Dissertationen zum Thema „African Congo (Democratic Republic)“

The relationships between parasitic infections, environmental and living conditions, and health outcomes were studied in subdivisions of lower (LSES) and higher (HSES) socio-economic status Lubumbashi, Zaire. The two LSES subdivisions had higher prevalences of Plasmodium infection and higher rates of stunting, abdominal pain and low packed cell volume (PCV) than the HSES subdivision. The prevalence and intensity of Ascaris lumbricoides and Trichuris trichiura was not associated with socio-economic status. Maternal education was a significant predictor of A. lumbricoides intensity in both LSES and HSES subdivisions. Factors related to poor sanitation were risk factors for A. lumbricoides in LSES subdivisions, whereas a high ratio of relatives to immediate family members per household predicted high intensity infection in the HSES subdivision. The risk of stunting was higher in children with A. lumbricoides, that of wasting was higher in children with A. lumbricoides or T. trichiura whereas the risk of kwashiorkor was high with T. trichiura but very reduced in those with A. lumbricoides. The four most common clinical conditions were diarrhea, abdominal pain, fever and low PCV. Hookworm infection, T. trichiura infection, young age and residence in LSES subdivisions were determinants of diarrhea. T. trichiura infection, young age and living in a LSES subdivision were risk factors for abdominal pain. Plasmodium infection and young age were associated with fever. LSES was predictive of low PCV. No combination of parasites had antagonistic or synergistic effects on clinical indicators examined. Based on this study, it is suggested that one parasite will increase the risk of infection with another. Although maternal education should be improved in all subdivisions, attention to sanitation, crowding and diet in the LSES subdivisions, and to the role of relatives and visitors in parasite transmission in the HSES subdivision should be priorities.

The Kaponda Prospect represents a surface of 915.8 km² located at about 10 km south of the town of Lubumbashi and 33km NW of Kasumbalesa in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It lies within Neoproterozoic sedimentary rocks of the Katangan Supergroup in the Central African Copperbelt (CACB). In this province, copper mineralization occurs at different stratigraphic level with different associated alteration. Mineralization is of multistage origin from synsedimentary, diagenetic to post orogenic. Since the discovery of the CACB in the early 20th century, several exploration techniques have been used to delineate Cu deposits. A review and application of these methods including remote sensing, geological mapping, geochemical and geophysical surveys, and drilling, gives an insight of their effectiveness and limitation before analyzing their results from the Kaponda Prospect. The geology and structure of the Prospect is represented by a series of two NW trending disharmonic tight anticlines, locally domal, with cores occupied by either Roan Group or “Grand Conglomerat” Formation. These anticlines are separated by an open syncline made of Kundelungu rocks. Two mains direction of faults are recognized, the NW and NE trending structures. The latter direction are normal transfer faults which can serve as conduit for mineralization. They are related to the late orogenic extension of the Lufilian belt. However NE trending faults are believed to be associated to the climax of Lufilian folding or represents synsedimentary intergrowth faults. Exploration approach for sediment-hosted Cu within Kaponda Prospect, take into account the integration of all information derived from different techniques. Remote sensing is used as aid to geology. Landsat and Google earth images show lineaments that corresponds to lithostratigraphy boundary and domal anticline. Geological mapping identified reduced horizons which can potentially host mineralization, whereas analysis of structure measurements reveals the geometry of fold and direction of its axial plane and hinge. Statistical methods such as the main + 2 standard deviation, the frequency histogram and probability plot, together with experiential method are used to constrain and define Cu and Co thresholds values in soil samples. It appears that in this region, log-probability plot and histogram methods combined with spatial representation and the experience of the region, are the best practice to constrain and separate geochemical background from anomaly data. Ground and airborne magnetic, and radiometric images show specific signatures which map alteration and particularly lithostratigraphy such as “Roan” Group, “Grand Conglomerat” unit, “Nguba” cap carbonates and “Kundelungu” siliciclastic units. Analysis of faults interpreted from geophysical maps identified three major directions: E-W, NE-SW and NW-SE. The E-W faults are also interpreted as normal transfer faults such NE-SW structures, consistent with regional geological map. Although pole-dipole array of induced polarization (IP) survey was directly targeting disseminated Cu sulphide, its results suffer in responding to graphitic rocks and barren pyrite. Only relative small chargeable bodies need to be tested in drilling follow-up. A total of 15 targets have been generated through re-interpretation and integration of both geological mapping and remote sensing, geochemical and geophysical data, as well as existing drilling. Specific recommendations of follow-up works are advised for each type of target.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The African State is a product of colonialism. It did not emerge from the needs of African people; indeed, the very concept is foreign to traditional African notions of authority. When the colonial era came to a close, its institutions were turned over to local elites who were either too inexperienced or too out of touch with the people they supposedly represented to effectively govern and manage the newly independent states. The result was widespread and continual ethno-regional violence, coupled with the progressive disintegration of the state authority and civil society. When such conditions remain unchecked, they ultimately lead to what political analysts refer to as the collapse of the state. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), formerly Zaire, constitutes a recent example of this phenomenon. At present, approximately half of its territory is under foreign military occupation, with no fewer than six states involved, whether officially or unofficially: Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi intervening on the side of the rebels, and Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia supporting government forces (These states have since withdrawn their forces). To this number must be added a number of opposition groups from neighbouring states, including The Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), some elements from the all-Hutu militia wing of Burundi's Conseil national pour la démocratie (CND) and remnant Rwandan Hutu, the so-called Interhamwe, as well as Mai-Mai and FRF (les Forces républicaines fédéralistes, led by Muller Ruhim) factions who fight the presence of the Rwandan army in the DRC (neither of which could be described as pro-governmental). The DRC is a failed state. All structures of legitimate power and authority have disintegrated; political order and the rule of law have been suspended. As a result, the state is rendered impotent: it cannot seek the welfare of its citizens, provide health care and education, dispense justice or maintain existing infrastructure. Civil society lacks the ability to fill the vacuum, and tribal and ethnic conflicts have steadily intensified. The study analyses the reasons for state collapse in general and examines the immediate causes of the conflict in the DRC in particular, including the legacy of colonial rule, land shortages and ethnic rivalry. It attempts to show that the collapse of the state in the ORC resulted largely from the imposition of poorly adapted western-style political institutions on traditional African structures of authority. Against this background, the study shows that the poor performance of the Congolese government in terms of its ability to constitute a legitimate arena for political activity, to confer a national identity and to act as security guarantor for its population represent the broad causes of the failure of the ORC state. State collapse is a long-term degenerative process, marked by the loss of control over political and economic space. As neighbouring states encroached on the failing ORC, its legitimacy was gravely undermined through the direct involvement of these states in its political processes. Moreover, these neighbouring countries harbour dissident movements who seek to influence ORC politics from within the safety of their borders. The collapse of the ORC poses a grave threat to African, and indeed global, stability, compromising neighbouring states through the vast influx of refugees and stimulating the illegal arms trade. The extent of the crises compels the international community to intervene. The immediate priority should be the reconstruction of a legitimate state system within the limits of the present borders. This can only be made possible through the implementation of the Lusaka agreement, which offers the most hope for a solution through the restoration of legitimate government, the reassertion of Congolese sovereignty, the reconstruction of a disciplined and efficient military and the convocation of a body for inter-Congolese dialogue. The ORC has been characterised by gross mismanagement ever since its independence in 1960; it is of the utmost urgency that the crisis not be allowed to escalate further. The ORC state needs total reconstruction: a process that will be extremely complex and time consuming, aimed at reviving institutional mechanisms that will return legitimate power to the state and re-establish social trust. In order to achieve these goals, a forum of national reconciliation, where all the belligerents in the conflict must participate towards finding a solution, will have to be established. The first priority of such a body should be the creation of a strong democratic transitional government before any further reconstruction of the state can be attempted.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die staat in Afrika is 'n produk van kolonialisme. Post-koloniale Afrikastate was nie die natuurlike uitvloeisels van die behoeftes van Afrikane nie; inderdaad, selfs die konsep van 'n nasiestaat was vreemd binne die konteks van tradisionele, inheemse gesagstrukture. Die plaaslike elites, in wie se hande die koloniale instellings, en daarmee saam die staatsgesag, oorgegee is met die beëindiging van koloniale beheer, het nie oor die vaardighede beskik om effektiewe regering en beheer oor die nuut onafhanklike state uit te oefen nie; hulle was meestal onervare of uit voeling met die bevolkings oor wie hulle regeer het. Die gevolg was wydverspreide en voortslepende etniese en regionale geweld en die geleidelike verbrokkeling van staatsgesag en die burgerlike gemeenskap. Wanneer sulke omstandighede toegelaat word om hul loop te neem, lei dit onvermydelik tot die uiteindelike totale verbrokkeling van die staat. Die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) - die voormalige Zaïre - is 'n voorbeeld van hierdie verskynsel. Nagenoeg die helfte van die oppervlakte van dié land is tans onder offisiële of nie-offisiële buitelandse militêre besetting, met nie minder nie as ses state wat betrek is by die konflik: Rwanda, Oeganda en Burundi ondersteun die rebelle; Angola, Zimbabwe en Namibië (hierdie state het sedertdien hul magte ontrek) veg aan die kant van regeringsmagte. Afgesien van hierdie magte, is daar ook verskeie opposisiegroepe wat vanuit buurstate optree, insluitende UNITA vegters uit Angola, elemente van die uitsluitlik Hutu militêre vleuel van die Burundese Conseil national pour la démocratie (CND) en oorblyfsels van die Rwandese Hutus (die sogenaamde Interhamwe), asook Mai-Mai en FRF (les Farces républicaines fédéralistes, onder die aanvoering van Muller Ruhim) faksies. Laasgenoemde twee groepe veg teen die teenwoordigheid van die Rwandese weermag in die DRK; nie een van die twee kan as pro-regering beskryf word nie. Die DRK is 'n mislukte staat. Alle legitieme mag- en gesagstrukture het verbrokkel; politieke beheer en wetstoepassing is opgehef. Die gevolg is dat die staat onmagtig is om die welvaart van sy burgers te bevorder, gesondheidsdienste en opvoeding te verskaf, regspleging uit te voer of bestaande infrastruktuur in stand te hou. Die burgerlike gemeenskap beskik nie oor die vaardighede om in die gaping te tree nie, en stam- en etniese konflik neem steeds toe. Hierdie studie ondersoek die algemene redes vir staatsverval en die spesifieke oorsake van die krisis in die DRK, waaronder die koloniale invloed, grondkwessies en etniese konflik. Daar word gepoog om aan te toon dat die staatsverval binne die DRK grotendeels toe te skryf is aan die afdwing van ontoepaslike, Westerse politiese instellings op tradisionele, inheemse gesagstrukture. In die lig hiervan word daar verder aangevoer dat die swak vertoning van die Kongolese regering - die onvermoë om as legitieme politieke arena te dien, 'n nasionale identiteit aan staatsburgers te verleen en hulle veiligheid te verseker - die basiese oorsaak is van die mislukking van die staat in die DRK. Staatsverval is 'n geleidelike proses; 'n stelselmatige en langduringe aftakeling, gekenmerk deur die verlies aan beheer oor die politieke en ekonomiese sfere. Namate buurstate toenemend betrokke geraak het in die probleemgeteisterde DRK, is staatslegitimiteit verder ondermyn deur die direkte politieke inmenging van hierdie buurlande. Daarby huisves hierdie lande ook afvallige groepe wat poog om politieke invloed op die DRK van buite die landsgrense uit te oefen. Die verbrokkeling van die staat binne die DRK is 'n wesenlike bedreiging vir stabiliteit binne Afrika, maar ook op 'n internasionale skaal. Sy buurstate word bedreig deur grootskaalse vlugtelingbewegings en die voorslepende konflik stimuleer onwettige internasionale wapenhandel. Die omvang van die krisis noop die internasionale gemeenskap om in te gryp. Die onmiddellike prioriteit van sodanige ingryping behoort die rekonstruksie van 'n legitieme staatstelsel binne die bestaande landsgrense te wees; dit kan slegs bewerkstellig word deur die implementering van die Lusaka ooreenkoms. Hierdie ooreenkoms bied die meeste hoop vir 'n oplossing tot die krisis deur die daarstelling van 'n legitieme regering, die herbevestiging van Kongolese soewereiniteit, die rekonstruksie van 'n gedissiplineerde en effektiewe militêre mag en die skep van 'n nasionale versoeningsliggaam. Sedert sy onafhanklikwording in 1960, is die DRC gekenmerk deur ernstige wanadministrasie. Dit is van uiterste belang dat hierdie situasie nie toegelaat word om voort te duur en te vererger nie. Algehele rekonstruksie is nodig - 'n uiters komplekse en tydsame proses met die uiteindelike oogmerk om daardie institusionele meganismes wat 'n terugkeer tot legitieme mag en gesag en 'n herbevestiging van burgelike vertroue tot gevolg sal hê, te laat herleef. Ten einde hierdie doel te bereik, sal 'n nasionale versoeningsliggaam geskep moet word. Alle partye in die konflik behoort betrek te word in 'n poging om 'n oplossing te vind. Hierdie liggaam sal 'n sterk, verteenwoordigende oorgangsregering daar moet stel voordat enige verdere vordering met die rekonstruksie van die staat sal kan plaasvind.

This thesis seeks to respond to the on-going complaints from both African and western scholars that Africa is negatively represented in the western media. The findings showed that news stories, opinions and commentaries expressed throughout the coverage of the Congo, including editorials and letters and from pre-colonial to modern Congo, were written by western journalists and correspondents from the London Times and associated correspondents, while four other news agencies Agence France Press (AFP), Associated Press (AP), the Belgian news agency (Belga) and Reuters were the main sources for The Times newspaper. News makers in Pre-Colonial and Colonial periods were almost exclusively westerners and references to the Congolese people appeared in generic terms. In Post-Colonial and Modern periods, Congolese people did appear by name but only in a limited capacity. The thesis also identifies differences between the coverage in each period, for example highlighting the critical engagement with the Congo that characterised the reporting of 1908. The Congo was represented over the periods sampled with negative stereotypes such a 'primitive', 'backward', 'barbaric, 'dangerous destination,' 'place for business,' 'natives to be civilised, evangelised and educated.' Recurring themes such as forced labour, civil war, corruption, child exploitation, poverty, refugees, witchcraft, dependency and mismanagement prevail in the reporting. The research investigated the changing representations of the Democratic Republic of Congo in the western media by examining its coverage in the London Times from a historical context that included four key historic years in the Congo's development, namely 1885, 1908, 1960 and 2006, referred to as the Pre-Colonial, Colonial, Post-Colonial and Modern Congo periods. The London Times, which used to be one of the leading western newspapers and the British newspaper of record, was selected. Content and discourse analysis were used to evaluate and categorise the news items published in the sampled periods to distinguish the emerging themes, to identify the sources, and to interpret the language used in the coverage. The findings have shown that since its inception to the modern period, the reporting of the Congo in The Times has avowedly been through western eyes, and, as with much journalism, has not offered any real context to the stories. The poor benighted heathens thus continue in their war-torn arbours.

Thesis (M.S.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2008.
Thesis advisor: Timothy Rickard. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-124). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Beyond Charitable Imperialism investigates the role of film, digital media, and music in mediating social and political change in conflict regions with specific attention to the aesthetic choices, ethical implications, and lived consequences of audio-visual production in and about Congo. This study intervenes in the discourse on activist African cinema through a bi-directional investigation of (1) increasingly prominent instances of aesthetic and ideological practices in Congolese film that are emerging as central to larger projects of social transformation, and (2) the extent to which humanitarian narratives depicting present-day Congo obscure or expose the ongoing, neo-colonial power struggle between Congo and the West. My research includes critical analyses of temporality, memory, and language in audio-visual representations of Congo, as well as extensive field research investigating embodied instances of the 'film act.' In this context I advocate a historically informed reading of the correlation between current cinema practices and contemporary history based on the evolutionary relationship between audio-visual media, politics, and identity. Drawing on frameworks of militant Third Cinema this study interrogates the role of media in the creation and dissemination of 'Truth' and thereby draws pointed attention to global consequences that form the basis of what I call charitable imperialism. With methodological inspiration across disciplinary lines from scholars including Frantz Fanon, Teshome Gabriel, and Stuart Hall, I offer an anatomy of the particular ways in which film can emerge as a real means of social transformation in the face of conflict and mental colonization. Central to this inquiry is the history of resistance embedded in Congolese musical practices. I suggest that, fortified by intersections with visual technology, the elevated cultural capital of song as a vehicle of social mobilization is reconstituting both music and visual media and increasingly allowing Congolese voices to participate in global dialogues on their own terms. Ultimately I conclude that mediated agency effectively challenges charitable imperialism and repositions Congolese subjects as viable agents of sustainable social transformation.
African and African American Studies

This thesis explores the poverty alleviation and peace-spoiling power of the mineral extraction sector in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to arrive at a set of strategic goals for the country moving forward. Although subterranean minerals are often a source or perpetuator of violence, the potential to lift the country’s rural communities out of extreme poverty makes the mining industry an essential part of the nation’s development strategies. Lessons from Tanzania, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, Uganda and Sierra Leone to arrive at best practices for increasing the multiplier effect of large-scale mining, formalization, beneficiation, capital resource development, stakeholder harmonization and conflict control. The study also finds that in order to smoothly construct and implement new programs, the traditional roles and positioning of government, corporate and community stakeholders must change toward increased inclusion.

The PR851 licence area is located at about 80 km west from the town of Likasi in the district of Haut-Katanga and 175 km north-west of Lubumbashi, the capital city of Katanga Province in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The exploration licence was granted by the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo to First Quantum Minerals Ltd through its Congolese subsidiary Compagnie Minière de Sakania Sprl (CoMiSa Sprl) under certificate N˚ CAMI/CR/70/2003 on the 10th of October 2003 for a period of 5 years with a possibility of renewal for 3 years in respect to the new Congolese mining code. The PR851 area lies on fragments of Mines Subgroup rocks of the Roan Group in the Congolese Copperbelt where most of the Cu-Co and stratiform-stratabound deposits such as Kipushi, Ruashi-Etoile, Kinsevere, Kipoi, Luishya, Luswishi, Shituru, Kamoya, Kambove, Tenke- Fungurume, Shinkolobwe, Swambo, Mindingi and Kamoto among others are found. During the 20th century, the Union Minière du Haut Katanga (U.M.H.K.) undertook mineral exploration in the Congolese Copperbelt and numerous copper- and cobalt-occurrences were identified (for instance Kibamba copper occurrence in PR851 area). From 2003, the Compagnie Minière de Sakania Sprl initiated a grassroots exploration program in PR851 area and geochemical exploration survey as one of the mineral exploration tools was implemented to aim at detecting copper and cobalt concentration in soil. The B horizon of the thick tropical soil in the area was sampled and soil samples were sent to Genalysis laboratories in Johannesburg, Republic of South Africa for main chemical analysis of Cu and Co only, whereas 10% of analyzed samples were dispatched to Perth, Western Australia for quality control analysis. Thresholds for anomalies of copper and cobalt were defined by literature comparison, standard deviations and spatial analysis. The anomalies were tested at a later stage by reverse circulation / diamond drilling during the year of 2005 to 2008 and the Cu-Co resources were estimated by Digital Mining Services of Harare, Zimbabwe in the year of 2008. Geological logging of chips from reverse circulation and diamond drill cores revealed that copper mineralization is represented by malachite, chrysocolla, chalcopyrite and bornite whereas cobalt mineralization appeared in form of heterogenite. The source of supergene mineralization remains unknown. Recommendations have been made to undertake more geological exploration work in order to fully investigate the geological setting and structural architecture of the region, which may result in a better understanding of the Cu-Co mineralization system and ore genesis. The latter has been no consensus up-to-date and different theories have been proposed to discuss the ore genesis, including syn- and dia- genetic, synorogenic and sulphide remobilization to late-to-post- orogenic Cu-Zn-Pb Kipushi-type deposit. However, geological observations favored that the diagenetic and syngenetic models are applicable to numerous deposits in the Central African Copperbelt.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the early 1960s, when the majority of African countries gained independence from colonial powers, the continent has been in turmoil. Conflicts have been extensive, and detrimental to economic, political and above all, social development. Today, Africa is under more pressure than ever to find solutions for these conflicts. The situation is complicated by the complex and difficult challenges brought on by a rapidly globalising world. Also conflicts have often been characterised by internal, as well as regional proportions. Coupled with this, the threats facing Southern Africa are of such a nature that they transcend national boundaries, and have a tendency to effect entire regions as opposed to individual states. Thus threats no longer endanger states, but rather their people. fn view of this, conflict resolution requires a regional approach as well, in order to ensure a viable and lasting solution. This thesis attempts to evaluate the contribution of regional co-operation to conflict resolution in Southern Africa. Two concepts imperative to this evaluation are regionalism and security. Both are examined and juxtaposed. The author determines that the concepts have changed dramatically since the end of the Cold War period, and that new regionalism and new security approaches need to be considered in addressing conflicts, since traditional interpretations have become obsolete, particularly in the developing world. Furthermore, an examination of the international, regional and sub-regional organisations, concerned with conflict management on the continent, is carried out. The United Nations and the Southern African Development Community, together with their efforts in Southern Africa analysed. The author takes the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo as a case study, and concludes that the persisting conflict has ensued precisely because regional co-operation was inadequate. The states and leaders involved did not take into account the regional dimensions of the conflict, and also ignored threats to human security. Regional co-operation was at a minimal, and involvement has until now been predominantly unilateral and statist, marked by personal interests, and not those of the population.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die vroeë sestigerjare, toe die meerderheid Afrikalande onafhankliheid van koloniale magte verkry het, was die kontinent in onrus gehul. Dit was omvattende konflik - konflik wat nadelig was vir ekonomiese, politieke en veral sosiale ontwikkeling. Vandag, meer as ooit tevore, is Afrika onder druk om oplossings te vind vir hierdie konflikte. Die situasie word gekompliseer deur die uitdagings gestel deur 'n vinnig globaliserende wêreld. Die konflik word dikwels deur interne sowel as streeksafmetings gekenmerk. Hiermee saam is die bedreigings wat op Suidelike Afrika 'n invloed het van so 'n aard dat dit nasionale grense ignoreer en die geneigdheid het om totale streke, in teenstelling met individuele state, te beïnvloed. Hierdie bedreigings stel dus nie state in gevaar nie, maar eerder hul mense. Om 'n lewensvatbare en blywende effek te hê, benodig konflikoplossing dus ook 'n streeksbenadering aan te neem. Hierdie tesis poog om die bydrae van streekssamewerking, ten einde konflikoplossing in Suidelike Afrika te bewerkstellig, te evalueer. Beide word ondersoek en in verband gebring. Die skrywer bevind dat die konsepte drasties verander het sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog tydperk, en dat nuwe regionalisme en nuwe sekuriteit benaderings oorweeg moet word, aangesien tradisionele interpretasies verouderd, veral in die ontwikkelende wêreld, is. Verder word internasionale, regionale en sub-regionale organisasies wat gemoeid is met konflikhantering op die kontinent, ook ondersoek. Die Verenigde Nasies en die Suidelike Afrika Ontwikkelings Gemeenskap (SADe), tesame met hul pogings in Suidelike Africa, word geanaliseer. Die skrywer maak gebruik van die konflik in die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo as gevallestudie, en kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat konflik ontstaan het juis omdat regionale samewerking nooit werklik gerealiseer het nie. Die betrokke state en leiers het nie die streeksdimensies van die konflik in ag geneem nie, en ook menslike sekuriteit bedreigings ignoreer. Regionale samewerking was beperk tot In minimum, en betrokkenheid was tot nou toe oorwegend eensydig en staats georienteerd, en gekenmerk deur persoonlike belange, en nie dié van die bevolking nie.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Political Science) in the Department of History at the University Of Zululand, South Africa, 2015
Sub-Saharan Africa has been faced with an increase in levels of intra-state armed conflict since the last century. Intra-state conflicts have not only shown to be complex by their very nature, but have also shown numerous challenges in finding a solution that could be applied in an effective manner to bring about a guaranteed lasting solution. It is on this basis that interest and attention has been given to the transitional processes from conflict to peace. The conflict transformational process of two dissimilar countries, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Republic of South Africa form a case study for understanding this quagmire. The transitional negotiations of the DRC from 2003–2006 and that of South Africa from 1991–1994 are the cases in point. The major issues for conflict resolution therefore includes understanding transitional negotiations as a vital process that can make or mar lasting peace in conflict prone areas. This research questions includes; Does citizen participation in transitional negotiations impact on sustainable peace in post- conflict societies? Given the vested interests and the often conflicting interests of various citizen groupings, does citizen participation create stability in the negotiation process for the purpose of creating a sustainable peace, or does it create a greater possibility of non-agreement and regression into conflict? Is it possible to obtain peace in countries that are complex political emergencies where elite interests are outweighing and civil liberties and interests are compromised? How do mediators overcome the problem of self-serving elites in transitional negotiations? Using the post-conflict DRC and South Africa as case studies and for comparative analysis, how can the differences in their outcomes be aggregated? This study is a mix of explanatory and exploratory research. Qualitative methods were used in the research. An expert sampling technique was adopted to conduct interviews in order to represent the different perspectives and theories of the outbreak of conflicts and violence. The principal theories that the study was based on are the Protracted Social Conflict Theory and the Transformative Cosmopolitan Theory. The study hypothetically argues that the paucity of or inclusion of citizens in transitional negotiations can either lead to sustainable peace in post-conflict societies or regress to a conflict stricken society. It also gauged the relations between the state and civil society organizations in working with citizens in order to avoid local conflicts that can interrupt negotiation processes. It expounds on the relationship between the interests of the political elites and the interests of the citizens. This study has determined that the lack of citizen participation in transitional negotiations does impact negatively on sustainable peace in post-conflict societies. In both case studies, it was shown that conflict has continued at the local level. The study has shown further that an inclusive approach to negotiations as well as peace building in post-conflict societies can be beneficial to the state, as there would be sustainable peace. Where mediators have been unable to balance the interests of the self- serving elites and needs of society, the failure has led to high intensity conflicts such as the local conflicts in the DRC becoming independent of the national level, thus making them difficult to resolve.

Twenty years has passed since the adopted of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which aims to strengthen the gender perspective in conflict settings as well as address inequalities related to sexually gender-based violence. Still, the concrete impact it has had on sexual violence in armed conflict, is questioned. Additionally, it is questioned if it reaches the grassroot level in armed conflict settings. Thus, this study has examined what factors that may have hindered a successful implementation on a grassroot level in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. Furthermore, it has examined the concrete impact on the efforts against sexual violence in these areas. This was done by firstly, conducting a policy analysis using the “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” approach to identify underlying problematics within the resolution. Additionally, semi-structed interviews were conducted with respondents having experience in working with the resolution and/or sexual violence in armed conflict. The results showed, among other things, that the complex construction of the resolution have been a hindering factor for a successful implementation. Additionally, the concrete change for the efforts against sexual violence in conflict settings is lacking. However, the empowerment that the resolution has provided to those working with these issues, is still an important impact.

This research identifies modes of market entry as well as strategies embarked on by South African companies that are currently doing business in the DRC. Data collection was performed through one–on–one interviews with executives of the South African companies that are in the different sectors of business in the DRC. Research has found that the mode adopted for entry was related to the degree to which the company has committed its resources, across all sectors involved. The DRC is potentially one of the richest countries in Africa, with rich mineral resources, timber (75% of the country is forested) and extensive energy resources, however it is one of the poorest, with real GDP per capita falling from $380 in 1960 to $167 by 2010. The top–ranked countries in Africa are South Africa (29), Mauritius (32), and Namibia (42). Guinea–Bissau (173) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (175) rank lowest in the region. The Democratic Republic of Congo also ranks lowest in the world. Doing business in Africa became easier in 2005–2006 because reformers simplified business regulations, strengthened property rights, eased tax burdens, increased access to credit, and reduced the cost of exporting and importing. “Such progress is sorely needed. African countries would greatly benefit from new enterprises and jobs, which can come with more business–friendly regulations,” said Michael Klein, World Bank–IFC vice president for finance and private sector development and IFC chief economist. “Big improvements are possible. If an African country adopts the region’s best practices in the 10 areas covered by Doing Business, it would rank eleventh globally.” Operational challenges in the DRC were found to be the same as what all emerging countries are experiencing in the continent, such as: lack of skills, corruption and lack of law enforcement, poor infrastructure, exchange rate volatility, successful informal sector, and crime and anti–South Africa sentiments. These challenges lead to higher costs of doing business in the DRC for South African companies. This research further gives a proposal for a model that South African companies can Modes of market entry and strategies for selected South African Companies doing business in the DRC consider as part of their strategic planning process when internationalising their business into the DRC.
Thesis (MBA)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012.

UN peace mission personnel sexual misconduct against women violates international norms and law, and persists despite the multitude of interventions aimed at combatting it. South African personnel have repeatedly been identified as perpetrators which calls into question whether the norms that prohibit such conduct have been internalised. Insufficient research has been conducted to interpret the relationships between the political dynamics of UN peace missions and the international norms that govern appropriate conduct towards women. By using a Constructivist lens to examine the mechanisms behind Norm Internalisation, and by analysing how this applies to South African personnel, this research identifies some of the reasons why South Africa’s apparent commitment to international norms about women does not always result in appropriate behaviour. The research examines the UN’s zero-tolerance policy and South Africa’s compliance therewith, demonstrating the challenges that the political dynamics between these two actors has in achieving Norm Internalisation. This research provides a foundation for future research on the topic of peacekeeper sexual misconduct by highlighting the role that norms can play in determining appropriate behaviour.

La présente étude s’inscrit dans le cadre de la recherche d’une meilleure compréhension de l’analyse de la valorisation des PFNL des plateaux Batéké en périphérie de Kinshasa en vue d’envisager un mode d’exploitation qui garantisse la conservation et l’utilisation durable et d’apporter les éléments indispensables à la gestion des PFNL. Les enquêtes par sondages sur une base de 280 ménages ont été renforcées par 22 entretiens par focus group. Des observations directes sur le terrain, des enquêtes socioéconomiques, ethnoécologiques sur les stratégies d’exploitation des PFNL, l’étude de la filière PFNL et les études d’impacts d’activités d’exploitation des PFNL ont été conduites entre juin 2005 et novembre 2006 dans 7 villages de Plateaux de Batéké: Mbankana, Dumi, Mampu, Mutiene, Kinzono, Inzolo et 4ème Cité CADIM à plus de 140 km à l’Est de la ville Kinshasa.

L’étude de la valorisation des PFNL des Plateaux de Batéké a montré que 169 espèces de PFNL appartenant à 65 familles des plantes sont valorisées. Cinq espèces de PFNL sont les plus exploitées dans la zone d’étude. Il s’agit de Pteridium sp, du vin indigène (de palmier à huile et de raphia), de Dioscorea praehensilis, de Talinum triangulare et du rotin. La détermination des facteurs explicatifs du choix de l’exploitation des PFNL les plus exploités dans la zone a été estimé par la régression multiple modèle Probit. Ce modèle a l’avantage d’inclure dans sa structure mathématique, la dépendance mutuelle et des informations sur la pertinence des variables explicatives présentes dans le modèle final. La consommation du Pteridium sp. par le ménage, son prix de vente, sa disponibilité dans les écosystèmes, la distance à parcourir par rapport aux lieux de prélèvement, le statut matrimonial du chef de ménage, la distance par rapport au marché et l’appartenance à une structure locale sont des facteurs explicatifs déterminant dans le choix de l’exploitation du Pteridium sp. Pour l’exploitation du vin indigène, la distance par rapport aux lieux de prélèvement, la taille de ménage, les connaissances endogènes sur le vin indigène, la distance par rapport au marché et le revenu en sont des facteurs explicatifs. Le revenu issu de la vente, les connaissances endogènes, le prix de vente et la consommation sont des facteurs explicatifs déterminants pour l’exploitation de Dioscorea praehensilis. Pour Talinum triangulare, le revenu issu de la vente, la consommation, la distance par rapport au lieu de prélèvement, le prix de vente et les connaissances endogènes en sont les facteurs déterminants. Pour le rotin, la consommation, le prix de vente, les connaissances endogènes et la disponibilité en rotins dans les écosystèmes en sont les déterminants. Les PFNL vendus sur les marchés et points de ventes des Plateaux de Batéké proviennent des jachères forestières, des forêt-galeries et des savanes. Le coût total moyen d’exploitation d’un kg du PFNL est estimé à 0,08 $ US pour le Pteridium sp. 0,05 $ US pour le vin indigène, 0,05 $ US pour le Dioscorea praehensilis, 0,05 $ US pour le Talinum triangulare et à 0,20 $ US pour le rotin. Un exploitant villageois réalise par journée de travail, un revenu moyen de près de 2 $ US pour le Pteridium sp, 9 $ US pour le vin indigène, 1 $ US pour le Dioscorea praehensilis, 0,26 $ US pour le Talinum triangulare et près de 4 $ US pour le rotin. Hormis la valeur socio-économique que la valorisation des PFNL apporte à l’écosystème, certains méfaits sur la durabilité des écosystèmes sont occasionnés. Enfin, cette étude démontre qu’il y a des interactions entre les paysans enquêtés et leurs milieux. La définition d’une politique raisonnée de valorisation des PFNL intégrée à l’approche interdisciplinaire du développement durable reste incontournable pour la zone d’étude.

The present study aims to improve the understanding of the valorisation of the NTFP of the Batéké Highlands situated in the periphery of Kinshasa in order to develop an exploitation mode that guarantees the conservation and a sustainable use and to provide the necessary elements to the management of the NTFP. The investigations by polls on a basis of 280 households have been reinforced by 22 interviews by means of focus groups. Direct observations in situ, socio-economic and ethno-ecological analyses of the exploitation of the NTFP, an analysis of the NTFP processing pathway and an impact study of the exploitation of the NTFP have been carried out between June 2005 and November 2006 in 7 villages of the Batéké Highlands: Mbankana, Dumi, Mampu, Muti-mutiene, Kinzono, Inzolo and 4th City CADIM situated at more than 140 km to the East of Kinshasa. The study of the valorisation of the NTFP of the Batéké Highlands showed that 169 species of NTFP belonging to 65 plant families are valorised. Five species of NTFP are the most exploited in the study area: Pteridium sp, indigenous wine (of palm oil and raffia), Dioscorea praehensilis, Talinum triangulare and rattan. The determination of the factors of the choice of the most exploited NTFP have been estimated by multiple regression and the Probit model. This model has the advantage to include mutual dependence in its mathematical structure as well as information on the relevance of the explanatory variables in the final model. The consumption of Pteridium sp. by household, its selling price, its availability in the ecosystems, the distance to the places of collection, the matrimonial status of the household chief, the distance to the market and the adherence to a local structure are the explanatory factors determining the choice of Pteridium sp. For the exploitation of the indigenous wine, the distance to the places of collection, the size of household, endogenous knowledge on the indigenous wine, the distance to the market and the income are the explanatory factors. The income generated by the sale, endogenous knowledge, the selling price and the consumption rate are the explanatory factors for Dioscorea praehensilis. For Talinum triangulare, the income generated by the sale, the consumption, the distance to the place of collection, the selling price and endogenous knowledge are the determining factors. For rattan, the consumption, the selling price, endogenous knowledge and the availability of rattan in the ecosystems are the determinants of the choice. The NTFP sold on the markets and points of sales of the Batéké Highlands are collected in forest fallow lands, forest-galleries and savannas. The overall average cost of exploitation of one kg of NTFP is estimated at 0.08 $ US for Pteridium sp. at 0.05 $ US for indigenous wine, at 0.05 $ US for Dioscorea praehensilis, at 0.05 $ US for Talinum triangulare and at 0.20 $ US for rattan. A local collector obtains per working day an average income of about 2 $ US for Pteridium sp, 9 $US for the indigenous wine, 1 $ US for Dioscorea praehensilis, 0.26 $ US for Talinum triangulare and about 4 $ US for rattan. Besides the socioeconomic value that the valorisation of the NTFP brings to the ecosystem, some bad practices for the durability of the ecosystems are observed. Finally, this study demonstrates that there are close interactions between the peasants questioned and their environment. The development of a reasonable policy of valorisation of the NTFP integrated with an interdisciplinary approach of sustainable development remains crucial for our study site.

Doctorat en Sciences agronomiques et ingénierie biologique
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna ; Second Reader: Sepp, Kalev. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: failed states, under-governed spaces, Security Force Assistance, sovereignty, Africa, Special Operations Command--Africa, oil-spot, counterinsurgency, Special Operations Forces, whole-of-government, Building Partner Capacity. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-72). Also available in print.

The one of the most important Eras of the Earth history, i.e. Neoproterozoic (1000-542 Ma),

was an enigmatic period characterized by the development of the first stable long-lived ~1.1-

0.9 Ga Rodinia and 550-500 Ma Gondwana supercontinents, global-scale orogenic belts,

extreme climatic changes (cf. Snowball Earth Hypothesis), the development of microbial

organisms facilitating the oxidizing atmosphere and explosion of eukaryotic forms toward the

first animals in the terminal Proterozoic. This thesis presents a multidisciplinary study of two

Neoproterozoic basins, i.e. Bas-Congo and Sankuru-Mbuji-Mayi-Lomami-Lovoy, in and around the Congo Craton including sedimentology, geochemistry, diagenesis, chemostratigraphy and radiometric dating of carbonate deposits themselves.

The Mbuji-Mayi Supergroup sequence deposited in a SE-NW trending 1500 m-thick siliciclastic-carbonate intracratonic failed-rift basin, extends from the northern Katanga Province towards the centre of the Congo River Basin. The 1000 m-thick carbonate succession is related to the evolution of a marine ramp submitted to evaporation, with ‘deep’ shaly basinal and low-energy carbonate outer-ramp environments, marine biohermal midramp (MF6) and ‘very shallow’ restricted tide-dominated lagoonal inner-ramp (MF7-MF9) settings overlain by lacustrine (MF10) and sabkha (MF11) environments, periodically

submitted to a river water source with a possible freshwater-influence. The sequence stratigraphy shows that the sedimentation is cyclic in the inner ramp with plurimetric ‘thin’ peritidal cycles (± 4 m on average) recording a relative sea level of a maximum of 4 m, with fluctuations in the range of 1-4 m. The outer/mid ramp subtidal facies are also cyclic with ‘thick’ subtidal cycles characterized by an average thickness of ± 17 m, with a probable sealevel

fluctuations around 10 to 20 m. The geochemistry approach, including isotopic and major/trace and REE+Y data, allows to infer the nature of the dolomitization processes operating in each carbonate subgroup, i.e dolomitization may be attributed to evaporative reflux of groundwater or to mixing zones of freshwater lenses. The latest alteration processes occured during the uplift of the SMLL Basin. New ages, including LA-ICP-MS U-Pb laser ablation data on detrital zircon grains retrieved in the lower arenaceous-pelitic sequence (BI group), combined with carbon and strontium isotopic analyses, yielded a new depositional time frame of the Mbuji-Mayi Supergroup between 1176 and 800 Ma reinforcing the formerly suggested correlation with the Roan Group in the Katanga Province.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Sturtian-Marinoan interglacial period was previously related to pre-glacial carbonate-dominated shallow marine sedimentation of the Haut-Shiloango Subgroup with stromatolitic reefs at the transition between greenhouse (warm) and icehouse (cold) climate periods, commonly marked by worldwide glacigenic diamictites and cap carbonates. This thesis highlights that these deposists record as a deepening-upward evolution from storm-influenced facies in mid- and outer-ramps to deepwater environments, with emplacement of mass flow deposits in toe-of-slope settings controlled by synsedimentary faults. In absence of diagnostic glacial features, the marinoan Upper Diamictite Formation is interpreted as a continuous sediment gravity flow deposition along carbonate platform-margin slopes, which occurred along tectonically active continental margins locally influenced by altitude glaciers, developed after a rift–drift transition. The maximum depth of the deepening-upward facies is observed in the C2a member. The

shallowing-upward facies exibit a return of distally calcareous tempestites and semi-restricted to restricted peritidal carbonates associated with shallow lagoonal subtidal and intertidal zones submitted to detrital fluxes in the upper C2b to C3b members.

The geochemistry highlights (i) the existence of a δ13C-depth gradient of shallow-water and deep-water carbonates; (ii) the carbonate systems were deposited in oxic to suboxic conditions; and (iii) all samples have uniform flat non-marine shale-normalized REE+Y distributions reflecting

continental detrital inputs in nearshore environments, or that the nearshore sediments were

reworked from ’shallow’ inner to mid-ramp settings in deep-water slope and outer-ramp

environments, during the rift-drift transition in the basin. The pre-, syn- and post-glacial

carbonate systems could record a distally short-lived regional synrift freshwater-influenced

submarine fan derived from nearshore sediments, including gravity flow structures, which are

attributed to regional tectonic processes due to a sudden deepening of the basin caused by

differential tilting and uplifting of blocks, related to the 750-670 Ma oceanic spreading of the

central-southern Macaúbas Basin.

Combining sedimentology, isotopes and trace elemental geochemistry, the thesis highlights

that the δ13C variations in the Neoproterozoic carbonates are complex to interpret, and can be

related to: (i) the existence of a δ13C-depth gradient; (ii) the exchange between isotopically

light carbon in meteoric waters and carbonate during lithification and early diagenesis; and

(iii) isotopic perturbations due to regional metamorphism. Considering the possible englaciation of the Earth (Snowball Earth hypothesis), the Mbuji-Mayi Supergroup and West

Congolian Group seem reflected the intimate relationship between glaciations and tectonic

activity during the break-up of the Rodinia supercontinent, followed by the rift–drift

transition, and finally the pre-orogenic period on the passive continental margin.
Doctorat en Sciences
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Title : The deadliest war in the world – An assessment of the war reporting from the democratic Republic of Congo Author: Melinda Sutus University and course: Örebro University, Media- and communication C (international) Purpose: The purpose of this study is to understand if cultural and geographical proximity affects the way of reporting news and why the war in the Democratic republic of Congo gets so little attention compared to other wars and catastrophes. This will be made by studying the reporting about the war in two newspapers different from one another, one geographically and culturally closed to the war struck area, and one far away. Previous research: The research used in this study focuses on the third world, foreign coverage and globalisation. Studies made by Johan Galtung and Mari Holmboe Rouge, and Stig-Arne Nohrstedt are used to understand the reporting about Africa. Further follow Edward S Herman´s and Noam Chomsky´s views about the different types of victims and Jean-Claude Willame´s research about violence in Africa. Lastly a number of interpretations about globalization are being accounted for. Theories: Post colonialism, reporting war, the CNN-effect and 24h news and critical discourse analysis. Methods: Quantitative analysis and critical discourse analysis. Main results: The New York Times focused their reporting on war facts, in Cape Times the focus is distributed somewhat equally between all the topics. The New York Times portrays the conflict as cold-blooded and barbaric while Cape times emphasis the civilian and humanitarian aspects. Cape Times is closer to the area in question and the humanitarian aspects are easily understood, furthermore Africa does not see itself as a war-struck continent and victims the same way as the west sees the continent, which explains the absence of war facts in Cape Times. The main result is that geographically and cultural proximity does have a certain effect on how news is being portrayed. Key words: Africa, war, globalization, news reporting.

Instability and political repression are two reasons why many states in Africa are unable to develop. African regional organizations have the potential to encourage democracy, stability and development within their regions if they have the right tools. Using case studies of two major interventions by African regional organizations this thesis will determine what those tools may be. Both the intervention of ECOWAS into Liberia and the SADC into the DRC were rife with problems but they were able to bring some stability and even democracy to states in crisis. This thesis finds that African regional organizations can promote democracy and stability, but the focus is always on stability for the region. With strong institutions and mandates, policy agreement and strong leadership, African regional organizations can bring stability, development and even democracy to their regions.
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies

As a result of the different tax systems adopted by countries, foreign-sourced income earned by taxpayers may be subject to double taxation. This may therefore impede cross-border trade and investment. Double taxation relief is provided unilaterally, in terms of a country’s domestic laws or bilaterally in terms of Double Taxation Agreements. South African residents earning income from the Democratic Republic of Congo may be subject to tax in both countries. To eliminate such double taxation the South African Income Tax Act, No 58 of 1962, provides for unilateral relief from double taxation in the form of exemptions, rebates and deductions. The double tax agreement between South Africa and the Democratic Republic of the Congo came into effect recently and double taxation relief for South African residents is now also available in terms of tax treaty law. The objective of the research was to determine whether the combination of the unilateral measures and the double tax agreement provide relief in respect of all types of income earned by South African residents in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It was concluded that the double tax agreement, together with the unilateral relief provided for in the Income Tax Act will grant relief for all types of income earned by South African residents in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Over recent decades, civil wars in Africa have taken millions of lives and caused widespread destruction of whole states and regions. The living standards of peoples residing in such states in Africa which have been devastated by war are often deplorable, with violence, disease and poverty characterising life there. Lawlessness is another feature of such wars, making these states optimal places for international terrorist groups to operate in, and from. For both the above reasons, the West should not turn a blind eye to this issue. These wars that have occurred in a number of African states, including Rwanda, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan, have often become regionalised with surrounding states increasingly becoming involved. This is particularly the case when economic gain can be sought through involvement in the civil war. The introduction of regional actors into domestic civil wars frequently serves to intensify and prolong the conflict, through an increase of arms and troops entering the fighting. The surrounding state actors largely claim to be involved for political reasons, namely to provide security to their own state. However, numerous credible reports have shown that vast plundering of natural resources has been carried out in war-time by surrounding states in the war-torn state. Consequently, this thesis examines the motives of surrounding state actors when deciding to participate in domestic civil wars of their neighbours. To do this, I compile case studies on both Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo since both states had been ravaged by violent and drawn-out civil wars involving regional actors. Furthermore, the regional actors in both cases (Liberia in Sierra Leone, and particularly Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe in the DRC) have been accused of participating in the wars for economic gain. The case studies showed that while political motivations largely drive the initial decision by regional actors to participate in civil wars in their region, it is subsequently economic gain that both allows and compels them to continue their involvement in the civil war. Henceforth, in the final chapter, I put investigate policy suggestions for the future including: prevention of resources being used to fuel warfare through controlling their access to legitimate channels; the use of aid to reduce the likelihood of those in poverty turning to war in pursuit of sustenance, including opportunities to target aid and use compliance with particular peace agreements as a prerequisite for attaining the funding; diversification of the economies of these weak states through development assistance to reduce risks produced by a high dependency on primary commodity exports for income and financial sanctions in the form of freezing of assets or asset blocking. These policy suggestions seek to address both the political and economic motivations of the surrounding state actors in participating in civil wars in Africa.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sexual violence against women (SVAW) has always been part of armed conflict. However, only recently has international law deemed it a crime against humanity and a genocidal crime, thus finally recognising that it is a strategy and weapon that is used extensively during conflict. SVAW and its consequences, however, also continue in the aftermath of conflict, with both ex-combatants and civilians perpetrating SVAW. The effectiveness of SVAW as a weapon and strategy relies on the existence of gender identities and relations that subjugate women. This gender inequality is instated and perpetuated through hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy, and violence against women is one way in which the imbalance is enforced. Patriarchal beliefs and structures, combined with a form of militarised hypermasculinity, lead to SVAW being used during armed conflict, but also continuing in its aftermath. The consequences for survivors are that they are often stigmatised and discriminated against by their husbands, families and communities, and this contributes to their further marginalisation and exploitation. As the state and international security and peacekeeping bodies fail to adequately address SVAW, civil society organisations (CSOs) tend to fill this void by providing mostly support to women affected. One sector of African civil society, namely African Christian churches, has a good record of effectively filling roles usually associated with the state. Furthermore, African Christian churches have increased tremendously in the last century, function at grassroots-level, and are of the few CSOs that continue functioning during armed conflict. As religious institutions they have authority and impact, for religion has the ability to influence behaviour, facilitate societal change, and provide societal solidarity and cohesion. Thus, for the marginalised in Africa, religion is a powerful resource. This leads one to assume that churches can be effective in addressing SVAW. This supposition was tested by studying how churches address SVAW in three different areas affected by armed conflict, namely the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Liberia, by using a qualitative, multiple-case case study approach. In two sites in each country, one urban and one rural, structured interview questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and nominal groups were done, focusing on the causes and consequences of SVAW and how it is being addressed, specifically by churches. The findings showed that SVAW in areas affected by armed conflict are due to patriarchal structures and beliefs, and the military hypermasculinity that has infused civilian masculinities. Patriarchy is also the indirect cause of the most severe consequences of SVAW. These are physical, psychological, social and economic, but the impact of the stigmatisation and discrimination that survivors experience is what they find most debilitating. Unfortunately, neither government nor civil society is addressing SVAW to any great extent and where they do, their actions are reactive not proactive in terms of prevention. This was no different in terms of the role and influence of the churches. While people believe in the ability of churches to be important actors in addressing SVAW, churches are not doing so, for they, too, are patriarchal institutions. Their ability to address injustice is limited when the cause of the injustice are practices and beliefs that lie at the heart of the religion and the churches, especially if these practices and beliefs are upholding the power of those currently in power. By perpetuating patriarchy, churches are actually contributing to SVAW being used as a weapon and strategy of warfare.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Seksuele geweld teen vroue (SGTV) was nog altyd deel van gewapende konflik. Dis egter eers onlangs wat internasionale wetgewing bepaal het dat dit ‘n misdaad teen die mensdom en van volksmoord is, en sodoende uiteindelik erken dat dit ‘n veelgebruikte konflikstrategie en -wapen is. SGTV en die gevolge daarvan hou egter aan ná konflik, met beide gewese vegters en burgerlikes wat SGTV pleeg. Die doeltreffendheid van SGTV as 'n wapen en strategie berus op geslagsidentiteite en -verhoudings wat vroue onderwerp. Hierdie geslagsongelykheid word ingestel en voortgesit deur hegemoniese manlikheid en patriargie, en geweld teen vroue is een manier waarop die wanbalans afgedwing word. Patriargale oortuigings en strukture, gekombineer met 'n vorm van militêre hipermanlikheid, lei daartoe dat SGTV nie net tydens gewapende konflik plaasvind nie, maar ook daarna. Die oorlewendes word dikwels gestigmatiseer en teen gediskrimineer deur hulle mans, families en gemeenskappe, en dit dra by tot hulle verdere marginalisering en uitbuiting. Aangesien die staat en internasionale veiligheids- en vredesliggame versuim om SGTV voldoende aan te spreek, is burgerlike organisasies (BOs) geneig om hierdie leemte te vul deur die verskaffing van meesal steun aan vroue wat deur SGTV geaffekteer word. Een sektor van Afrika se burgerlike samelewing, naamlik Afrika Christelike kerke, het 'n goeie rekord as dit kom by die vervulling van rolle wat gewoonlik geassosieer word met die staat. Verder het Afrika Christelike kerke geweldig toegeneem in die laaste eeu, funksioneer hulle op voetsoolvlak, en is hulle van die min BOs wat aanhou funksioneer tydens gewapende konflik. As godsdienstige instellings het hulle gesag en invloed, aangesien godsdiens die vermoë het om gedrag te beïnvloed, gemeenskapsverandering te fasiliteer, en solidariteit en samehorigheid aan ‘n gemeenskap te verskaf. Dus, vir gemarginaliseerdes in Afrika, is godsdiens 'n kragtige hulpbron. Dus neem ‘n mens aan dat kerke effektief kan wees in die aanspreek van SGTV. Hierdie veronderstelling is getoets deur te kyk na hoe kerke SGTV aanspreek in drie areas wat geraak word deur gewapende konflik, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, Rwanda en Liberië, deur die gebruik van 'n kwalitatiewe, meervoudige-geval gevallestudie benadering. In twee gemeenskappe in elke land, een stedelike en een landelike, is gestruktureerde onderhoudvraelyste, semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude, en nominale groepe gedoen, met ‘n fokus op die oorsake en gevolge van SGTV en hoe dit aangespreek word, spesifiek deur kerke. Die bevindinge het getoon dat SGTV in gebiede geraak deur gewapende konflik, te wyte is aan patriargale strukture en oortuigings, en die militêre hipermanlikheid wat verweef geraak het met burgerlike manlikheid. Patriargie is ook die indirekte oorsaak van die mees ernstige gevolge van SGTV. Hierdie gevolge is fisies, sielkundig, maatskaplik en ekonomies, maar die impak van die stigmatisering en diskriminasie wat oorlewendes ervaar affekteer hulle die ergste. Ongelukkig spreek nie die regering óf burgerlike samelewing werklik SGTV aan nie, en waar hulle dit doen is hulle optrede reaktief en nie proaktief in terme van voorkoming nie. Dit was dieselfde met die rol en invloed van kerke. Terwyl mense glo in die vermoë van kerke om ‘n kernrol te speel in die aanspreek van SGTV, doen kerke dit nie, want hulle is óók patriargale instellings. Hulle vermoë om onreg aan te spreek is beperk wanneer die oorsaak van die onreg praktyke en oortuigings is wat aan die hart lê van die godsdiens en die kerke, veral as hierdie praktyke en oortuigings verseker dat dié in beheer hulle mag behou. Deur hulle voortsetting van patriargie, dra kerke by daartoe dat SGTV gebruik word as 'n wapen en strategie van oorlogvoering.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Conflicts are a prevalent phenomenon in Africa. Of major wars after the Second World War, many occurred on the African continent. Families go to bed not sure of seeing one another on the following day. Conflicts and the lack of peace in Africa have been correctly identified as a major obstacle on the emancipation path that the African masses tread from poverty, underdevelopment and much want. Africa thus needs to take conflict resolution and the maintenance of peace on the continent seriously. One cannot, in any way, attempt to solve something that one does not understand. Research is, thus, important in the search for a peaceful Africa. In expression of such sentiments, the current study was undertaken to gain an understanding of peacemaking in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The study seeks to make a comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in this region. Such was wanting or minimal in the literature on Namibia. The study considered two case studies, those of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola. The study found that Namibia is not only an active participant in SADC peacemaking, but it has contributed to the return of peace and stability in the region; the country played an important role in peacemaking in both the DRC and Angola. It found various similarities and differences between the two case studies. It was established that Namibia takes a twofold approach to peacemaking for it engaged in both diplomatic and military actions. Additionally, the study found that Namibia’s peacemaking role, in the cases considered, was conducted in a secretive manner. This is to say that the approach was somewhat secretive albeit becoming public knowledge later. While all cases are regarded as successful in terms of objectives vis- à-vis results analysis, the study found that the Angolan peacemaking was more successful than the DRC. This comparative analysis is, therefore, presented for those seeking to understand Namibia’s peacemaking in the region and also as a basis for future studies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Konflik is ʼn algemene verskynsel in Afrika. Van die grootste oorloë sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het op die Afrikavasteland plaasgevind. Gesinne gaan saans bed toe sonder om te weet of hulle mekaar die volgende dag sal sien. Konflik en die gebrek aan vrede in Afrika word met reg bestempel as ʼn groot struikelblok vir die Afrikamassas se bevryding van armoede, onderontwikkeling en uiterste gebrek. Afrika behoort dus erns te maak met konflikbeslegting en die handhawing van vrede op die vasteland. Tog kan ʼn mens nie eintlik iets probeer oplos indien jy dit nie volkome begryp nie. Navorsing is dus belangrik in die strewe na ʼn vreedsame Afrika. Hierdie studie is derhalwe onderneem om ʼn begrip te bied van vredestigting in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap- (SAOG-)streek. Meer bepaald bied die ondersoek ʼn vergelykende uiteensetting van Namibië se rol in vredestigting in die SAOG-streek – ʼn onderwerp waaroor daar tot dusver weinig, indien enigiets, in literatuur oor Namibië te vinde was. Die studie ondersoek twee gevallestudies, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) en Angola. Die navorsing bevind dat Namibië nie net ʼn aktiewe deelnemer aan SAOG-vredestigting is nie, maar ook tot die herstel van vrede en stabiliteit in die streek bygedra het; die land het ʼn belangrike rol in konflikbeslegting in sowel die DRK as Angola gespeel. Verskeie ooreenkomste en verkille tussen die twee gevallestudies het uit die navorsing na vore gekom. Dit blyk dat Namibië ’n tweeledige benadering tot vredestigting volg: Die land onderneem diplomatieke sowel as militêre optrede. Verder het die studie bevind dat Namibië sy rol as konflikbeslegter in die twee gevalle wat ondersoek is op ’n skugter manier vervul het. Dit is om te sê dat die benadering was ietwat geheimsinnig al is dit besig om openbare kennis later. Hoewel alle gevalle as geslaagd beskou kan word aan die hand van die oogmerke en die uiteindelike uitkomste, het die studie bevind dat vredestigting in Angola geslaagder was as in die DRK. Hierdie vergelykende uiteensetting word dus aangebied vir diegene wat Namibië se benadering tot vredestigting in die streek wil verstaan, en dien terselfdertyd as grondslag vir toekomstige studies.

RESUME

La Trypanosomiase Humaine Africaine (THA) appelée également « maladie du sommeil» est une maladie parasitaire provoquée par un protozoaire du genre Trypanosoma dont deux sous-espèces (T. brucei gambiense et T. brucei rhodesiense) sont pathogènes à l’homme. La stratégie de lutte contre cette maladie est essentiellement basée sur le dépistage précoce et le traitement des malades, complété avec le contrôle du vecteur. Cependant, l’utilisation du service de dépistage de la THA par les communautés exposées représente un défi majeur. L’adhésion aux campagnes de dépistage actif avec des équipes mobiles spécialisées était en-dessous de 50% dans certains villages endémiques fin des années nonante. De surcroît, l’utilisation des services de santé fixes en RDC est si faible que ceci compromet le dépistage passif dans les formations sanitaires fixes. Notre hypothèse est que cette faible utilisation des services de santé pourrait elle-même être due à un problème d’acceptabilité du dépistage et traitement de la THA par les communautés vivant dans les zones de transmission de la THA. Tout ceci compromet l’élimination de la THA comme problème de santé publique, un but que s’est fixé la communauté internationale d’ici 2020.

Ce travail a comme objectif d’explorer cette dimension socioculturelle de la maladie qui est souvent négligée dans le contrôle de la THA et générer une meilleure connaissance de ces aspects.

Nous avons réalisé cinq études en total pour adresser la question de la sous-utilisation des services de dépistage et traitement de la THA par les communautés et sa relation avec l’acceptabilité des services. Nous avons d’abord développé une première étude qui évalue les résultats du traitement de la THA en analysant rétrospectivement les données de routine du programme de contrôle de la THA pour l’année 2006 à 2008. Ensuite, nous avons réalisé trois études qualitatives par focus group (groupe focalisé) et entretiens individuels pour documenter la dimension socioculturelle de la lutte contre la THA. D’abord une étude qui a exploré les perceptions sur la THA dans la communauté, suivi par une étude qui explore les perceptions sur le traitement de la THA et une autre qui se concentre sur les pratiques diagnostics des professionnels de santé face à un syndrome neurologique en contexte de ressources limitées.

Une cinquième étude combine une enquête-ménage avec des focus groups et des entretiens individuels pour explorer les perceptions de la communauté sur la santé en général et les services de santé.

Nous avons comparé les obstacles à l’utilisation des services de dépistage et traitement de la THA identifiés dans ce travail avec les messages de sensibilisation sur la THA utilisés au programme de contrôle de la THA en RDC et nous avons développé des recommandations stratégiques.

L’évaluation des indicateurs de performances sur l’issue de traitement montre que le taux de suivi post-thérapeutique est faible dans son ensemble :25 % pour le premier suivi de six mois et moins d’un pourcent des patients revient pour la dernière visite de contrôle au mois 24. Nous avons aussi observé dans cette étude un taux d’échec au mélarsoprol et à la pentamidine respectivement de 30% et de 22 % au Kasaï Oriental qui sont cependant difficilement interprétables, car le dénominateur est incomplet. Comme très peu de patients reviennent au contrôle post-thérapeutique, cette proportion est probablement biaisée vers ceux qui sont en échec de traitement.

L’étude de perception de la THA montre que la maladie est bien connue dans les communautés vivant dans les zones à risque. Par contre, plusieurs obstacles au dépistage et traitement de la THA ont été identifiés. Les plus importants sont :la toxicité des médicaments de la THA, les obstacles financiers, l’inadéquation entre le programme de dépistage des équipes mobiles et les occupations des communautés, les interdits qui accompagnent le traitement de la THA, le manque de confidentialité et la peur de la ponction lombaire.

L’étude sur la perception du traitement de la THA a montré que le mélarsoprol est perçu comme un médicament toxique et est surnommé « médicament des interdits ». Par contre, le régime NECT est perçu comme un nouveau médicament moins toxique qui a rendu les interdits liés au mélarsoprol obsolètes sauf un seul, celui de ne pas avoir de rapport sexuel pendant la période de traitement et de suivi post thérapeutique qui est de 6 mois. Les interdits ont été instaurés de manière empirique par les professionnels de santé et les communautés pour mitiger les effets indésirables du mélarsoprol. Leur violation pourrait entrainer des conséquences graves et mortelles. Ces interdits sont fortement ancrés dans les croyances de la communauté et constituent aujourd’hui un obstacle au dépistage et traitement.

L’étude sur les pratiques diagnostiques des professionnels de santé en matière de syndrome neurologique en contexte de ressources limitées a montré qu’en zone rurale le diagnostic est principalement clinique. Les obstacles perçus au diagnostic de confirmation sont essentiellement d’ordre financier puisque le patient doit tout financer de sa poche. Autres obstacles évoqués sont le manque d’outils de diagnostic et la perception de la communauté qui voit le clinicien comme un devin (petit dieu) ou oracle capable de « deviner » directement la maladie sans passer par un processus diagnostique de laboratoire.

L’étude sur les perceptions de la santé et des services de santé a montré que les capacités de travailler (82%) et les capacités de se mouvoir (66%) sont les signes de bonne santé les plus perçus. 90% des responsables des ménages perçoivent positivement la santé de leur ménage. Les opinions sur le service de santé sont partagées.

Les études présentées dans ce travail ont généré des nouvelles connaissances sur la dimension socioculturelle de la THA. L’analyse des messages de sensibilisation sur la THA utilisés par le programme de contrôle de la THA en RDC en termes de comparaison avec les obstacles au dépistage et traitement de la THA identifiés dans ce travail montre que ces aspects socioculturels bien qu’étant des véritables goulots d’étranglements dans la dynamique de la lutte contre la THA ne sont pas bien ciblés par la communication sur la THA.

Les perspectives des communautés exposées au risque de la THA doivent être adressées par un dialogue continu entre professionnels de santé et communautés adapté aux réalités locales. Ainsi il sera possible d’améliorer de manière opérationnelle les stratégies d’information, éducation et communication, et de façon plus large, le dépistage et traitement de la THA en intégrant la dimension socioculturelle de la THA dans la politique de lutte contre la THA.

SUMMARY

Human African Trypanosomiasis (HAT), also known as “sleeping sickness” is a parasitic disease caused by protozoa of the species Trypanosoma. There are two types that infect humans, Trypanosoma brucei gambiense and Trypanosoma brucei rhodesiense. The strategy used to control sleeping sickness consists of early case detection and treatment of patients, together with vector control. Meanwhile, utilization/access to HAT screening by the affected communities remains a major challenge. Adherence to active screening programs with mobile units was below 50% in certain endemic villages end of the 90’s. Moreover, utilization of fixed health facilities in DRC is so low that it compromises passive case finding. Our hypothesis is that this low utilization of health services is caused by a problem of acceptance of case detection and treatment of HAT by the communities living in the HAT transmission zones. This compromises the target of the international community to eliminate HAT as a public health problem by 2020. This thesis wants to explore and tries to generate more knowledge on the socio-cultural aspect that is often neglected in the control of HAT.

We conducted five studies to address the lack of community participation in HAT screening and treatment activities and the relation with acceptance of these services.

The first study evaluated the results of HAT treatment by retrospectively analyzing data of the routine HAT control program for the period 2006-2008.

Afterwards we performed three qualitative studies consisting of focus group discussions and individual interviews to document the socio-cultural dimension of the fight against HAT. The first study explored the community perceptions regarding sleeping sickness. The second study explored the perceptions regarding HAT treatment and a third study focused on diagnostic practices of health professionals in low-resource settings facing a neurological syndrome.

The fifth study consists of a household survey, focus group discussions and individual interviews to explore community perception regarding health in general and health services. We compared the identified barriers to screening and treatment of HAT with awareness messages on sleeping sickness used by the HAT control program in DRC and we developed strategic recommendations. The evaluation of performance indicators for treatment showed that compliance with post-treatment follow-up is very poor: 25% for the first post-treatment follow-up examination at six months and less than 1% of the patients returns for the final examination at 24 months. In this study we also observed a treatment failure rate of respectively 30% and 22% for melarsoprol and pentamidine in Kasai-Oriental. However, these date are difficult to interpret because of an incomplete denominator. As only few patients return for follow-up visits, this proportion is probably biased towards those in treatment failure.

The study on the perception of sleeping sickness shows that the disease is well known amongst the communities living in the endemic areas. However, several screening and treatment barriers were identified. The most important are: drug toxicity, financial barriers, the incompatibility between the itineraries of the mobile screening teams and the local communities’ activities, the prohibitions related to HAT treatment, lack of confidentiality and fear of lumbar punctures. The study on the perceptions regarding HAT treatment show that melarsoprol is perceived as a toxic drug and is nicknamed the ‘taboo drug’. On the other hand the NECT regime is perceived as the new drug that is less toxic and that has abolished all the taboos of melarsoprol with the important exception of sexual intercourse during the treatment period and the post-treatment follow-up period of six months.

The prohibitions have been established empirically by healthcare providers and communities to mitigate the side effects of the melarsoprol regimen. Violating these restrictions is believed to cause severe and sometimes mortal complications. Communities adhere strictly to these prohibitions and this constitutes a barrier for HAT screening and treatment.

The study focusing on diagnostic work-up of neurological syndromes in low-resource settings by health care providers has shown that in rural areas diagnosis is usually clinical. Barriers to confirmation of diagnosis are mainly related to the purchasing power of the patient. Other reported barriers are a lack of diagnostic tools and the communities’ perceptions associated with the care provider. Clinicians are perceived as diviners being able to directly identify the cause of the illness without using laboratory tests. The study regarding the perceptions on health and health services has shown that ability to work (82%) and ability to move (66%) are the most perceived signs of good health. 90% of the household responsibles positively perceive the health of their family. The opinions on the health services are divided.

The studies presented in this thesis have generated new insights on the socio-cultural dimension of HAT. The analysis of the awareness messages on HAT in DRC compared with the reported HAT screening and treatment barriers have shown that

although these sociocultural aspects are real bottlenecks in the dynamic of the fight against HAT, they are not targeted by the communication on HAT.

The prospects for communities at risk of HAT should be addressed through continuous dialogue between health professionals and communities adapted to local realities.

It will thus be possible to operationally improve the information strategies, education and communication, and more broadly, screening and treatment of HAT by integrating the socio-cultural dimension in the fighting policy against sleeping sickness.

Doctorat en Sciences
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The growing popularity of the internet and its activities have opened a wide range of business opportunities especially in terms of e-business. Though, reports show that the adoption rate of e-commerce in developed countries seem to be striving, a lot of developing countries still struggle with slow e-commerce adoption rate. Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is one these countries where e-commerce adoption is still in its infant stages. However, because of the recent infrastructure improvements and the growth in telecommunication services in the country, internet penetration, more specifically, mobile Internet penetration is growing at a significantly fast pace. This could mean opportunities for e-business services in DRC. The objective of this research is to investigate the factors that could influence online shopping adoption in DRC. This investigation was carried out by adapting an extended version of the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM). A quantitative approach was used in the collection of data and the data was edited and analyzed using the programming language, R. Also, the analytical techniques used in conducting this research include: Descriptive Statistical Methods (Cross tabulation, frequencies) and inferential Statistical Methods (Logistic Regression, ANOVA and Chi square tests). The results from this research show that contrary to the conceptualized model in the literature review where the main constructs included: Perceived Ease of Use(PEOU), Perceived Usefulness(PU) and Perceived Trust(PT), it appears that Perceived Ease of Use(PEOU) does not have any significance in a user’s intention to shop online(p>0.01). However, this research found that Perceived Usefulness and Perceived Trust have a strong statistical significance to a user’s intention to shop online. Furthermore, we found that Gender, Income and Age do not have any moderating influence on the relationship between a user’s perception and their intention to shop online in DRC. However, when the relationship between VI perception and intention to shop online is moderated by experience, we find that there is a variation between users with prior online shopping experience and those without. While these research findings make for remarkable recommendations on a user’s intention to shop online, we recommend that further research on actual usage of e-commerce be examined in DRC to get a better understanding of consumer online behaviors.

My MFA project consists of sculptural installations, videos and images that, together with the written text, comment on the impact of information technology on society. In both the written and practical components, I refer to my own experience and developments in fashion and access to information technology (IT) in my home country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), with a focus on Kinshasa. I also explore aspects of the consumerist nature of IT in Africa more broadly and how this generates trends relating to ‘FOMO’, an internet slang acronym for the Fear Of Missing Out. My primary reason for connecting African fashion with contemporary computer technology is because both concern Western products being utilised in Africa in the context of self-determination. The African continent is a source of mining wealth, for example coltan (short for columbite-tantalite), a mineral widely used in technology. The DRC is one of the major coltan-producing countries, and yet it is technologically underdeveloped or limited itself because of an oppressive capitalist system (Pole Institute – blood minerals [PI], 2010: 8-9), (PI, 2010). However, some of these minerals return to Africa in the form of products and create new consumers, desires and services in emerging contemporary technology contexts. In the process of upgrading to higher levels of technology, the developed world often uses Africa as a dumping zone for electronic waste (e-waste), with no regard for the environmental and human impact. For example, the UN environment programme's 2012 and 2013 report under the Waste for Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE) legislation showed that thirty percent of the allegedly second-hand products imported to Ghana were useless (African WEEE Report by the UN Environment Programme [AWRUNEP], 2012). Pieter Hugo's photographs in the book Permanent Error (2011) provide strong visual evidence of this. Although I’m aware of the debate around issues of representation and ‘afro pessimism’ generated by Hugo’s images, my motivation in using them is that they provide sufficient documentation of the realities of disposing of electronic waste and the impact on people and the environment pertaining to those particulars zones of Africa. I draw an analogy between the consumption of IT and African fashion, and specifically with my own country's culture of dressing-up, which has developed into a kind of doctrine (the ‘cult of the cloth’) and an expression of resistance. The analogy is linked to the desire to stay up to date with IT, which can lead to addiction. I also consider it useful to compare the symbolic and aesthetic aspects of African customs of hairdressing, the wearing of hats and jewellery, and even body modification as a social identification with today's society, within which ‘personal media’ are additional accessories for urban status. My reference and use of computer parts critique the way that contemporary technology has become an extension of our personal style, as in the fashion sense described above: a virtual identification which could also suggest a tendency towards an alienation of the body (because of the virtual social interaction and virtual identity) from its immediate environment that has manifested in our current psychological landscape. Consequently, I suggest the consumption of contemporary media in urban spaces opens up the notion of virtual anthropology or virtual cultural anthropology, related to the electronic personality or e-personality.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this research was to explore the interaction between governance and development in post-colonial Africa. The departure point of the thesis was the understanding that the state remains a pre-eminent actor in the international system. Keeping this assumption in mind, the study made use of a comparative analysis; comparing governance and development in Botswana with governance and development in Zaire/the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), focusing on the post-colonial era. The importance of this research lies in its contribution to the debate on the role of the state in post-colonial Africa. It explores the influence of institution formation and policy implementation by governments (in other words, governance) on development. Understanding the effect of governance on development can have invaluable lessons for other African states in their efforts to develop further. The research question, which guided the thesis thus, was: in the era of the pre-eminence of the state, making use of a comparison between Botswana and Zaire/DRC, what is the influence and effect, of state institution formation and policy implementation (governance) by governments, on state development in terms of economical-, political- and social development? The two main variables were governance and development. Development was sub-divided into three indicators: political, economic and social development. Governance was evaluated in terms of being seen as poor or good governance, as per the World Bank’s definition and understanding of governance. Zaire/DRC, as an example of a failed state, was analysed first, followed by Botswana, selected for its arguably “best practice” experience. For each country the analysis was subdivided into three phases as per the theoretical framework of Chazan, Lewis, Mortimer, Rothchild, and Stedman’s book, Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa (1999). Their book describes three stages of change in African state development in the post-colonial era (Chazan-framework). This framework uses the Chazan-framework and thus subdivides the post-colonial era into: the concentration (centralisation) phase, the elaboration phase, and finally the reconsideration of state power phase. The research found that Zaire/DRC followed a process of state collapse in the post-colonial era, whereas in sharp contrast Botswana experienced positive state development. Since independence Zaire continuously practised poor governance whilst Botswana largely practiced good governance. This was true in all three phases of the Chazan-framework. At the same time, or perhaps due to poor governance, Zaire continuously experienced negative development in all three development categories whilst Botswana continuously experienced positive development in all three development categories, again perhaps due to good governance. The research concludes that even though Botswana is not necessarily an example of a perfect state, it is special in an African context, because of its good governance record. This study does not draw direct relationships between good governance and development, but finds that Botswana probably benefited greatly in development due to the implementation of good institutions, good government policies and general good governance. The research also found that states benefit when their governments practice and adopt policies that are anti-corruption, pro-democracy, pro-competition, pro public-private partnerships, and pro market-orientated economics. In addition, the following are also conducive to good governance: leadership with integrity, peaceful and regular leadership changes, clear distinction between government (party) and the state, and empowered government oversight institutions that act, even against the government itself when needed. The practice of good governance is thus shown to be supportive of long-term development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie navorsing was om die interaksie tussen regering en ontwikkeling in post-koloniale Afrika te ondersoek. Die tesis gaan uit vanuit die oogpunt dat die staat steeds ‘n dominante akteur in die internasionale stelsel is. Die studie het gebruik gemaak van ‘n vergelykende ontleding. Regeringstyl en ontwikkeling in post-koloniale Afrika is met mekaar vergelyk. Die vergelyking is getrek tussen Botswana en Zaïre/Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK). Die belangrikheid van die navorsing lê in die bydrae tot die debat oor die rol van die staat in Afrika in die post-koloniale era. Dit bekyk die belangrikheid van instellingskepping en beleids-implementering (met ander woorde, regeerstyl of regering) deur regerings in terme van invloed op die ontwikkeling van state in Afrika. Beter begrip van hierdie verhouding kan waardevolle lesse bevat vir ander Afrikastate in hul pogings om verder te ontwikkel. Die navorsingsvraag wat die tesis gelei het was dus: in die era van die voorrang van die staat, en deur gebruikmaking van ‘n vergelykende studie tussen Botswana en Zaïre/DRK, wat is die invloed en effek van staatsinstelling-vorming en van beleids-implementering (regering) deur regerings, op staatsontwikkeling in terme van ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale ontwikkeling? In hierdie studie was regering en ontwikkeling die twee belangrikste veranderlikes gewees. Ontwikkeling is onderverdeel in drie aanwysers: politieke, ekonomiese en maatskaplike ontwikkeling. Regering is geëvalueer in terme van wat gesien word as swak of goeie regering, volgens die Wêreldbank se definisie en begrip van goeie regering. Zaïre/DRK is eerste as ‘n voorbeeld van 'n mislukte staat ontleed, gevolg deur Botswana, gekies vir sy veronderstelde "beste praktyk"-ervaring. Die analise vir elk van hierdie lande is onderverdeel in drie fases, soos gebaseer op die teoretiese raamwerk van Chazan, Lewis, Mortimer, Rothchild, en Stedman in, Politics and Society in Contemporary Africa (1999) (die Chazan-raamwerk). Hierdie raamwerk onderverdeel die post-koloniale era in: die konsentrasiefase (sentraliseringsfase), die uitbreidingsfase en uiteindelik die fase van die heroorweging van staatsmag. Die navorsing bevind dat Zaïre 'n proses van ineenstorting van die staat in die post-koloniale era ervaar het, terwyl Botswana in skrille kontras positiewe staatsontwikkeling ervaar het. Hierdie tendens was aanwesig in al drie fases van die Chazan-raamwerk. Sedert onafhanklikheid het Botswana ook goeie regering toegepas terwyl Zaïre/DRK meestal swak regering toegepas het. Terselfdertyd, dalk ook weens swak regering, het Zaïre/DRK voortdurend negatiewe ontwikkeling ervaar in al drie van die ontwikkelings kategorieë, terwyl Botswana voortdurend, moontlik te danke goeie regering, positiewe ontwikkeling in al drie die ontwikkelingskategorieë ervaar het. Die navorsing kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat, selfs al is Botswana nie noodwendig ‘n voorbeeld van 'n perfekte staat nie, dit steeds weens ‘n goeie regeringstradisie, uniek is in Afrika-konteks. Alhoewel hierdie studie nie 'n direkte verhouding tussen goeie regering en ontwikkeling probeer bevestig het nie, bevind dit wel dat Botswana moontlik in terme van ontwikkeling, weens die implementering van goeie instellings, goeie regeringsbeleid en algemene goeie regering, baie voordeel getrek het. Die navorsing bevind ook dat state voordeel trek wanneer hul regerings beleid aanvaar en toepas wat teen korrupsie is, maar wat demokratiese ideale, markkompetisie, openbare-private vennootskappe en markgeoriënteerde ekonomiese aktiwiteite bevorder. Goeie regering word ook bevorder deur leierskap met integriteit, vreedsame en gereelde verandering van leierskap, duidelike onderskeid tussen die regering (party) en die staat, sowel as nie-regeringsinstellings met die mag om as oorsigliggame oor die regering te funksioneer. Die praktyk van goeie regering blyk dus langtermyn staatsontwikkeling te bevoordeel en te ondersteun.

This dissertation seeks to explore the principle of complementarity, its advantages and its success so far through the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) self-referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC). It seeks also to investigate whether there are loopholes in the principle of complementarity, especially with regard to referrals by the Security Council involving states that are not parties to the Rome Statute. In particular the dissertation seeks to explore whether states can use this principle to hamper the efforts of the ICC to bring justice to victims of the most serious crimes of international concern and to end impunity
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Raymond Koen of the Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

Pericopsis elata is an African forestry species commercialized under the vernacular names afrormosia or assamela. It is one of the principal species commonly exploited for timber in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and in a lesser extent in Cameroon and Congo. In view of its sustainable resource exploitation, the species is in centre of numerous polemics notably in the European Union. It is one of the rare commercialized species that produce wood, since 1992, as listed in the CITES (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora) annex II specifying that “the exploitation of afrormosia necessitate the deliverance and a prior presentation of exploitation permit”. The most important reserves of afrormosia are found in DRC. This doctoral thesis presents the ecology of this particular tree and its behaviour regarding forestry exploitation. It allows to inform the international organisms such as CITES as well as the national policy-makers on the vulnerability of afrormosia and to propose appropriate measures that can avoid future unsustainable/unregulated exploitation activities/Pericopsis elata est une espèce forestière africaine commercialisée sous les noms d’afrormosia ou d’assamela. Elle est une des principales espèces exploitées pour le bois d’œuvre en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) et dans une moindre mesure au Cameroun et au Congo. Elle est au centre de nombreuses polémiques, notamment dans l’Union européenne, en ce qui concerne la durabilité de son exploitation. C’est une des rares espèces commerciales productrice de bois d’œuvre listée, depuis 1992, dans l’Annexe II de la CITES (Convention sur le commerce international des espèces en danger d’extinction) qui spécifie que « L'exportation d'un spécimen d'une espèce inscrite à l'Annexe II nécessite la délivrance et la présentation préalables d'un permis d'exportation ». Les plus grandes réserves d’afrormosia se trouvent en RDC. Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur l’écologie de cet arbre et sur son comportement vis-à-vis de l’exploitation forestière. Elle permet d’informer les organismes internationaux comme la CITES et les décideurs nationaux sur la vulnérabilité de l’afrormosia et de proposer des mesures à prendre pour que l’espèce ne soit pas menacée par une exploitation mal conduite et non régulée
Doctorat en Sciences
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of war rape in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in order to understand the dynamics, contextual realities and consequences of its perpetration. Practical and theoretical knowledge is generated which is relevant for health care interventions, humanitarian assistance and peace initiatives, that are cognizant of the actual needs of the affected populations. The study employed ethnographic methodology involving prolonged engagement with the field, participant observation, formal and informal interviews, keeping of field notes and the continuous practice of reflexivity. The four papers in this thesis represent formal interviews with participants from three distinct groups: local leaders (Paper I), ex-child soldier boys (Paper II) and women survivors of sexual violence (Paper III & IV). Qualitative Content Analysis was used for the interview study with local leaders (Paper I). Findings from this study reveal how mass rape and the methods of perpetration create a chaos effectively destroying communities. The leaders draw attention to the fact that an exclusive focus on raped women misses other structural factors that contribute to war and sexual violence, factors such as the global political economy, international apathy, the stance of the church, effects of militarization, inappropriate aid and interpretations of gender roles. Through the theoretical lenses of militarised masculinity and gender based violence, interviews with ex-child soldier boys, seen as both victims of war as well as proxy perpetrators of sexual violence, were analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings revealed the systematic and violent construction of children into soldiers, inculcating a rigid set of stereotypical hyper-masculine behaviors promoting dominance by violating the subordinate “other”. These findings argue for a more complex, contextualized view of the perpetrator resulting from the ways society has (re)constructed gender, ethnicity and class. Papers III and IV reflect the interviews and narratives provided by women survivors. Guided by thematic analysis and a matrix of theories: Structural violence, Intersectionality and “new wars”; Paper III bears witness to the women’s expressions of their profound losses and dispossession as they struggle to survive stigmatization in the impoverished margins of the warzone, along with children born of rape. The perpetrator is cited here as well as by the leaders as predominantly Interhamwe. Payne’s Sites of Resilience model used in Paper IV situates stigmatized women survivors suffering in a global context as they navigate survival, demonstrating resilience in the margins through support from their faith in God, scarce health services, indigenous healing and strategic alliances. Findings suggest that collaborations of existing strengthened networks, ie: the church, healthcare and indigenous healers, could extend the reach of sustainable and holistic support services, positively effecting already identified sites of resilience. Findings draw attention to the challenges faced by public health in addressing mass trauma. Women’s raped bodies represent tangible material damage, embedded in a matrix of globalization processes and structural violence involving gender, ethnicity and class. This requires serious reflection.

This paper considers the situation of Congolese women and their almost complete social, political and economic marginalization in society. The Congolese constitution formulates the principle of gender parity between men and women; however, numerous provisions of the law still actively discriminate against women, relegating them to the status of second-class citizens. The violent conflict that the Congo has experienced and continues to experience has only exacerbated the socio-economic and cultural differences in status between men and women. How are Congolese women responding to these obstacles and have they been able to make any sustainable gains in doing so? The findings of this paper contend that despite the inequities that they experience in the social, political and economic spheres, Congolese women have in fact been able to take steps towards achieving gender equality. The conflict that has so negatively affected them has also provided them with intended and unintended opportunities for improving their situation. One such opportunity is evident in the creation of City of Joy, a women empowerment program established and developed entirely by Congolese women. A refuge for survivors of sexual violence, City of Joy helps rehabilitate these women with the hope that they will have acquired the necessary tools to catalyze social change as they are reintegrated into their respective communities after the six-month program. City of Joy as a case study illustrates both the opportunities for empowerment and change as well as the difficulties of providing women with meaningful agency given the structural obstacles that they are faced with. Although it is difficult to evaluate the long-term success and sustainability of the program, the general observations that can be gleaned from this example demonstrate that war and conflict can create fresh beginnings and new opportunities for women to produce their own social, political and economic realities. City of Joy, although limited in scope, is a socially enhancing program and a pragmatic step toward increasing the probability of a peaceful outcome in the aftermath of a brutal and long-lasting conflict and will ultimately have a positive long-term effect Congolese society.

La thèse porte sur le phénomène des enfants accusés de sorcellerie au Katanga à l'aide d'une démarche socio-anthropologique. Dans la première partie les cadres théorique et historique sont donnés. La deuxième partie se concentre sur les enfants de la rue de Lubumbashi (Katanga, RDC) et le rôle joué par les églises pentecôtistes dans les accusations de sorcellerie dont les enfants font l'objet. Dans la troisième partie des études de cas sont présentées. / The PhD dissertation is about the phenomenon of the children accused of witchcraft in Katanga analysed through a socio-anthropological approach. In the first part the theoretical and historical frameworks are presented. The second part focuses on the street children issue in Lubumbashi (Katanga, DRC) and on the role played by Petecostal churches in the accusations perpetrated on children. The third part presents three case studies.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study aims to understand the motivations underlying the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating on the African continent as well as the way in which institutional contexts – the physical and legal environments – shape their behaviours and/or modes of entry into local industries. Understanding the strategic motives of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Africa as well as the extent to which they implement those motives on the ground and the way in which they respond to local laws is crucial for assessing the medium- to long-term impacts of their activities on the welfare of African populations and forests. This dissertation relies on Dunning‟s eclectic paradigm to understand the motivations informing the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises as well as on new institutional theory to study the behaviours and/or modes of entry of Chinese agricultural enterprises into local industries. This research is based on two case studies: Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo. As far as data collection is concerned, it relied on secondary sources of data such as scholarly articles and books; official documents and legislation; and newspaper articles. This study also drew on primary sources of data, which consisted of documents obtained during the fieldwork such as contracts between Chinese agricultural enterprises and African governments, official documents from Chinese agricultural enterprises as well as semi-structured interviews. Thirty-two semi-structured interviews were conducted with various stakeholders – including managers of Chinese agricultural enterprises, employees of these enterprises, farmers, officials from ministries of agriculture and researchers – in Mozambique and the DRC between April to June 2011. The data collected were analysed with the help of the qualitative analysis software: atlas.ti. The preliminary results collected and analysed in this study suggest that the motivations of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Mozambique and the DRC are: 1) to acquire farmlands in order to grow food crops and sell them mainly in local markets; 2) to supply agricultural commodities – cash and food crops – for Chinese markets; and 3) to provide agricultural aid by introducing new varieties of crops imported from China and offering training to farmers, students and technicians. However, the provision of agricultural aid is a secondary motivation of Chinese agricultural enterprises. The motivations informing the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Mozambique and the DRC are globally consistent with China‟s foreign policy as these enterprises primarily aim to better position themselves in local markets and to access agricultural commodities for the benefit of Chinese markets. Furthermore, the preliminary results of this study also indicate that the institutional contexts in Mozambique and the DRC appear to affect the behaviours and/or modes of entry of Chinese agricultural enterprises into local industries. As such, the poor provision of infrastructure in rural areas appears to delay further investments by Chinese agricultural enterprises. Also, the complex process of gaining access to land and the weak regulatory capacity in the monitoring and implementation of the land laws appear to hinder investments by Chinese agricultural enterprises and in some instances lead to the cancellation of investments. In the specific case of the DRC, the weak enforcement of land titles appears to discourage further investments. The unfavourable institutional context depicted above has prompted Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in the DRC to adopt new models of business revolving around less risky or smaller agricultural projects.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ontleed die motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam op die Afrika-vasteland, asook hoe die institusionele konteks, te wete die fisiese en wetlike raamwerke, sulke ondernemings se werkverrigtinge en/of toetreewyses tot plaaslike industrieë beïnvloed. 'n Begrip van wat die strategiese motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings is, hoe hulle daardie motiewe op voetsoolvlak implementeer, en hoe hulle aan landswette gehoor gee, is noodsaaklik om die middel- tot lang-termyn impakte wat die ondernemings op die welstand van Afrika bevolkinge en op woudgebiede het, te peil. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van Dunning se eklektiese paradigma om Chinese landbou-ondernemings se motiewe te ontleed. Dit pas ook die nieu-institusionele teorie toe om die werksaamhede en marktoetredes van die ondernemings na te spoor. Die navorsing is op twee gevallestudies gebaseer: Mosambiek en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK). Dit het van sekondêre bronne soos vakwetenskaplike referate en boeke; amptelike dokumentasie en wetsakte; en persartikels gebruik gemaak. Die studie het ook primêre databronne gebruik. Laasgenoemde bestaan uit dokumentasie wat deur die loop van die veldnavorsing ingesamel is, onder meer kontrakte tussen Chinese landbou-ondernemings en Afrika staatslui; amptelike dokumentasie van Chinese landbou-ondernemings; en semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude. Daar is met verskeie belangegroepe in Mosambiek en die DRK - soos die bestuurders van Chinese landbou-ondernemings en hul werknemers, boere, landbou-amptenare en navorsers – onderhoude gevoer. In geheel is 32 semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude in die periode April – Junie 2011 gevoer. Die data is met behulp van die kwalitatiewe ontledingsprogrammatuur atlas.ti ontleed. Die voorlopige bevindinge en ontledings stel voor dat die volgende motiewe die werksaamhede van Chinese landbou-ondernemings in Mosambiek en die DRK bepaal: 1) om landerye te bekom om sodoende kos aan te kweek en dit veral aan plaaslike markte te verkoop; 2) om landbouware, te wete kontant en kos, aan Chinese markte te voorsien; 3) om hulpverlening te verskaf deur die bekendstelling van nuwe tipes gewasse uit China, en deur die opleiding van boere, studente en tegnici. Die verskaffing van hulpverlening in die landbou bedryf is egter van sekondêre belang vir Chinese landbou-ondernemings. Die motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam in Mosambiek en die DRK strook met China se oorhoofse buitelandse beleid omdat hierdie ondernemings primêr daarop uit is om hulself beter in plaaslike markte te posisioneer en om tot die voordeel van Chinese markte landbouware te bekom. Voorts, die voorlopige bevindinge dui ook aan dat die institusionele kontekste in Mosambiek en die DRK die werksaamhede en/of die toetrede van Chinese landbou-ondernemings in plaaslike industrieë beïnvloed. Swak infrastruktuur in landelike gebiede blyk meer beleggings deur Chinese landbou-ondernemings te striem. Die ingewikkelde proses om grond te bekom en gebrekkigheid in die regulering, monitering en implementering van landbouwette blyk ook Chinese beleggings te kortwiek, en in sommige gevalle lei dit tot die opskorting van beleggings. In die geval van die DRK, wil dit voorkom asof gebrekkige afdwinging van grondaktes verdere belegging ontmoedig. Die ongunstige institutionele konteks wat hier geskets is, het Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam in die DRK aangemoedig om nuwe sakemodelle toe te pas, wat belegging in kleiner landbou projekte of met minder risiko's, beteken.

Includes bibliographical references.
This study explores the social dimensions of mining activities in Kakanda, a mining city in the province of Katanga in the DRC. It investigates the social dimensions of mining activities in terms of community access to and utilisation of health services, education, and job creation. This study utilised a qualitative research approach to assess the sustainability of the livelihoods of people living in Kakanda and neighbouring communities. A total of 21 community members participated in the study, including women, men, the unemployed and mineworkers, as well as key informants. Key informant interviews and focus group discussion (FGD) were used to explore experiences and views with regard to mining activities in Kakanda. This study was theoretically informed by social cohesion theory, social capital theory, as well as empowerment theory. Findings were drawn from the responses of the participants, and analysed with reference to literature that have discussed similar issues. It was found that although mining activities have created new social and cultural forms and interconnections within communities, yet poverty is not alleviated or reduced, and people’s livelihoods are not sustainable. Good health services, education and employment are not yet guaranteed to all community members, which constitute a major threat to human development and the security for people in Kakanda and the surrounding communities.

Les idéologies politiques africaines :mythe du pouvoir ou instance du développement ?

Réflexion épistémologique sur le nationalisme congolais à la lumière de la théorie rawlsienne de la justice.

Panafricanisme, négritude, consciencisme, socialisme et nationalisme ont eu en gros sur le sol africain, une double mission :-délivrer les pays du joug colonial

sortir ces pays du sous-développement par un travail d’une

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Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’origine des suites de mégacristaux des kimberlites est sujette à d’intenses débats depuis de nombreuses années. La suite complexe de mégacristaux (grenat, clinopyroxène, zircon, baddeleyite, ilménite, rutile et nodules d’intercroissances rutile-silicates) des kimberlites diamantifères de Mbuji-Mayi (Kasaï Oriental), mises en place au Crétacé dans le craton archéen du Congo-Kasaï, a été étudiée en détails dans le but d’établir les relations entre les différents minéraux de la suite, leur relation au magma kimberlitique-hôte et au manteau lithosphérique cratonique archéen. L’étude des mégacristaux de grenat des kimberlites pauvres en diamants du Kundelungu (Katanga) a permis en outre d’établir la comparaison entre les mégacristaux de deux provinces kimberlitiques en République Démocratique du Congo, qui diffèrent notamment par leur âge de mise en place et par la composition et l’âge du socle traversé.

L’ensemble des données minéralogiques et géochimiques acquises (éléments majeurs et en traces, géochimie isotopique de l’oxygène, du Nd et de l’Hf) est intégré dans le but de déterminer la nature du (ou des) processus qui a (ont) donné naissance à ces suites de mégacristaux.

En parallèle, l’origine d’un xénolite rare de clinopyroxénite à kyanite exceptionnellement riche en Cr des kimberlites de Mbuji-Mayi a été explorée.

Bien qu’ils partagent de nombreuses caractéristiques avec d’autres suites de mégacristaux kimberlitiques, les mégacristaux de RDC sont généralement enrichis en Cr et appauvris en Fe et Ti, et ne présentent pas de preuve d’une origine par cristallisation fractionnée à partir d’un magma, ce qui permet de suggérer une origine différente, en l’occurrence une liaison plus directe avec le manteau lithosphérique réfractaire local lors de leur formation. Une origine métasomatique par interaction entre un liquide/fluide précurseur de la kimberlite et les péridotites du manteau lithosphérique est donc favorisée. L’ensemble des espèces minérales qui forme la suite de mégacristaux peut en effet trouver un équivalent compositionnel dans les lithologies métasomatisées de la lithosphère mantélique.

Les mégacristaux de grenat des deux provinces partagent des similarités frappantes qui sont interprétées en termes de processus de formation similaires. En revanche, ils ont systématiquement montré un comportement géochimique singulier, suggérant un processus de formation différent des autres mégacristaux. Ils semblent en effet avoir retenu l’héritage des compositions variables d’anciens protolites de grenat affectés récemment par un métasomatisme de type kimberlitique. Ces grenats résultent de la recristallisation de grenats initialement présents dans les péridotites cratoniques de la lithosphère archéenne. Par contre, les mégacristaux de clinopyroxène, zircon, baddeleyite, ilménite, rutile et les nodules d’intercroissances rutile-silicates se sont effectivement formés récemment par l’interaction métasomatique entre le liquide/fluide proto-kimberlitique et les péridotites cratoniques. Des variations locales du rapport (fluide et/ou liquide)/roche et de l’activité en SiO2 lors de la percolation du magma proto-kimberlitique asthénosphérique dans le manteau lithosphérique cratonique, couplées à la nature propre à la kimberlite de la région, permettent d’intégrer l’ensemble des mégacristaux dans un modèle pétrogénétique commun, avec des processus de formation parfois contrastés.

Doctorat en Sciences
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Alabama at Birmingham, 2009.
Additional advisors: Bruce McComiskey, Daniel Siegel, Erin Wright. Description based on contents viewed June 5, 2009; title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-96).

Les Ndengese occupent avec les Ikolombe, Isolu et Yaelima, la région qui est devenue le Territoire administratif de Dekese dans la cuvette centrale de la R.D.Congo. Cette thèse ne prétend être qu’une simple introduction à l’étude de la société ndengese. Elle est une perspective micro-politique inscrite dans la longue durée pour comprendre les institutions et les pratiques politiques, en intégrant les dimensions des idéologies et de la culture. Elle a été sensible à l’enchevêtrement des logiques sociales et aux « jeux d’échelles » pour analyser les phénomènes sociaux transversaux en y croisant situations, langages et époques différentes (précoloniale, coloniale et postcoloniale). Fondée sur des sources variées, elle a bénéficié des apports de plusieurs disciplines afin de cerner les différentes manifestations du politique. Anthropologie et histoire en constituent l’épine dorsale.

C’est essentiellement un mode de lecture du fait politique, les chefferies à travers les âges: conditions d’émergence et d’institutionnalisation, sources de légitimité, supports territoriaux et symboliques, fonctionnement réel, enjeux et conflits. L’analyse de tels processus a nécessité la prise en compte de la dispersion des idées politiques dans les institutions sociales et familiales, la religion, la littérature, l’art et l’économie. On n’a pas négligé pourtant, leurs liens à l’ordre social et les rapports avec les structures politico-administratives étatiques dans lesquelles les chefferies sont enchâssées. Cette dissertation a combiné deux grandes perspectives du pouvoir politique :symbolique et sociologique. Dans la perspective symbolique renouvelée, une des entrées principales a été celle de la « mise en scène » du pouvoir, dans des contextes variés, pour assurer sa légitimité. A été ainsi mis en exergue le concept de « traditions », renvoyant aux analyses de Hobsbawm et Ranger (1983). Cette perspective de l’ethnologie classique du pouvoir politique a été complétée par celle de la sociologie politique davantage tournée vers la « domination » au sens wébérien, les enjeux et relation de pouvoir, ainsi que l’étude des comportements des acteurs :stratégies et tactiques individuelles et collectives. On s’est intéressé aux dynamiques politiques locales produites à travers l’interaction entre les facteurs internes et externes, et aux modalités de réception, d’interprétation et d’appropriation afin d’y lire un peu de « sens ». En cela, cette thèse est « une anthropologie des mondes contemporains » (Augé 1994) avec un arrière-fond historique important. Elle a privilégié l’analyse des interactions aussi bien rituelles qu’administratives. Ces regards croisés du pouvoir politique local ont ainsi permis d’articuler ce qu’Olivier de Sardan (2005) appelle « ethnographie classique et socio-anthropologie des espaces publics en Afrique ».

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Magister Legum - LLM
This mini-thesis examines the issue of the implementation of the socio-economic rights provisions of the African Charter on Human and Peoples‘ Rights (ACHPR) at the national level, in a case study of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). These rights which comprise the right to property, the right to work, the right to health, the right to education and the protection of the family and cultural rights in Articles 14 to 18 of the ACHPR are provided for and guaranteed in the DRC Constitution of 18 February 2006 in Articles 34 to 48 and, accordingly, are legally enforceable under the Constitution. This study was motivated by the fact that despite the enforceability of these rights under the DRC Constitution, the real situation in the DRC remains worrying in that the economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR) of the ACHPR are violated from day to day by the government. The majority of Congolese live in poverty, disease and ignorance; they lack jobs, food and other basic necessities, such as, water and electricity, in spite of DRC‘s abundant natural resources (such as, oil and gas); minerals (such as cobalt, vanadium, manganese, phosphate, and bauxite); iron ore; and precious tropical rain forests. This situation is due to certain reasons, including: bad governance; mismanagement of public finances by political authorities at the expense of the majority; lack or weakness of the institutions or organs of implementation; and the ignorance of the Congolese people about their socio-economic rights even if they are massively violated by their government. Consequently, the marginalisation of socio-economic rights which results in their non-protection and non-realisation in DRC leads to a low expectation of the State and Government by the people, corruption, exclusion, racism, xenophobia, inequality, diseases, poverty, a feeling of betrayal of the people, a crisis of state and governmental legitimacy, popular insurrections and civil war in the country. To prevent the above consequences requires the DRC State to comply with Article 1 of the ACHPR which declares that the Member States of the Organization of African Unity that are parties to the ACHPR shall recognise the rights, duties and freedoms enshrined in it and shall undertake to adopt legislative or other measures to give effect to them. In addition, as the ACHPR complements human rights protection at the domestic level where the rights protected in the Charter should be realised, it is important for DRC to ensure that the ESCR of the ACHPR protected in its Constitution are given full legal effect under domestic law, such that the Charter‘s rights are made justiciable.

This study examines the construction of news texts on peace and the peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in Sunday Times articles dating from August 1998 to January 2001. Peace is an ideological frame that is applied to a complex process that Muller (2000) argues involves and employs a variety of dynamics: diplomacy, economics, force/military intervention and propaganda. As a consequence, different interest groups and nations define peace in different ways. But whatever the definition, the common objective is to restore normalcy via a ceasefire. Peace as a phenomenon has been heightened and sustained by repetitive media attention, thus effectively separating it from international politics (i.e. colonialism of the mind, economy and land), and firmly locating it as a matter of not just public concern, but of international public concern. Using the cultural studies approach to a study of media texts provides a rich foundation for this study. Textual analysis of the articles explores themes and participation and places emphasis on the display of patterns of belief and value that are encoded in the language. What results is a sustained examination of media texts within their socio-cultural and historical context. This study s findings challenge the claim that the media report peace objectively and on its own terms. In particular, the study denies that the Sunday Times objectively, fairly and truthfully reported the experience and process in the DRC between August 1998 and January 2001. Instead it finds that the newspaper constructed a particular understanding of peace, peace talks and the peace process, characterised by repetition, ritualisation and personalisation. Furthermore, this study proposes - and echoes the call for - an alternative news reporting model that will enhance audiences understandings of conflict and its resolution, thereby enhancing the quality of their life.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil
This study investigates how female migrants negotiate the tension that arises from being entrepreneurs, being mothers, and having families. It shows how entrepreneurship offers them self-emancipation but limits the time they spend raising their children and time they spend with their families, but puts them in a position to provide financially for themselves, their children, and families. The focus of the study is on Congolese female migrant and also females from few African countries. It is hypothesized that female migration and entrepreneurship negatively impacts the relationships of these females with their children and families. Data was obtained through a survey of fifty-three respondents who were conveniently selected. This took place in the Western Cape Province, taking Cape Town, Bellville, and Parow as the cities to be observed. The statistical package for social sciences was used to analyze data. The results showed that female entrepreneurship has a negative impact on their relationships with their children but to an extent improves their relationships with their families and/or partners.