotope analysis) is considered. Further, alleged Minoan cult practice influences are thoroughly discussed. Finally all the above are chronologically reviewed and a course of development of contacts between Crete and Cyprus is proposed.

Дисертації з теми "Iron age – Aegean Sea Region":

1

Chalazonitis, Ioannis. "The north-eastern Aegean, 1050-600 BC." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2f15b253-cc97-4e65-98cf-657a203bfc3e.

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This thesis aims to construct a historical narrative for the region of the north-eastern Aegean (NEA) during the Early Iron Age (1050-700 BCE) and the early Archaic period (7th century BCE) based primarily on archaeological evidence. Its goals are to investigate the most distinctive material culture elements for the studied period; to explore themes of continuity and connectivity between regions; to trace large- and smaller-scale population movements; to discuss how early communities perceived themselves and each other; and to investigate the social structure and organisation of these communities. Evidence from settlement sites, funerary contexts, and sanctuaries are presented in the first three chapters in that order. Following that, the final chapter presents the primary, overarching conclusions of the thesis, in four sub-chapters. Firstly, it is argued that the NEA was characterised by relative cultural continuity from the Late Bronze Age to well within the Archaic period: when new elements were introduced, they were, generally, integrated into earlier paradigms. Secondly, evidence is provided for an increase in connectivity and maritime traffic peaks during the late 8th century BCE; shortly afterwards, new population groups from the central and southern Aegean arrived in the NEA, and seem to have cohabited relatively peacefully with earlier populations. Thirdly, it is posited that there is little evidence for overarching NEA regional identities before the 6th century BCE: communities appear to have developed local identities, through association with specific sites and through references to the communal past in cult practice and funerary contexts. Finally, it is argued that social elites were markedly active in NEA communities of studied period: there is considerable evidence for socially exclusive groups, primarily in funerary and ritual contexts. The thesis concludes with a short chapter containing the author's closing remarks.
2

Creutz, Kristina. "Tension and tradition a study of late iron age spearheads around the Baltic Sea /." Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52190612.html.

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Mureddu, Nicola. "A barrier to be broken : change and continuity in the transition between Bronze and Iron Age Aegean, from the observation of burial contexts and grave goods." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7093/.

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This work discusses change and continuities taking place in the transition from the Late Bronze to the Early Iron Ages in Greece. The geographical range will cover the eastern mainland (including Euboea), Naxos and Knossos, in a period starting from the final palatial culture of LH IIIB2/13th century and ending with the Proto-Geometric/10th century burial evidence. In order to collect and observe the archaeological evidence several tombs assemblages have been researched from both original reports and visits to relevant Greek museums. Finds have been tabulated, and continuities, innovations and losses have been identified. The major categories of material evidence analysed included pottery, metalwork and jewellery but also the form of the tombs and the manner of the burials were considered. The final analysis of these categories of evidence refutes theories of major and or abrupt change, whether caused by invasion or natural phenomena. It rather indicates social modifications following the loss of the palatial centres and their administration and culminating in their gradual replacement by new forms of social structure. Although not directly demonstrable from the existing evidence, a possible scenario is proposed to explain the frequent indications of influence from SE and Central Europe during this transition.
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Hay, Anne Persida. "Physical and metaphysical zones of transition : comparative themes in Hittite and Greek Karst landscapes in the Late Bronze and Early Iron ages." Diss., 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27463.

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English, Afrikaans and Zulu summaries
While there is increasing interest in the effect of landscape on ancient imagination, less attention has been paid to the impact of restless karst hydrology on ancient beliefs. By identifying shared themes, this study compares and contrasts the way Hittites and Aegean people in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages reshaped peripheral karst landscapes into physical and imagined transitional zones. Karst geology underpins much of the Aegean and Anatolian landscape, allowing subterranean zones to be visible and accessible above ground via caves, springs, sinking streams, sinkholes and other unusual natural formations. In both cultures, certain dynamic landscapes were considered to be sacred porous points where deities, daemons, heroes and mortals could transit between cosmic realms. Evidence suggests that Hittites and Aegean people interpreted dramatic karst landscapes as liminal thresholds and spaces situated between the world of humans and the world of deities. Part One investigates physical zones of transition via the karst ecosystems of rural sanctuaries. Part Two considers the creative interpretation in myth and iconography of karst phenomena into metaphysical zones of transition. The examples reveal the way in which Hittites and Aegean people built their concept of the sacred on the extraordinary characteristics of karst geology. Numinous karst landscapes provided validity and a familiar reference point for the creation of imagined worlds where mortal and divine could connect.
Vandag is daar toenemende belangstelling in die effek van die landskap op die verbeelding van die mensdom in die oudheid - maar minder aandag word bestee aan die impak van die rustelose karst landskap op die mens se gelowigheid in die oudheid. Deur die identifisering van sekere gemene temas, vergelyk hierdie verhandeling die manier waarop die Hetiete en die Egeïese volkere in die Laat Brons- en vroeë Ystertydperke die omliggende karstlandskap herskep het in fisiese en denkbeeldige oorgangszones. Die Egeïese en Anatoliese landskap bestaan grotendeels uit karst geologie, met tot gevolg dat ondergrondse zones bo die grond sigbaar en toeganklik is in die vorm van grotte, bronne, sinkgate en ander uitsonderlike natuurlike formasies. In beide bogenoemde kulture is sekere landskapstonele beskou as heilige en poreuse punte waar gode, demone, helde en sterwelinge tussen die kosmiese zones kon beweeg. Die getuienis van die tyd suggereer dat die Hetiete en die Egeïese volkere die dramatiese karst landskappe as grense of drempels tussen hulle wêreld en dié van die gode beskou het. Deel Een ondersoek die fisiese oorgangszones deur te kyk na die karst ecostelsels waarin plattelandse heiligdomme hulle bevind het. Deel Twee beskou die kreatiewe gebruik van karst verskynsels as voorstellings van metafisiese oorgangszones in die gekrewe bronne en ikonografie. Die geselekteerde voorbeelde dui aan die manier waarop die Hetiete en Egeïese volke hulle konsepte van heiligdom gebaseer het op die buitengewone verskynsels van karst geologie. Numineuse karst landskappe het hulle idees gestaaf en ‘n bekende verwysingspunt uitgemaak waar die menslike en die goddelike met mekaar in kontak kon kom.
Ngenkathi intshisekelo ekhulayo yethonya lokwakheka komhlaba emcabangweni wasendulo, kunakwe kancane umthelela we-karst hydrology engenazinkolelo ezinkolelweni zasendulo. Ngokukhomba izingqikithi okwabelwana ngazo, lo mqondo uqhathanisa futhi uqhathanise indlela amaHeti nabantu base-Aegean kweLate Bronze kanye ne-Early Iron Ages abuye abuye abumbe kabusha imigwaqo ye-karst yomngcele ibe yizingxenye zesikhashana zomzimba nezicatshangwe. I-Karst geology isekela kakhulu indawo yezwe i-Aegean ne-Anatolian evumela ukuthi izindawo ezingaphansi komhlaba zibonakale futhi zifinyeleleke ngaphezu komhlaba ngemigede, iziphethu, imifudlana ecwilayo, imigodi yokushona nokunye ukwakheka okungokwemvelo okungajwayelekile. Kuwo womabili amasiko izindawo ezithile eziguqukayo zazithathwa njengezindawo ezingcwele zokungena lapho onkulunkulu, amademoni, amaqhawe nabantu abafayo bengadlula phakathi kwezindawo zomhlaba. Ubufakazi bukhombisa ukuthi amaHeti nabantu base-Aegean bahumusha imidwebo emangazayo yekarst njengemikhawulo yemikhawulo nezikhala eziphakathi komhlaba wabantu nezwe lonkulunkulu. Ingxenye yokuqala iphenya izindawo eziguqukayo zomzimba ngokusebenzisa imvelo ye-karst yezindawo ezingcwele zasemakhaya. Ingxenye Yesibili ibheka ukutolikwa kokudala kunganekwane nakwizithonjana zezinto ze-karst kube izingxenye eziguqukayo zenguquko. Izibonelo ziveza indlela abantu abangamaHeti nabantu base- Aegean abawakha ngayo umqondo wabo ongcwele ngezimpawu ezingavamile ze-karst geology. Amathafa amahle we-karst ahlinzeka ngokusebenza kanye nephuzu elijwayelekile lesethenjwa lokwakhiwa kwamazwe acatshangelwe lapho abantu abafayo nabaphezulu bangaxhuma khona.
Biblical and Ancient Studies
M. A. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies)
5

Pluta, Kevin Michael. "Aegean Bronze Age literacy and its consequences." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-08-4003.

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The Mycenaeans used writing for a variety of administrative purposes. The archaeological evidence for writing suggests that it was a highly restricted technology. Mycenaeans used the Linear B script to write clay tablets, inscribe sealings, and paint on vessels. There is evidence to suggest that ephemeral documents of parchment or papyrus also were used for writing. In most of these instances, writing recorded economic transactions involving the material wealth of the state. The only exception is a small number of open-shaped vessels that are likely inscribed with personal names. The Linear B script is often blamed for the restriction of writing by the Mycenaeans. This open-syllabic script does not well represent the sound of spoken Greek, and requires the frequent use of dummy vowels and the omission of consonants at the end of syllables. Studies in literacy theory, however, suggest that script usage, reading, and writing are dictated by social factors and by need, rather than by forces supposedly inherent in the script itself. Writing was restricted because Mycenaean society dictated a restricted use. The sealings and tablets, which are found at several sites throughout mainland Greece and Crete, are small in size and are found almost exclusively in administrative contexts, in buildings that have functions in central administration. Writing is never found in public displays, as it is in the contemporary Near East. There was no intent to familiarize the Mycenaean populace with the technology of writing. Training in literacy likewise appears to have been highly restrictive, with new individuals being taught by scribes on an ad hoc, individualized basis. The loyalty of scribes to the king would have been essential. The sealings and tablets record the material wealth of the kingdom that was under the management of central administration. Furthermore, the contents of the tablets are not countermarked by seal impressions that would confirm their authenticity. Scribes would have been among the king’s closest administrators and members of the elite. The restriction of writing would ensure that all written words were legitimate, as they could only be written by the most trusted individuals in the kingdom.
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Книги з теми "Iron age – Aegean Sea Region":

1

European Association of Archaeologists. Meeting. The Aegean Bronze Age in relation to the wider European context: Papers from a session at the Eleventh Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists, Cork, 5-11 September 2005. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2008.

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2

Yasur-Landau, Assaf. The Philistines and Aegean migration at the end of the late Bronze Age. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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3

MacGillivray, J. A. The Palaikastro Kouros: A Minoan chryselephantine statuette and its Aegean Bronze Age context. London: Managing Committee, the British School at Athens, 2000.

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4

Manning, J. G. Open Sea: The Economic Life of the Ancient Mediterranean World from the Iron Age to the Rise of Rome. Princeton University Press, 2020.

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5

Manning, J. G. Open Sea: The Economic Life of the Ancient Mediterranean World from the Iron Age to the Rise of Rome. Princeton University Press, 2011.

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6

Manning, J. G. Open Sea: The Economic Life of the Ancient Mediterranean World from the Iron Age to the Rise of Rome. Princeton University Press, 2018.

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7

Yasur-Landau, Assaf. The Philistines and Aegean Migration at the End of the Late Bronze Age. Cambridge University Press, 2014.

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8

Macgillivray, J. A., J. M. Driessen, and L. H. Sackett. The Palaikastro Kouros: A Minoan Chryselephantine Statuette and Its Aegean Bronze Age Context (Bsa Studies, 6). British School of Athens, 2000.

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9

Matthews, Victor H. Settlement and Competition in Iron Age I Canaan. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190231149.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the forces (environmental, economic, and political) that contributed to the nearly complete transformation of the eastern Levant at the end of the Late Bronze Age, including the super-power struggles between the Egyptians and the Hittite empire for control of Syria-Palestine that consumed much of their energy during the twelfth century BCE. Of equal importance is the invasion of the region by the people collectively known as the Sea Peoples. The ripple effect of that invasion, which resulted in the establishment of Philistine city-states along the Coastal Plain, transforms Canaan and provides the opportunities for new peoples, including the Proto-Israelites, to settle in the Central Highlands. Focus here will be on the challenges faced by these new peoples as they adapt to their environmental conditions with attention given to the stories in the Book of Judges. Subsequent economic and military rivalries between the Philistine city-states and the highland peoples set the stage for the development of the Israelite monarchy.
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Kaniewski, David, and Elise Van Campo. 3.2 ka BP Megadrought and the Late Bronze Age Collapse. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199329199.003.0005.

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The collapse of Bronze Age civilizations in the Aegean, southwest Asia, and the eastern Mediterranean 3200 years ago remains a persistent riddle in Eastern Mediterranean archaeology, as both archaeologists and historians believe the event was violent, sudden, and culturally disruptive. In the first phase of this period, many cities between Pylos and Gaza were destroyed violently and often left unoccupied thereafter. The palace economy of the Aegean Region and Anatolia that characterized the Late Bronze Age was replaced by the isolated village cultures of the Dark Ages. Earthquakes, attacks of the Sea Peoples, and socio-political unrest are among the most frequently suggested causes for this phenomenon. However, while climate change has long been considered a potential prime factor in this crisis, only recent studies have pinpointed the megadrought behind the collapse. An abrupt climate shift seems to have caused, or hastened, the fall of the Late Bronze Age world by sparking political and economic turmoil, migrations, and famines. The entirety of the megadrought’s effects terminated the Late Bronze Age in the eastern Mediterranean.

Частини книг з теми "Iron age – Aegean Sea Region":

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"Survey of Early Iron Age Sites Relating to Tell Tayinat." In Sea Peoples of Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat, 13–30. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004370173_003.

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"Archaeology of the Early Iron Age in the Amuq Valley and Vicinity." In Sea Peoples of Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat, 31–44. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004370173_004.

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"Sea Peoples of the Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat." In Sea Peoples of Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat, 115–23. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004370173_006.

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"Preliminary Material." In Sea Peoples of Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat, i—xvi. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004370173_001.

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"The Late Helladic IIIC Tradition in the East Mediterranean." In Sea Peoples of Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat, 1–11. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004370173_002.

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"The Tell Tayinat LH IIIC Assemblage." In Sea Peoples of Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat, 45–113. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004370173_005.

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"Tell Tayinat Pottery Plates (1-24)." In Sea Peoples of Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat, 125–73. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004370173_007.

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"Bibliography." In Sea Peoples of Northern Levant? Aegean-Style Pottery from Early Iron Age Tell Tayinat, 175–207. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004370173_008.

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Abulafia, David. "The Heirs of Odysseus, 800 BC–550 BC." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0014.

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Whether the early Greeks possessed as powerful a sense of identity as the Phoenicians is far from clear. Only when a massive Persian threat appeared to loom from the east, in the sixth century, did the diverse Greek-speakers of the Peloponnese, Attika and the Aegean begin to lay a heavy emphasis on what they had in common; the sense of a Hellenic identity was further strengthened by bitter conflicts with Etruscan and Carthaginian navies in the west. They knew themselves as distinct groups of Ionians, Dorians, Aeolians and Arcadians, rather than as Hellenes. There were the Spartans, proud inheritors of the Dorian name, who saw themselves as recent immigrants from the north. There were the Athenians, who insisted they were the unconquered descendants of more ancient Greeks. There were the Ionians, thriving in the new settlements across the Aegean, in Chios, Lesbos and on the Asian coast. The ‘Greeks’ cannot be identified simply as those who took delight in tales of the Greek gods and heroes, which were common currency elsewhere, especially among the Etruscans; nor would the Greeks have wished to recognize as fellow- Greeks all inhabitants of what we now call Greece, since they identified among the population of the islands and coasts strange remnants of earlier peoples, generically called ‘Pelasgians’ or ‘Tyrsenians’; besides, the Greek-speakers were themselves moving outwards from the Aegean and Peloponnese towards Asia Minor, where they would remain for over two and a half millennia, and towards Sicily, Italy and North Africa. How, when and why this great diaspora was created remains one of the big puzzles about the early Iron Age Mediterranean. What is certain is that it transformed the area, bringing goods and gods, styles and ideas, as well as people, as far west as Spain and as far east as Syria. The Greeks remembered these movements of people and things by way of often complex and contradictory tales of ancient ancestors who spread their seed across the Mediterranean: whole peoples at times reportedly boarded ships to be carried across distances of many hundreds of miles.
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"12. Aegean-Style Early Philistine Pottery in Canaan During the Iron I Age: A Stylistic Analysis of Mycenaean IIIC: 1 b Pottery and Its Associated Wares." In The Sea Peoples and Their World, 233–54. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.9783/9781934536438.233.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Iron age – Aegean Sea Region":

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Kul’kova, Marianna, Maya Kashuba, Alexander Kul’kov, Mariya Vetrova, Elke Kaiser, and Aurel Zanoci. "Technology of pottery-making in the Early Iron age in the Northern black Sea region (Dniester sites): raw materials, composition of the ceramic paste and firing conditions." In Antiquities of East Europe, South Asia and South Siberia in the context of connections and interactions within the Eurasian cultural space (new data and concepts). Institute for the History of Material Culture Russian Academy of Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/978-5-907053-35-9-210-213.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Iron age – Aegean Sea Region":

1

Hunter, Fraser, and Martin Carruthers. Iron Age Scotland. Society for Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.09.2012.193.

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The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under five key headings:  Building blocks: The ultimate aim should be to build rich, detailed and testable narratives situated within a European context, and addressing phenomena from the longue durée to the short-term over international to local scales. Chronological control is essential to this and effective dating strategies are required to enable generation-level analysis. The ‘serendipity factor’ of archaeological work must be enhanced by recognising and getting the most out of information-rich sites as they appear. o There is a pressing need to revisit the archives of excavated sites to extract more information from existing resources, notably through dating programmes targeted at regional sequences – the Western Isles Atlantic roundhouse sequence is an obvious target. o Many areas still lack anything beyond the baldest of settlement sequences, with little understanding of the relations between key site types. There is a need to get at least basic sequences from many more areas, either from sustained regional programmes or targeted sampling exercises. o Much of the methodologically innovative work and new insights have come from long-running research excavations. Such large-scale research projects are an important element in developing new approaches to the Iron Age.  Daily life and practice: There remains great potential to improve the understanding of people’s lives in the Iron Age through fresh approaches to, and integration of, existing and newly-excavated data. o House use. Rigorous analysis and innovative approaches, including experimental archaeology, should be employed to get the most out of the understanding of daily life through the strengths of the Scottish record, such as deposits within buildings, organic preservation and waterlogging. o Material culture. Artefact studies have the potential to be far more integral to understandings of Iron Age societies, both from the rich assemblages of the Atlantic area and less-rich lowland finds. Key areas of concern are basic studies of material groups (including the function of everyday items such as stone and bone tools, and the nature of craft processes – iron, copper alloy, bone/antler and shale offer particularly good evidence). Other key topics are: the role of ‘art’ and other forms of decoration and comparative approaches to assemblages to obtain synthetic views of the uses of material culture. o Field to feast. Subsistence practices are a core area of research essential to understanding past society, but different strands of evidence need to be more fully integrated, with a ‘field to feast’ approach, from production to consumption. The working of agricultural systems is poorly understood, from agricultural processes to cooking practices and cuisine: integrated work between different specialisms would assist greatly. There is a need for conceptual as well as practical perspectives – e.g. how were wild resources conceived? o Ritual practice. There has been valuable work in identifying depositional practices, such as deposition of animals or querns, which are thought to relate to house-based ritual practices, but there is great potential for further pattern-spotting, synthesis and interpretation. Iron Age Scotland: ScARF Panel Report v  Landscapes and regions:  Concepts of ‘region’ or ‘province’, and how they changed over time, need to be critically explored, because they are contentious, poorly defined and highly variable. What did Iron Age people see as their geographical horizons, and how did this change?  Attempts to understand the Iron Age landscape require improved, integrated survey methodologies, as existing approaches are inevitably partial.  Aspects of the landscape’s physical form and cover should be investigated more fully, in terms of vegetation (known only in outline over most of the country) and sea level change in key areas such as the firths of Moray and Forth.  Landscapes beyond settlement merit further work, e.g. the use of the landscape for deposition of objects or people, and what this tells us of contemporary perceptions and beliefs.  Concepts of inherited landscapes (how Iron Age communities saw and used this longlived land) and socal resilience to issues such as climate change should be explored more fully.  Reconstructing Iron Age societies. The changing structure of society over space and time in this period remains poorly understood. Researchers should interrogate the data for better and more explicitly-expressed understandings of social structures and relations between people.  The wider context: Researchers need to engage with the big questions of change on a European level (and beyond). Relationships with neighbouring areas (e.g. England, Ireland) and analogies from other areas (e.g. Scandinavia and the Low Countries) can help inform Scottish studies. Key big topics are: o The nature and effect of the introduction of iron. o The social processes lying behind evidence for movement and contact. o Parallels and differences in social processes and developments. o The changing nature of houses and households over this period, including the role of ‘substantial houses’, from crannogs to brochs, the development and role of complex architecture, and the shift away from roundhouses. o The chronology, nature and meaning of hillforts and other enclosed settlements. o Relationships with the Roman world

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